Keith P. Feldman
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780816694501
- eISBN:
- 9781452950846
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816694501.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Chapter Two tracks how Black Power organizers and activists performed solidarity with Palestine by drawing on the knowledge produced by the PRC. Black Power’s Palestine fashioned an anti-colonial ...
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Chapter Two tracks how Black Power organizers and activists performed solidarity with Palestine by drawing on the knowledge produced by the PRC. Black Power’s Palestine fashioned an anti-colonial imagined geography driven by race-conscious critiques of the incorporative modalities of U.S. imperialism.Less
Chapter Two tracks how Black Power organizers and activists performed solidarity with Palestine by drawing on the knowledge produced by the PRC. Black Power’s Palestine fashioned an anti-colonial imagined geography driven by race-conscious critiques of the incorporative modalities of U.S. imperialism.
Kenneth Robert Janken
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469624839
- eISBN:
- 9781469624853
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469624839.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The case of the Wilmington Ten is one of the most egregious instances of injustice and political repression from the post-World War II Black Freedom Struggle. In February 1971, racial tension ...
More
The case of the Wilmington Ten is one of the most egregious instances of injustice and political repression from the post-World War II Black Freedom Struggle. In February 1971, racial tension surrounding school desegregation in Wilmington, North Carolina culminated in four days of violence between white vigilantes and black residents. The turmoil resulted in two deaths, six injuries, more than $500,000 in damage, and the firebombing of a white-owned store, before the National Guard restored uneasy peace. Despite glaring irregularities in the subsequent trial, ten young persons were convicted of arson and conspiracy and then sentenced to a total of 282 years in prison. They became known internationally as the Wilmington Ten. A powerful movement arose within North Carolina and beyond to demand their freedom. Powered by the grassroots organizing of black nationalist organizations, it came to include adherents of other political ideologies, elected officials, foreign governments, and Amnesty International. After several witnesses admitted to perjury, in 1980, faced with both a mobilized domestic and international public outcry and overwhelming evidence of judicial and prosecutorial misconduct, a federal appellate court overturned the convictions. This book tells the dramatic story of the Ten, connecting their story to a larger arc of Black Power and the transformation of post-Civil Rights era political organizing. It thoroughly examines the 1971 events and the subsequent movement for justice that strongly influenced the wider African American freedom struggle.Less
The case of the Wilmington Ten is one of the most egregious instances of injustice and political repression from the post-World War II Black Freedom Struggle. In February 1971, racial tension surrounding school desegregation in Wilmington, North Carolina culminated in four days of violence between white vigilantes and black residents. The turmoil resulted in two deaths, six injuries, more than $500,000 in damage, and the firebombing of a white-owned store, before the National Guard restored uneasy peace. Despite glaring irregularities in the subsequent trial, ten young persons were convicted of arson and conspiracy and then sentenced to a total of 282 years in prison. They became known internationally as the Wilmington Ten. A powerful movement arose within North Carolina and beyond to demand their freedom. Powered by the grassroots organizing of black nationalist organizations, it came to include adherents of other political ideologies, elected officials, foreign governments, and Amnesty International. After several witnesses admitted to perjury, in 1980, faced with both a mobilized domestic and international public outcry and overwhelming evidence of judicial and prosecutorial misconduct, a federal appellate court overturned the convictions. This book tells the dramatic story of the Ten, connecting their story to a larger arc of Black Power and the transformation of post-Civil Rights era political organizing. It thoroughly examines the 1971 events and the subsequent movement for justice that strongly influenced the wider African American freedom struggle.
Simon Henderson
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813141541
- eISBN:
- 9780813142586
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813141541.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This book challenges the popular perception that sport has provided an arena in which African-Americans have been able to advance the aims of the civil rights struggle by excelling as athletes. ...
