Derrick E. White
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813037356
- eISBN:
- 9780813041605
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813037356.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue ...
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This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue the Black Freedom Struggle in the 1970s. Harding and colleagues founded the IBW in Atlanta, Georgia in 1969. Under Harding's leadership, it became an activist think tank that evaluated Black Studies for emerging programs, developed a Black political agenda for the 1970s with Black elected officials and grassroots activists, and mediated ideological conflicts among Black activists. Relying on the input from an array of activist-intellectuals, the IBW eschewed ideological rigidity, whether in the form of liberalism, Marxism, or Black Nationalism, for a synthetic and pragmatic analytic framework forged through debate and designed to generate the largest amount of political and activist support. It used its network of intellectuals and activists to emphasize structural racism and a racialized political economy, each of which was designed to foster broad consensus in the Black activist community on difficult issues in the 1970s.Less
This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue the Black Freedom Struggle in the 1970s. Harding and colleagues founded the IBW in Atlanta, Georgia in 1969. Under Harding's leadership, it became an activist think tank that evaluated Black Studies for emerging programs, developed a Black political agenda for the 1970s with Black elected officials and grassroots activists, and mediated ideological conflicts among Black activists. Relying on the input from an array of activist-intellectuals, the IBW eschewed ideological rigidity, whether in the form of liberalism, Marxism, or Black Nationalism, for a synthetic and pragmatic analytic framework forged through debate and designed to generate the largest amount of political and activist support. It used its network of intellectuals and activists to emphasize structural racism and a racialized political economy, each of which was designed to foster broad consensus in the Black activist community on difficult issues in the 1970s.
Elizabeth Todd-Breland
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469646589
- eISBN:
- 9781469647173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469646589.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter analyzes the racial politics of Mayor Harold Washington’s election, his education summit, and the supporters and critics of the 1988 Chicago School Reform Act. Harold Washington’s ...
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This chapter analyzes the racial politics of Mayor Harold Washington’s election, his education summit, and the supporters and critics of the 1988 Chicago School Reform Act. Harold Washington’s election as the first Black mayor of Chicago in 1983 was heralded by many as the ultimate attainment of Black Power and the success of the local Black Freedom Movement. His electoral victory was grounded in years of grassroots struggle by Black organizers fighting for integration, community control, and Black empowerment. While historians have largely considered the 1980s as a product of the political triumph of conservatism and the “Reagan revolution,” in Chicago a Black-led, urban, antimachine, progressive coalitional politics led to Washington’s electoral victory. The disparate programmatic and ideological camps detailed in previous chapters (desegregation activists, community control organizers, founders of independent Black institutions, Black educators) staked claims in Mayor Washington and his political organization. The politics of Washington’s education reform summits, however, exposed the fractures within this political coalition. The interracial and intraracial struggles over school reform in Chicago during the 1980s reveal the tensions between a politics of racial representation and a politics of progressive transformation and prefigure the increased privatization of public education in the decades that followed.Less
This chapter analyzes the racial politics of Mayor Harold Washington’s election, his education summit, and the supporters and critics of the 1988 Chicago School Reform Act. Harold Washington’s election as the first Black mayor of Chicago in 1983 was heralded by many as the ultimate attainment of Black Power and the success of the local Black Freedom Movement. His electoral victory was grounded in years of grassroots struggle by Black organizers fighting for integration, community control, and Black empowerment. While historians have largely considered the 1980s as a product of the political triumph of conservatism and the “Reagan revolution,” in Chicago a Black-led, urban, antimachine, progressive coalitional politics led to Washington’s electoral victory. The disparate programmatic and ideological camps detailed in previous chapters (desegregation activists, community control organizers, founders of independent Black institutions, Black educators) staked claims in Mayor Washington and his political organization. The politics of Washington’s education reform summits, however, exposed the fractures within this political coalition. The interracial and intraracial struggles over school reform in Chicago during the 1980s reveal the tensions between a politics of racial representation and a politics of progressive transformation and prefigure the increased privatization of public education in the decades that followed.
Elizabeth Todd-Breland
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469646589
- eISBN:
- 9781469647173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469646589.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The introduction outlines the focus, scope, and significance of the book, introducing the Black activists, educators, parents, and students who navigated, challenged, and contributed to the urban ...