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This book challenges the popular perception that sport has provided an arena in which African-Americans have been able to advance the aims of the civil rights struggle by excelling as athletes. Instead, it is argued, the specific dynamics created by the intersection of sporting ideals and racial change in the late 1960s provided great difficulties for athletes who attempted to use their position to advance the black freedom struggle. The Black Athletic Revolt, most famously expressed by Tommie Smith and John Carlos at the 1968 Olympics, crossed the divide of the racial politics of the era. Their stand and that of many college athletes across the country drew on the traditions of both the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements. Nevertheless, sport never fully realised its potential to positively impact the civil rights struggle and the reaction against those who sought to speak out and protest represented a unique element of the white backlash. Using extensive oral histories and previously untapped archival material, Shades of Grey explores the myriad of difficulties facing black and white athletes who tried to use their position to engage with the black freedom struggle on the campus and international sporting stage.Less
This book challenges the popular perception that sport has provided an arena in which African-Americans have been able to advance the aims of the civil rights struggle by excelling as athletes. Instead, it is argued, the specific dynamics created by the intersection of sporting ideals and racial change in the late 1960s provided great difficulties for athletes who attempted to use their position to advance the black freedom struggle. The Black Athletic Revolt, most famously expressed by Tommie Smith and John Carlos at the 1968 Olympics, crossed the divide of the racial politics of the era. Their stand and that of many college athletes across the country drew on the traditions of both the Civil Rights and Black Power Movements. Nevertheless, sport never fully realised its potential to positively impact the civil rights struggle and the reaction against those who sought to speak out and protest represented a unique element of the white backlash. Using extensive oral histories and previously untapped archival material, Shades of Grey explores the myriad of difficulties facing black and white athletes who tried to use their position to engage with the black freedom struggle on the campus and international sporting stage.
Brandon K. Winford
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813178257
- eISBN:
- 9780813178264
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813178257.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Social Groups
This work combines black business and civil rights history to explain how economic concerns shaped the goals and objectives of the black freedom struggle. Brandon K. Winford examines the “black ...
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This work combines black business and civil rights history to explain how economic concerns shaped the goals and objectives of the black freedom struggle. Brandon K. Winford examines the “black business activism” of banker and civil rights lawyer John Hervey Wheeler (1908–1978). Born on the campus of Kittrell College in Vance County, North Carolina, he came of age in Jim Crow Atlanta, Georgia, where his father became an executive with the world-renowned North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company (NC Mutual). As president of Mechanics and Farmers Bank (M&F Bank), located on Durham’s “Black Wall Street,” Wheeler became the Tar Heel State’s most influential black power broker and among the top civil rights figures in the South.
Winford places Wheeler at the center of his narrative to understand how black business leaders tackled civil rights while continuously pointing to the economy’s larger significance for the success and advancement of the postwar New South. In this way, Wheeler articulated a bold vision of regional prosperity, grounded in full citizenship and economic power for black people. He reminded the white South that its future was inextricably linked to the plight of black southerners. He spent his entire career trying to fulfill these ideals through his institutional and organizational affiliations, as part and parcel of his civil rights agenda.
Winford draws on previously unexamined primary and secondary sources, including newspapers, business records, FBI reports, personal papers, financial statements, presidential files, legal documents, oral histories, and organizational and institutional records.Less
This work combines black business and civil rights history to explain how economic concerns shaped the goals and objectives of the black freedom struggle. Brandon K. Winford examines the “black business activism” of banker and civil rights lawyer John Hervey Wheeler (1908–1978). Born on the campus of Kittrell College in Vance County, North Carolina, he came of age in Jim Crow Atlanta, Georgia, where his father became an executive with the world-renowned North Carolina Mutual Life Insurance Company (NC Mutual). As president of Mechanics and Farmers Bank (M&F Bank), located on Durham’s “Black Wall Street,” Wheeler became the Tar Heel State’s most influential black power broker and among the top civil rights figures in the South.
Winford places Wheeler at the center of his narrative to understand how black business leaders tackled civil rights while continuously pointing to the economy’s larger significance for the success and advancement of the postwar New South. In this way, Wheeler articulated a bold vision of regional prosperity, grounded in full citizenship and economic power for black people. He reminded the white South that its future was inextricably linked to the plight of black southerners. He spent his entire career trying to fulfill these ideals through his institutional and organizational affiliations, as part and parcel of his civil rights agenda.