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The introduction outlines the focus, scope, and significance of the book, introducing the Black activists, educators, parents, and students who navigated, challenged, and contributed to the urban political and educational landscape from mid-twentieth century civil rights struggles through the recent corporate reorganization of the public sphere. Black women’s political and intellectual labor powered movements for racial justice and is centered in this discussion of Black politics, social movements, and education reform. The introduction explains how the book presents a different account of Black politics and urban communities in the period after the 1960s by challenging interpretations of urban decline and “urban crisis.” It also explains the historical and contemporary importance of education as a site of struggle that reveals the boundaries of U.S. democracy and changes in the relationship between citizens and the state. The introduction outlines how historical considerations of racial liberalism, the Great Migration, the New Deal, labor, Black protest, machine politics, deindustrialization, the politics of Black achievement, desegregation, self-determination, equity, and education reform inform subsequent chapters.Less
The introduction outlines the focus, scope, and significance of the book, introducing the Black activists, educators, parents, and students who navigated, challenged, and contributed to the urban political and educational landscape from mid-twentieth century civil rights struggles through the recent corporate reorganization of the public sphere. Black women’s political and intellectual labor powered movements for racial justice and is centered in this discussion of Black politics, social movements, and education reform. The introduction explains how the book presents a different account of Black politics and urban communities in the period after the 1960s by challenging interpretations of urban decline and “urban crisis.” It also explains the historical and contemporary importance of education as a site of struggle that reveals the boundaries of U.S. democracy and changes in the relationship between citizens and the state. The introduction outlines how historical considerations of racial liberalism, the Great Migration, the New Deal, labor, Black protest, machine politics, deindustrialization, the politics of Black achievement, desegregation, self-determination, equity, and education reform inform subsequent chapters.
Elizabeth Todd-Breland
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469646589
- eISBN:
- 9781469647173
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469646589.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
In 2012, Chicago’s school year began with the city’s first teachers’ strike in a quarter century and ended with the largest mass closure of public schools in recent U.S. history. On one side, a union ...
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In 2012, Chicago’s school year began with the city’s first teachers’ strike in a quarter century and ended with the largest mass closure of public schools in recent U.S. history. On one side, a union leader and veteran Black woman educator drew upon organizing strategies from Black and Latinx communities to demand increased school resources. On the other side, the mayor, backed by the Obama administration, argued that only corporate-style education reform could set the struggling school system aright. The stark differences in positions resonated nationally, challenging the long-standing alliance between teachers’ unions and the Democratic Party. This book recovers the hidden history underlying this battle. It tells the story of Black education reformers’ community-based strategies to improve education beginning during the 1960s, as support for desegregation transformed into community control, experimental schooling models that pre-dated charter schools, and black teachers’ challenges to a newly assertive teachers’ union. This book reveals how these strategies collided with the corporate reorganization of the public sphere during the late twentieth century, laying bare ruptures and enduring tensions between the politics of Black achievement, urban inequality, and U.S. democracy.Less
In 2012, Chicago’s school year began with the city’s first teachers’ strike in a quarter century and ended with the largest mass closure of public schools in recent U.S. history. On one side, a union leader and veteran Black woman educator drew upon organizing strategies from Black and Latinx communities to demand increased school resources. On the other side, the mayor, backed by the Obama administration, argued that only corporate-style education reform could set the struggling school system aright. The stark differences in positions resonated nationally, challenging the long-standing alliance between teachers’ unions and the Democratic Party. This book recovers the hidden history underlying this battle. It tells the story of Black education reformers’ community-based strategies to improve education beginning during the 1960s, as support for desegregation transformed into community control, experimental schooling models that pre-dated charter schools, and black teachers’ challenges to a newly assertive teachers’ union. This book reveals how these strategies collided with the corporate reorganization of the public sphere during the late twentieth century, laying bare ruptures and enduring tensions between the politics of Black achievement, urban inequality, and U.S. democracy.
Kwame Dixon
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813062617
- eISBN:
- 9780813055985
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813062617.003.0008
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
Chapter seven offers a contextual view into the opaque world of Brazilian and Salvadorian politics. It analyzes the rise of Black electoral power in Brazil and Salvador from the 1980s to the present ...
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Chapter seven offers a contextual view into the opaque world of Brazilian and Salvadorian politics. It analyzes the rise of Black electoral power in Brazil and Salvador from the 1980s to the present and provides an in-depth examination of the rise of formal Black politics and the entry of Black political candidates into the local politics.Less
Chapter seven offers a contextual view into the opaque world of Brazilian and Salvadorian politics. It analyzes the rise of Black electoral power in Brazil and Salvador from the 1980s to the present and provides an in-depth examination of the rise of formal Black politics and the entry of Black political candidates into the local politics.