Winford draws on previously unexamined primary and secondary sources, including newspapers, business records, FBI reports, personal papers, financial statements, presidential files, legal documents, oral histories, and organizational and institutional records.
Keith P. Feldman
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780816694501
- eISBN:
- 9781452950846
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816694501.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Chapter Three interrogates how the suture between Zionism and American Jewishness was fashioned amid racial justice struggles of the late 1960s and early 1970s. A range of Jewish writers and ...
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Chapter Three interrogates how the suture between Zionism and American Jewishness was fashioned amid racial justice struggles of the late 1960s and early 1970s. A range of Jewish writers and activists connected their orientations towards Cold War liberalism both to the intensification of U.S. state violence and to the military supremacy and existential vulnerability of the Israel after 1967.Less
Chapter Three interrogates how the suture between Zionism and American Jewishness was fashioned amid racial justice struggles of the late 1960s and early 1970s. A range of Jewish writers and activists connected their orientations towards Cold War liberalism both to the intensification of U.S. state violence and to the military supremacy and existential vulnerability of the Israel after 1967.
J. Michael Butler
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469627472
- eISBN:
- 9781469627496
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469627472.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The 1960s civil rights movement has been properly memorialized as an era of tremendous social progress in America. Yet the integration of public accommodations and passage of federal laws started a ...
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The 1960s civil rights movement has been properly memorialized as an era of tremendous social progress in America. Yet the integration of public accommodations and passage of federal laws started a much longer process toward racial equality and justice that still persists. In Beyond Integration: The Black Freedom Struggle in Escambia County, Florida, 1960-2000, J. Michael Butler examines the accomplishments, contradictions, and limitations of the continuing black freedom struggle in one southern community. The racial unrest that surfaced during the 1970s regarding the use of Confederate imagery at Escambia High School and the persistent police brutality that resulted in the deaths of African American men demonstrates that the local movement did not end, but evolved to confront blatant reminders that blacks remained second class citizens in Northwest Florida. The power that white civic leaders possessed over issues that effected racial minorities beyond the 1960s—and the African American powerlessness to alter the status quo—culminated in the arrest and conviction of Reverend H. K. Matthews, the county’s foremost organizer, and revealed that economic, political, and educational discrepancies plagued local race relations into the twenty-first century. Beyond Integration offers a new perspective on the literature of the black freedom struggle and reveals how with each legal step taken toward racial equality, notions of black inferiority became more entrenched in Northwest Florida.Less
The 1960s civil rights movement has been properly memorialized as an era of tremendous social progress in America. Yet the integration of public accommodations and passage of federal laws started a much longer process toward racial equality and justice that still persists. In Beyond Integration: The Black Freedom Struggle in Escambia County, Florida, 1960-2000, J. Michael Butler examines the accomplishments, contradictions, and limitations of the continuing black freedom struggle in one southern community. The racial unrest that surfaced during the 1970s regarding the use of Confederate imagery at Escambia High School and the persistent police brutality that resulted in the deaths of African American men demonstrates that the local movement did not end, but evolved to confront blatant reminders that blacks remained second class citizens in Northwest Florida. The power that white civic leaders possessed over issues that effected racial minorities beyond the 1960s—and the African American powerlessness to alter the status quo—culminated in the arrest and conviction of Reverend H. K. Matthews, the county’s foremost organizer, and revealed that economic, political, and educational discrepancies plagued local race relations into the twenty-first century. Beyond Integration offers a new perspective on the literature of the black freedom struggle and reveals how with each legal step taken toward racial equality, notions of black inferiority became more entrenched in Northwest Florida.
Simon Henderson
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813141541
- eISBN:
- 9780813142586
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813141541.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
In this chapter the events at the Mexico City Games of 1968 are the main focus. Having failed to galvanise support for a black boycott of the event, activist athletes made their own individual ...