Sohail Daulatzai
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816675852
- eISBN:
- 9781452947600
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816675852.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter explores how the Muslim Third World influenced and informed Black radical politics and culture within the Muslim International. It examines how the anticolonial struggles in the Muslim ...
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This chapter explores how the Muslim Third World influenced and informed Black radical politics and culture within the Muslim International. It examines how the anticolonial struggles in the Muslim Third World of Algeria and Iraq in the 1950s and 1960s not only shaped ideas about tactics and strategy, solidarity and political possibility, but they also informed ideas about film, literature, and cultural criticism within the Black Power imagination. By examining the influence of Frantz Fanon on the Algerian War of Independence and on the novel The Battle of Algiers, and Sam Greenlee and his novel The Spook Who Sat by the Door, this chapter explores how the national liberation struggles in Algeria and Iraq became the literal and ideological backdrop for the redefinition of Black cultural practice, aesthetic developments, thematic concerns, and political orientations during the Black Power era.Less
This chapter explores how the Muslim Third World influenced and informed Black radical politics and culture within the Muslim International. It examines how the anticolonial struggles in the Muslim Third World of Algeria and Iraq in the 1950s and 1960s not only shaped ideas about tactics and strategy, solidarity and political possibility, but they also informed ideas about film, literature, and cultural criticism within the Black Power imagination. By examining the influence of Frantz Fanon on the Algerian War of Independence and on the novel The Battle of Algiers, and Sam Greenlee and his novel The Spook Who Sat by the Door, this chapter explores how the national liberation struggles in Algeria and Iraq became the literal and ideological backdrop for the redefinition of Black cultural practice, aesthetic developments, thematic concerns, and political orientations during the Black Power era.
Jeffrey Helgeson
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226130699
- eISBN:
- 9780226130729
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226130729.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter argues that the long tradition of neighborhood-based politics – and the race-conscious, pragmatic, liberal political culture black Chicagoans had created – had its best moment in the ...
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This chapter argues that the long tradition of neighborhood-based politics – and the race-conscious, pragmatic, liberal political culture black Chicagoans had created – had its best moment in the election of Harold Washington as the city’s first black mayor. His electoral insurgency bridged divides in black Chicago with appeals to shared racial interests in the overthrow of the white Democratic machine’s “plantation politics.” After the election, Washington pivoted from black nationalist politics to the politics of progressive reform, seeking to use interracial political alliances and government power to foster democratic political power and fair play and equal opportunity for individuals seeking housing and economic opportunity. In particular, the chapter highlights how people who appeared in previous chapters helped develop a hybrid political vision of “equity planning” that aimed to link economic development to bringing jobs, housing, recreational spaces, and municipal services to working-class communities.Less
This chapter argues that the long tradition of neighborhood-based politics – and the race-conscious, pragmatic, liberal political culture black Chicagoans had created – had its best moment in the election of Harold Washington as the city’s first black mayor. His electoral insurgency bridged divides in black Chicago with appeals to shared racial interests in the overthrow of the white Democratic machine’s “plantation politics.” After the election, Washington pivoted from black nationalist politics to the politics of progressive reform, seeking to use interracial political alliances and government power to foster democratic political power and fair play and equal opportunity for individuals seeking housing and economic opportunity. In particular, the chapter highlights how people who appeared in previous chapters helped develop a hybrid political vision of “equity planning” that aimed to link economic development to bringing jobs, housing, recreational spaces, and municipal services to working-class communities.
Candis Watts Smith
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479823543
- eISBN:
- 9781479811113
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479823543.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This introductory chapter discusses the ethnic diversity among Blacks. This diversity generates homogeneity in political attitudes and behaviors that are derived from a shared history and collective ...
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This introductory chapter discusses the ethnic diversity among Blacks. This diversity generates homogeneity in political attitudes and behaviors that are derived from a shared history and collective memory. For instance, despite of being minority, Black students in a university organize student groups around their ethnic identity—Duke Africa, Duke Ethiopian Student Association, Students of the Caribbean Association. Hence, the book argues that the boundaries of Black students and the contours of Black politics are (re)shaped by the increasing ethnic diversity among Black people in the United States. It addresses how African Americans and Black immigrants conceptualize who is Black.Less
This introductory chapter discusses the ethnic diversity among Blacks. This diversity generates homogeneity in political attitudes and behaviors that are derived from a shared history and collective memory. For instance, despite of being minority, Black students in a university organize student groups around their ethnic identity—Duke Africa, Duke Ethiopian Student Association, Students of the Caribbean Association. Hence, the book argues that the boundaries of Black students and the contours of Black politics are (re)shaped by the increasing ethnic diversity among Black people in the United States. It addresses how African Americans and Black immigrants conceptualize who is Black.
Candis Watts Smith
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479823543
- eISBN:
- 9781479811113
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479823543.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Historically, Black Americans have easily found common ground on political, social, and economic goals. Yet, there are signs of increasing variety of opinion among Blacks in the United States, due in ...
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Historically, Black Americans have easily found common ground on political, social, and economic goals. Yet, there are signs of increasing variety of opinion among Blacks in the United States, due in large part to the influx of Afro-Latino, Afro-Caribbean, and African immigrants to the United States. In fact, the very definition of “African American,” as well as who can self-identity as Black, is becoming more ambiguous. Should we expect African Americans' shared sense of group identity and high sense of group consciousness to endure as ethnic diversity among the population increases? This book addresses the effects of this dynamic demographic change on Black identity and Black politics. It explores the numerous ways in which the expanding and rapidly changing demographics of Black communities in the United States call into question the very foundations of political identity that has united African Americans for generations. African Americans' political attitudes and behaviors have evolved due to their historical experiences with American Politics and American racism. Will Black newcomers recognize the inconsistencies between the American creed and American reality in the same way as those who have been in the United States for several generations? If so, how might this recognition influence Black immigrants' political attitudes and behaviors? Will race be a site of coalition between Black immigrants and African Americans?Less
Historically, Black Americans have easily found common ground on political, social, and economic goals. Yet, there are signs of increasing variety of opinion among Blacks in the United States, due in large part to the influx of Afro-Latino, Afro-Caribbean, and African immigrants to the United States. In fact, the very definition of “African American,” as well as who can self-identity as Black, is becoming more ambiguous. Should we expect African Americans' shared sense of group identity and high sense of group consciousness to endure as ethnic diversity among the population increases? This book addresses the effects of this dynamic demographic change on Black identity and Black politics. It explores the numerous ways in which the expanding and rapidly changing demographics of Black communities in the United States call into question the very foundations of political identity that has united African Americans for generations. African Americans' political attitudes and behaviors have evolved due to their historical experiences with American Politics and American racism. Will Black newcomers recognize the inconsistencies between the American creed and American reality in the same way as those who have been in the United States for several generations? If so, how might this recognition influence Black immigrants' political attitudes and behaviors? Will race be a site of coalition between Black immigrants and African Americans?
David Goldberg
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469633626
- eISBN:
- 9781469633633
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469633626.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter charts the growth of the Vulcan Society in both numbers and stature during the postwar era. Led by Wesley Williams’ protégé, Robert Lowery, this second generation of Black firefighters ...
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This chapter charts the growth of the Vulcan Society in both numbers and stature during the postwar era. Led by Wesley Williams’ protégé, Robert Lowery, this second generation of Black firefighters rapidly expanded the organization’s size, civic engagement, public profile, and influence within the FDNY and Democratic politics by the early 1960s.Less
This chapter charts the growth of the Vulcan Society in both numbers and stature during the postwar era. Led by Wesley Williams’ protégé, Robert Lowery, this second generation of Black firefighters rapidly expanded the organization’s size, civic engagement, public profile, and influence within the FDNY and Democratic politics by the early 1960s.
Kennetta Hammond Perry
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- December 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780190240202
- eISBN:
- 9780190240226
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190240202.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
When Lord Kitchener proclaimed, “London is the place for me” as he exited the SS Empire Windrush, he did so at a critical juncture in the global and diasporic history of race politics in Britain and ...