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In this chapter the events at the Mexico City Games of 1968 are the main focus. Having failed to galvanise support for a black boycott of the event, activist athletes made their own individual statements of protest. The iconic image of Smith and Carlos stretching their black gloved fists into the air on the winner’s podium, displays the complexity of the links between the black athletic revolt and the wider freedom struggle. This chapter explores the meaning of their stand and the reaction to it both at the time and in the years since. The outraged response of Avery Brundage and the sporting establishment is one example of a white backlash that damaged the ability of sport to advance the black freedom struggle.Less
In this chapter the events at the Mexico City Games of 1968 are the main focus. Having failed to galvanise support for a black boycott of the event, activist athletes made their own individual statements of protest. The iconic image of Smith and Carlos stretching their black gloved fists into the air on the winner’s podium, displays the complexity of the links between the black athletic revolt and the wider freedom struggle. This chapter explores the meaning of their stand and the reaction to it both at the time and in the years since. The outraged response of Avery Brundage and the sporting establishment is one example of a white backlash that damaged the ability of sport to advance the black freedom struggle.
Kenneth Robert Janken
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469624839
- eISBN:
- 9781469624853
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469624839.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter examines North Carolina’s and the federal government’s harassment and disruption of the Black Freedom Struggle in Wilmington culminating in the frame-up and trial of the Wilmington Ten. ...
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This chapter examines North Carolina’s and the federal government’s harassment and disruption of the Black Freedom Struggle in Wilmington culminating in the frame-up and trial of the Wilmington Ten. The particulars of the authorities’ harassment of Ben Chavis, such as ensnaring him in serial and baseless arrests and legal proceedings; the actions of the prosecution in soliciting perjured testimony and illegally excluding blacks from the jury; and the active assistance of the North Carolina judiciary in all aspects of the legal charade are discussed and placed in the context of COINTELPRO and the strategy of repression through the legal system. Despite the outstanding lawyering of Wilmington Ten attorney James Ferguson II, who exposed the lies under oath told by the main prosecution witness Allen Hall, the Wilmington Ten were convicted and sentenced to a total of 282 years in prison.Less
This chapter examines North Carolina’s and the federal government’s harassment and disruption of the Black Freedom Struggle in Wilmington culminating in the frame-up and trial of the Wilmington Ten. The particulars of the authorities’ harassment of Ben Chavis, such as ensnaring him in serial and baseless arrests and legal proceedings; the actions of the prosecution in soliciting perjured testimony and illegally excluding blacks from the jury; and the active assistance of the North Carolina judiciary in all aspects of the legal charade are discussed and placed in the context of COINTELPRO and the strategy of repression through the legal system. Despite the outstanding lawyering of Wilmington Ten attorney James Ferguson II, who exposed the lies under oath told by the main prosecution witness Allen Hall, the Wilmington Ten were convicted and sentenced to a total of 282 years in prison.
Nicholas Grant
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469635286
- eISBN:
- 9781469635293
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635286.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter provides an overview of racial politics in the United States and South Africa in the 1940s and 1950s. It traces how African Americans and black South Africans have historically ...
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This chapter provides an overview of racial politics in the United States and South Africa in the 1940s and 1950s. It traces how African Americans and black South Africans have historically configured their struggles as being interconnected, while documenting how anticommunism limited opportunities for transnational black activism between both countries during the early Cold War. Less
This chapter provides an overview of racial politics in the United States and South Africa in the 1940s and 1950s. It traces how African Americans and black South Africans have historically configured their struggles as being interconnected, while documenting how anticommunism limited opportunities for transnational black activism between both countries during the early Cold War.
Keona K. Ervin
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780813168838
- eISBN:
- 9780813173924
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813168838.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Gateway to Equality demonstrates that from the 1930s to the 1960s, a critical mass of black working-class women forged a most expansive social justice struggle for economic dignity in St. Louis. ...