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When Lord Kitchener proclaimed, “London is the place for me” as he exited the SS Empire Windrush, he did so at a critical juncture in the global and diasporic history of race politics in Britain and the African Diaspora. This introduction reimagines the landing of the Windrush as a historical guidepost linking the political experiences of people of African descent in the Empire and those within the confines of the imperial metropolis. The introduction outlines elements of the broader historical context shaping histories of Afro-Caribbean migration to Britain and the attendant questions about race, citizenship, and Black Britishness that these movements prompted during the postwar era. This book argues that Black Britons actively shaped debates about race and citizenship in Britain. Moreover, it situates postwar race politics in Britain within a larger transnational historiography about Black political activity and struggles for citizenship within the African Diaspora in the twentieth century.Less
When Lord Kitchener proclaimed, “London is the place for me” as he exited the SS Empire Windrush, he did so at a critical juncture in the global and diasporic history of race politics in Britain and the African Diaspora. This introduction reimagines the landing of the Windrush as a historical guidepost linking the political experiences of people of African descent in the Empire and those within the confines of the imperial metropolis. The introduction outlines elements of the broader historical context shaping histories of Afro-Caribbean migration to Britain and the attendant questions about race, citizenship, and Black Britishness that these movements prompted during the postwar era. This book argues that Black Britons actively shaped debates about race and citizenship in Britain. Moreover, it situates postwar race politics in Britain within a larger transnational historiography about Black political activity and struggles for citizenship within the African Diaspora in the twentieth century.
Kenneth Robert Janken
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469624839
- eISBN:
- 9781469624853
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469624839.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The conclusion brings the case of the Wilmington Ten from the overturning of their convictions into the twenty-first century when they received pardons of innocence in 2012. Returning to the reality ...
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The conclusion brings the case of the Wilmington Ten from the overturning of their convictions into the twenty-first century when they received pardons of innocence in 2012. Returning to the reality that the state of North Carolina ruined lives in order to forestall inevitable change and combat radicalism, the conclusion briefly examines what happened to the individual members of the Wilmington Ten. It also reappraises the movement to free them in light of recent scholarship on the trajectory of African American politics and black radicalism. Since this century began, North Carolina has pulsed with struggle over the types of issues that characterized the conflicts of the 1970s. Public schools have re-segregated, and state government’s support for quality education for all has been hijacked by a mania for charter, religious, and for-profit schools. Fighters for criminal justice reform have brought to light many other cases of wrongful conviction. Police misconduct, including instances of corrupt investigations, brutality and death under at best questionable circumstances, bubbles to the surface, as in Ferguson, Missouri and elsewhere. This and more has brought forth in North Carolina collective efforts to find solutions, including the broad-based Moral Monday movement, which has been emulated across the South.Less
The conclusion brings the case of the Wilmington Ten from the overturning of their convictions into the twenty-first century when they received pardons of innocence in 2012. Returning to the reality that the state of North Carolina ruined lives in order to forestall inevitable change and combat radicalism, the conclusion briefly examines what happened to the individual members of the Wilmington Ten. It also reappraises the movement to free them in light of recent scholarship on the trajectory of African American politics and black radicalism. Since this century began, North Carolina has pulsed with struggle over the types of issues that characterized the conflicts of the 1970s. Public schools have re-segregated, and state government’s support for quality education for all has been hijacked by a mania for charter, religious, and for-profit schools. Fighters for criminal justice reform have brought to light many other cases of wrongful conviction. Police misconduct, including instances of corrupt investigations, brutality and death under at best questionable circumstances, bubbles to the surface, as in Ferguson, Missouri and elsewhere. This and more has brought forth in North Carolina collective efforts to find solutions, including the broad-based Moral Monday movement, which has been emulated across the South.
Kennetta Hammond Perry
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- December 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780190240202
- eISBN:
- 9780190240226
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190240202.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter examines Black political mobilization in the wake of the murder of Kelso Cochrane in May 1959. It pays close attention to the activities of grassroots organizations such as the ...
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This chapter examines Black political mobilization in the wake of the murder of Kelso Cochrane in May 1959. It pays close attention to the activities of grassroots organizations such as the Inter-Racial Friendship Coordinating Council (IRFCC) and the Committee of African Organisations (CAO) as they lobbied the state for justice for Kelso Cochrane, adequate police protection for Black British citizens, and anti-discrimination legislation. This chapter examines the Black body-politics campaign that Black activists organized in an effort to generate a public mourning for Kelso Cochrane that could be leveraged to draw widespread attention to anti-Black violence and the second-class citizenship experienced by Black Britons. Kelso Cochrane’s death provided a critical moment of organizing that demonstrates how Black Britons articulated the meaning of citizenship and subsequently the ways in which race precluded them from enjoying its entitlements.Less
This chapter examines Black political mobilization in the wake of the murder of Kelso Cochrane in May 1959. It pays close attention to the activities of grassroots organizations such as the Inter-Racial Friendship Coordinating Council (IRFCC) and the Committee of African Organisations (CAO) as they lobbied the state for justice for Kelso Cochrane, adequate police protection for Black British citizens, and anti-discrimination legislation. This chapter examines the Black body-politics campaign that Black activists organized in an effort to generate a public mourning for Kelso Cochrane that could be leveraged to draw widespread attention to anti-Black violence and the second-class citizenship experienced by Black Britons. Kelso Cochrane’s death provided a critical moment of organizing that demonstrates how Black Britons articulated the meaning of citizenship and subsequently the ways in which race precluded them from enjoying its entitlements.
Charles L. Hughes
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469622439
- eISBN:
- 9781469623245
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469622439.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter explores the role of Memphis Sound as a both a symbol and an instrument of the Black Power Movement. It highlights Stax Records, who, under the leadership of Al Bell, amplified the ...
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This chapter explores the role of Memphis Sound as a both a symbol and an instrument of the Black Power Movement. It highlights Stax Records, who, under the leadership of Al Bell, amplified the musical “blackness” of its recordings. The studio used nationalist rhetoric in its advertisements and public statements, and allied with African American political organizations in order to force the issue of racial disparity. This unfortunately angered some of the label's white staff members and challenged Stax's image as a site of integration. However, the studio never abandoned the integrationist discourse of the Memphis Sound, nor did they stop using white musicians. The chapter mentions the Muscle Shoals Rhythm Section, an all-white band, whose career serves as an illustration of how the story of Stax records in these years reveals the multifaceted role of Black Power politics in soul music, the country-soul triangle, and the U.S. recording industry.Less
This chapter explores the role of Memphis Sound as a both a symbol and an instrument of the Black Power Movement. It highlights Stax Records, who, under the leadership of Al Bell, amplified the musical “blackness” of its recordings. The studio used nationalist rhetoric in its advertisements and public statements, and allied with African American political organizations in order to force the issue of racial disparity. This unfortunately angered some of the label's white staff members and challenged Stax's image as a site of integration. However, the studio never abandoned the integrationist discourse of the Memphis Sound, nor did they stop using white musicians. The chapter mentions the Muscle Shoals Rhythm Section, an all-white band, whose career serves as an illustration of how the story of Stax records in these years reveals the multifaceted role of Black Power politics in soul music, the country-soul triangle, and the U.S. recording industry.
Ariane Cruz
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781479809288
- eISBN:
- 9781479899425
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479809288.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
This chapter examines black women’s participation in BDSM and how these performances illustrate a complex and contradictory brokering of pain, pleasure, and power for the black female performer. I ...
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This chapter examines black women’s participation in BDSM and how these performances illustrate a complex and contradictory brokering of pain, pleasure, and power for the black female performer. I reveal BDSM as a critical site for reconsidering the entanglement of black female sexuality and violence. Within BDSM, violence becomes both a mode of pleasure and a vehicle for accessing and contesting power. The chapter begins with a brief section that frames black women practitioners of BDSM in the context of still very vigorous feminist debates surrounding sexuality, violence, and BDSM. Here, I stage the unique theoretical and practical challenges of the unspeakable pleasures aroused in racial submission and domination that BDSM presents to black women specifically. I examine race play as a particularly problematic yet powerful BDSM practice for black women, one that unveils the contradictory dynamics of racialized pleasure and power via the eroticization of racism and racial-sexual alterity. In particular, I argue that race play unsettles the dichotomies of transgression/compliance, subversion/reproduction, mind/body, and fantasy/reality that buttress BDSM. This chapter unveils performances of black female sexual domination and submission in BDSM as critical modes for and of black women’s pleasure, power, and agency.Less
This chapter examines black women’s participation in BDSM and how these performances illustrate a complex and contradictory brokering of pain, pleasure, and power for the black female performer. I reveal BDSM as a critical site for reconsidering the entanglement of black female sexuality and violence. Within BDSM, violence becomes both a mode of pleasure and a vehicle for accessing and contesting power. The chapter begins with a brief section that frames black women practitioners of BDSM in the context of still very vigorous feminist debates surrounding sexuality, violence, and BDSM. Here, I stage the unique theoretical and practical challenges of the unspeakable pleasures aroused in racial submission and domination that BDSM presents to black women specifically. I examine race play as a particularly problematic yet powerful BDSM practice for black women, one that unveils the contradictory dynamics of racialized pleasure and power via the eroticization of racism and racial-sexual alterity. In particular, I argue that race play unsettles the dichotomies of transgression/compliance, subversion/reproduction, mind/body, and fantasy/reality that buttress BDSM. This chapter unveils performances of black female sexual domination and submission in BDSM as critical modes for and of black women’s pleasure, power, and agency.