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Gateway to Equality demonstrates that from the 1930s to the 1960s, a critical mass of black working-class women forged a most expansive social justice struggle for economic dignity in St. Louis. Women mobilized and resisted as they sought jobs, a living wage, decent working conditions, affordable housing, and economic projection. Their community-based economic politics drew public attention to their status as key members of the urban working class and disrupted mainstream conceptualizations such as “worker,” “the working class,” and “the labor movement.” With support from black middle-class women reformers, black working-class women summoned the broader public sphere to embrace concern and responsibility for black women’s survival Merging women’s rights, labor, and civil rights agendas, black working-class women forged struggles that challenged and disrupted political discourses and practices as they questioned the role of the state, the limits and possibilities of American citizenship and democracy, and the reach and uses of economic power.Less
Gateway to Equality demonstrates that from the 1930s to the 1960s, a critical mass of black working-class women forged a most expansive social justice struggle for economic dignity in St. Louis. Women mobilized and resisted as they sought jobs, a living wage, decent working conditions, affordable housing, and economic projection. Their community-based economic politics drew public attention to their status as key members of the urban working class and disrupted mainstream conceptualizations such as “worker,” “the working class,” and “the labor movement.” With support from black middle-class women reformers, black working-class women summoned the broader public sphere to embrace concern and responsibility for black women’s survival Merging women’s rights, labor, and civil rights agendas, black working-class women forged struggles that challenged and disrupted political discourses and practices as they questioned the role of the state, the limits and possibilities of American citizenship and democracy, and the reach and uses of economic power.
Kerry Pimblott
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780813168821
- eISBN:
- 9780813169019
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813168821.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Chapter One provides a broad historical overview of African American community formation in Cairo, illuminating how the region’s economic instability and distinct blend of northern and southern ...
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Chapter One provides a broad historical overview of African American community formation in Cairo, illuminating how the region’s economic instability and distinct blend of northern and southern racial practices combined to solidify the Black church’s emergence as the leading institution in local community-building and protest traditions. This chapter argues that the Black church’s preeminence was not inevitable. It was instead a creative and necessary response to broader patterns of Black political marginalization and an absence of alternative institutions due to the precarious economic position of Cairo’s Black working-class. The chapter also contends that the ability of Cairo’s Black churches to fill this organizational vacuum was made possible by the distinctive religious tradition harbored by African American communities across the borderland.Less
Chapter One provides a broad historical overview of African American community formation in Cairo, illuminating how the region’s economic instability and distinct blend of northern and southern racial practices combined to solidify the Black church’s emergence as the leading institution in local community-building and protest traditions. This chapter argues that the Black church’s preeminence was not inevitable. It was instead a creative and necessary response to broader patterns of Black political marginalization and an absence of alternative institutions due to the precarious economic position of Cairo’s Black working-class. The chapter also contends that the ability of Cairo’s Black churches to fill this organizational vacuum was made possible by the distinctive religious tradition harbored by African American communities across the borderland.
Anja Werner
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628461558
- eISBN:
- 9781626740839
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628461558.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
In “Convenient Partnerships? African American Civil Rights Leaders and the East German Dictatorship,” Anja Werner discusses another unlikely ideological alliance, this time between Civil Rights and ...