Kennetta Hammond Perry
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- December 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780190240202
- eISBN:
- 9780190240226
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190240202.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book rethinks the history of race politics in postwar Britain and offers a fresh perspective on the ways in which Black Britons made meaning of their status as citizens in the imperial ...
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This book rethinks the history of race politics in postwar Britain and offers a fresh perspective on the ways in which Black Britons made meaning of their status as citizens in the imperial metropolis. While the landing of the Windrush passengers at Tilbury Docks in June 1948 has long provided an opening scene for narrating the history of Afro-Caribbean migration to Britain and its impact on race relations following World War II, rather than taking this transatlantic voyage as a starting point for understanding race relations and the formation of postcolonial Black Britain, this book engages Lord Kitchener’s iconic performance of “London Is the Place for me” at Tilbury Docks as a bridge connecting imperial histories of claim making and Black citizenship in the Caribbean and postwar race politics in Britain. In the context of racially charged international developments, including decolonization, the end of Empire, the Cold War, and globalized movements for Black freedom during the 1950s and 1960s, Black Britons made claims about their rights as citizens that recalibrated debates about what it meant to be British. This study demonstrates how Afro-Caribbean migrants’ insistence on belonging as Black British citizens fundamentally shaped the trajectory of race politics in postwar Britain and in official political spheres and beyond. Tapping into a variety of sources with an eye toward highlighting the political expressions of a generation of Black newcomers as they settled and attempted to belong in the midst of racial violence, discrimination, and disenfranchisement, this book tells a story about how race and racism informed the quality of citizenship for Black Britons. Likewise, it draws attention to the strategies that Black Britons used to challenge the state to acknowledge and secure what they deemed to be their rights as citizens.Less
This book rethinks the history of race politics in postwar Britain and offers a fresh perspective on the ways in which Black Britons made meaning of their status as citizens in the imperial metropolis. While the landing of the Windrush passengers at Tilbury Docks in June 1948 has long provided an opening scene for narrating the history of Afro-Caribbean migration to Britain and its impact on race relations following World War II, rather than taking this transatlantic voyage as a starting point for understanding race relations and the formation of postcolonial Black Britain, this book engages Lord Kitchener’s iconic performance of “London Is the Place for me” at Tilbury Docks as a bridge connecting imperial histories of claim making and Black citizenship in the Caribbean and postwar race politics in Britain. In the context of racially charged international developments, including decolonization, the end of Empire, the Cold War, and globalized movements for Black freedom during the 1950s and 1960s, Black Britons made claims about their rights as citizens that recalibrated debates about what it meant to be British. This study demonstrates how Afro-Caribbean migrants’ insistence on belonging as Black British citizens fundamentally shaped the trajectory of race politics in postwar Britain and in official political spheres and beyond. Tapping into a variety of sources with an eye toward highlighting the political expressions of a generation of Black newcomers as they settled and attempted to belong in the midst of racial violence, discrimination, and disenfranchisement, this book tells a story about how race and racism informed the quality of citizenship for Black Britons. Likewise, it draws attention to the strategies that Black Britons used to challenge the state to acknowledge and secure what they deemed to be their rights as citizens.
Joyce M. Bell
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231162609
- eISBN:
- 9780231538015
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231162609.003.0005
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter outlines the mobilization process of black social workers within the National Federation of Settlements (NFS). This process resulted in the emergence of the Black Caucus of Settlement ...
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This chapter outlines the mobilization process of black social workers within the National Federation of Settlements (NFS). This process resulted in the emergence of the Black Caucus of Settlement Workers and its attempted transition from a black assembly to a multicultural campaign for representation—also known as the Techni-Culture Movement (TCM). Similar to the development of the National Association of Black Social Workers (NABSW), the TCM's growth takes place within the context of the expansion of Black Power politics. The chapter considers the demands, grievances, strategies, and outcomes of the TCM's activism. These social workers employed a voice strategy and maintained a commitment to gaining representation throughout their mobilization, which ended in the so-called “black takeover.” The chapter also tackles the emotional dynamics at work in conflicts within the organization.Less
This chapter outlines the mobilization process of black social workers within the National Federation of Settlements (NFS). This process resulted in the emergence of the Black Caucus of Settlement Workers and its attempted transition from a black assembly to a multicultural campaign for representation—also known as the Techni-Culture Movement (TCM). Similar to the development of the National Association of Black Social Workers (NABSW), the TCM's growth takes place within the context of the expansion of Black Power politics. The chapter considers the demands, grievances, strategies, and outcomes of the TCM's activism. These social workers employed a voice strategy and maintained a commitment to gaining representation throughout their mobilization, which ended in the so-called “black takeover.” The chapter also tackles the emotional dynamics at work in conflicts within the organization.