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In “Convenient Partnerships? African American Civil Rights Leaders and the East German Dictatorship,” Anja Werner discusses another unlikely ideological alliance, this time between Civil Rights and Black Power activists in the US on the one hand and East German political leaders on the other. Since the 1980s, there has been a vivid scholarly interest in the subject of Black Germany and connecting points between Civil Rights activism of African Americans and both West and East Germans. However since the anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, there has been renewed interest in African American activists interaction with the communist East German dictatorship. This paper traces W.E.B. Du Bois, Paul and Eslanda Robeson, Angela Davis, and Martin Luther King Jr. during visits in the communist German Democratic Republic (GDR) mainly between 1959 and 1981. It juxtaposes a close reading of the Black leaders’ motives with the goals and expectations of the East German dictatorship, revealing that both sides used the media attention that their contacts garnered to further their respective agendas. For African Americans—rather than allowing themselves to be used by the communist cause—it meant to draw international attention to the American race problem and thus to pressure the US government during the Cold War. For the East German communists, it was meant to boost their standing in the Western world at a time when the GDR was striving for international recognition beyond the Eastern Bloc. However, while the GDR dictatorship attempted to control African Americans’ perception among the East German population, they ultimately failed on account of the force of the Black freedom fight, revealing deeply rooted underlying racism, and thus, belying the claim that the communist bloc had been more successful in uprooting it.Less
In “Convenient Partnerships? African American Civil Rights Leaders and the East German Dictatorship,” Anja Werner discusses another unlikely ideological alliance, this time between Civil Rights and Black Power activists in the US on the one hand and East German political leaders on the other. Since the 1980s, there has been a vivid scholarly interest in the subject of Black Germany and connecting points between Civil Rights activism of African Americans and both West and East Germans. However since the anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, there has been renewed interest in African American activists interaction with the communist East German dictatorship. This paper traces W.E.B. Du Bois, Paul and Eslanda Robeson, Angela Davis, and Martin Luther King Jr. during visits in the communist German Democratic Republic (GDR) mainly between 1959 and 1981. It juxtaposes a close reading of the Black leaders’ motives with the goals and expectations of the East German dictatorship, revealing that both sides used the media attention that their contacts garnered to further their respective agendas. For African Americans—rather than allowing themselves to be used by the communist cause—it meant to draw international attention to the American race problem and thus to pressure the US government during the Cold War. For the East German communists, it was meant to boost their standing in the Western world at a time when the GDR was striving for international recognition beyond the Eastern Bloc. However, while the GDR dictatorship attempted to control African Americans’ perception among the East German population, they ultimately failed on account of the force of the Black freedom fight, revealing deeply rooted underlying racism, and thus, belying the claim that the communist bloc had been more successful in uprooting it.
Garrett Felber
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781469653822
- eISBN:
- 9781469653846
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653822.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Describes how Those Who Know Don’t Say uses the NOI as a vehicle to explore forgotten sites and forms of Black struggle that confronted the carceral state during the mid-twentieth century. ...
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Describes how Those Who Know Don’t Say uses the NOI as a vehicle to explore forgotten sites and forms of Black struggle that confronted the carceral state during the mid-twentieth century. Reconsidering the place and scope of the NOI within the history of the Black Freedom Struggle in this way expands the boundaries of Black liberation struggles by revealing a more dynamic freedom movement in which objectives and strategies were always contested and debated within communities themselves, changing who we see as political theorists and agents of change, and expanding our spatial lens to include prison yards and courtrooms as sites of activism.Less
Describes how Those Who Know Don’t Say uses the NOI as a vehicle to explore forgotten sites and forms of Black struggle that confronted the carceral state during the mid-twentieth century. Reconsidering the place and scope of the NOI within the history of the Black Freedom Struggle in this way expands the boundaries of Black liberation struggles by revealing a more dynamic freedom movement in which objectives and strategies were always contested and debated within communities themselves, changing who we see as political theorists and agents of change, and expanding our spatial lens to include prison yards and courtrooms as sites of activism.
Nicholas Grant
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469635286
- eISBN:
- 9781469635293
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635286.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This concluding chapter argues that African Americans were part of a broad and multifaceted effort to isolate South Africa in the global political arena. By repeatedly attempting to offer direct ...