Kwame Dixon and John Burdick
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813037561
- eISBN:
- 9780813043098
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813037561.003.0011
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
A gendered analysis of Afro women's grassroots urban movements in Salvador, Brazil, that articulate racial and class-based claims.
A gendered analysis of Afro women's grassroots urban movements in Salvador, Brazil, that articulate racial and class-based claims.
Ashley D. Farmer
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469634371
- eISBN:
- 9781469634388
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469634371.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Complicating the common assumption that sexism relegated women to the margins of the movement, Remaking Black Power demonstrates how black women activists fought for more inclusive understandings of ...
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Complicating the common assumption that sexism relegated women to the margins of the movement, Remaking Black Power demonstrates how black women activists fought for more inclusive understandings of Black Power and social justice by developing new ideas about black womanhood. This book illustrates how the new tropes of womanhood that they created--the “Militant Black Domestic,” the “Revolutionary Black Woman,” and the “Third World Woman,” for instance--spurred debate among activists over the importance of women and gender to Black Power organizing, causing many of the era’s organizations and leaders to critique patriarchy and support gender equality. Using a vast array of black women’s artwork, political cartoons, manifestos, and political essays that they produced as members of groups such as the Black Panther Party and the Congress of African People, the book reveals how black women activists reimagined black womanhood, challenged sexism, and redefined the meaning of race, gender, and identity in American life.Less
Complicating the common assumption that sexism relegated women to the margins of the movement, Remaking Black Power demonstrates how black women activists fought for more inclusive understandings of Black Power and social justice by developing new ideas about black womanhood. This book illustrates how the new tropes of womanhood that they created--the “Militant Black Domestic,” the “Revolutionary Black Woman,” and the “Third World Woman,” for instance--spurred debate among activists over the importance of women and gender to Black Power organizing, causing many of the era’s organizations and leaders to critique patriarchy and support gender equality. Using a vast array of black women’s artwork, political cartoons, manifestos, and political essays that they produced as members of groups such as the Black Panther Party and the Congress of African People, the book reveals how black women activists reimagined black womanhood, challenged sexism, and redefined the meaning of race, gender, and identity in American life.
Kennetta Hammond Perry
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- December 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780190240202
- eISBN:
- 9780190240226
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190240202.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
With the passage of the Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1962, the right of migration to Britain guaranteed to all Commonwealth citizens was effectively revoked. The bill outwardly presented a ...
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With the passage of the Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1962, the right of migration to Britain guaranteed to all Commonwealth citizens was effectively revoked. The bill outwardly presented a race-neutral set of policy reforms that vetted potential newcomers from the Commonwealth on the basis of their employment prospects. However, historians have demonstrated that by design the bill aimed to restrict the flow of what was at the time a largely Afro-Caribbean Commonwealth migration. This chapter demonstrates how a chorus of dissenting voices, including Black British activists, publicly exposed the bill as a form of institutionalized racism specifically designed to disenfranchise Afro-Caribbean migrants. In protesting the bill’s passage, not only did dissenters highlight how the policy infringed upon the right of Commonwealth citizens to migrate to Britain, but they also drew attention to the ways in which certain provisions transformed resident Black citizens into immigrants subject to surveillance and deportation.Less
With the passage of the Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1962, the right of migration to Britain guaranteed to all Commonwealth citizens was effectively revoked. The bill outwardly presented a race-neutral set of policy reforms that vetted potential newcomers from the Commonwealth on the basis of their employment prospects. However, historians have demonstrated that by design the bill aimed to restrict the flow of what was at the time a largely Afro-Caribbean Commonwealth migration. This chapter demonstrates how a chorus of dissenting voices, including Black British activists, publicly exposed the bill as a form of institutionalized racism specifically designed to disenfranchise Afro-Caribbean migrants. In protesting the bill’s passage, not only did dissenters highlight how the policy infringed upon the right of Commonwealth citizens to migrate to Britain, but they also drew attention to the ways in which certain provisions transformed resident Black citizens into immigrants subject to surveillance and deportation.