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This concluding chapter argues that African Americans were part of a broad and multifaceted effort to isolate South Africa in the global political arena. By repeatedly attempting to offer direct support to African liberation movements and calling for America to renounce its political and economic ties with the National Party, their actions made life difficult for white politicians in ways that that would continue to inform the global anti-apartheid movement beyond the Sharpeville massacre of 1960. This argument is not meant to downplay the disruptive influence that anticommunism had on black protest. Rather, it is designed to shift the focus onto the ways in which black activists, with different political visions, responded to state power. Finally, given the broad response of African Americans to the anti-apartheid movement, this concluding chapter suggests that we might need to move towards a more expansive definition of black internationalism – one that accounts for the anticolonial political agenda and transnational solidarities forges by both African American leftists and liberals.Less
This concluding chapter argues that African Americans were part of a broad and multifaceted effort to isolate South Africa in the global political arena. By repeatedly attempting to offer direct support to African liberation movements and calling for America to renounce its political and economic ties with the National Party, their actions made life difficult for white politicians in ways that that would continue to inform the global anti-apartheid movement beyond the Sharpeville massacre of 1960. This argument is not meant to downplay the disruptive influence that anticommunism had on black protest. Rather, it is designed to shift the focus onto the ways in which black activists, with different political visions, responded to state power. Finally, given the broad response of African Americans to the anti-apartheid movement, this concluding chapter suggests that we might need to move towards a more expansive definition of black internationalism – one that accounts for the anticolonial political agenda and transnational solidarities forges by both African American leftists and liberals.
Keith P. Feldman
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780816694501
- eISBN:
- 9781452950846
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816694501.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
The Introduction outlines the book’s theoretical framework and historical scope. It introduces the concepts racial relationality, imperial culture, permanent war, and the politics of comparison, and ...
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The Introduction outlines the book’s theoretical framework and historical scope. It introduces the concepts racial relationality, imperial culture, permanent war, and the politics of comparison, and identifies the locus of the U.S., Israel, Palestine entanglement in a nascent neoliberalism.Less
The Introduction outlines the book’s theoretical framework and historical scope. It introduces the concepts racial relationality, imperial culture, permanent war, and the politics of comparison, and identifies the locus of the U.S., Israel, Palestine entanglement in a nascent neoliberalism.
Keith P. Feldman
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780816694501
- eISBN:
- 9781452950846
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816694501.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Chapter One situates this entanglement in competing post-Holocaust discourses of racial expertise and Cold War geopolitics. It provides a genealogy of the 1975 United Nations resolution 3379, ...
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Chapter One situates this entanglement in competing post-Holocaust discourses of racial expertise and Cold War geopolitics. It provides a genealogy of the 1975 United Nations resolution 3379, condemning Zionism as a form of racism. Key are the scholar-activists of the PLO’s Palestine Research Center (PRC) and U.S. state agents like Daniel Patrick Moynihan articulating Cold War American exceptions.Less
Chapter One situates this entanglement in competing post-Holocaust discourses of racial expertise and Cold War geopolitics. It provides a genealogy of the 1975 United Nations resolution 3379, condemning Zionism as a form of racism. Key are the scholar-activists of the PLO’s Palestine Research Center (PRC) and U.S. state agents like Daniel Patrick Moynihan articulating Cold War American exceptions.
Nicholas Grant
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469635286
- eISBN:
- 9781469635293
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635286.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
In this transnational account of black protest, Nicholas Grant examines how African Americans engaged with, supported, and were inspired by the South African anti-apartheid movement. Bringing black ...
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In this transnational account of black protest, Nicholas Grant examines how African Americans engaged with, supported, and were inspired by the South African anti-apartheid movement. Bringing black activism into conversation with the foreign policy of both the U.S. and South African governments, this study questions the dominant perception that U.S.-centered anticommunism decimated black international activism. Instead, by tracing the considerable amount of time, money, and effort the state invested into responding to black international criticism, Grant outlines the extent to which the U.S. and South African governments were forced to reshape and occasionally reconsider their racial policies in the Cold War world. This study shows how African Americans and black South Africans navigated transnationally organized state repression in ways that challenged white supremacy on both sides of the Atlantic. The political and cultural ties that they forged during the 1940s and 1950s are testament to the insistence of black activists in both countries that the struggle against apartheid and Jim Crow were intimately interconnected.Less
In this transnational account of black protest, Nicholas Grant examines how African Americans engaged with, supported, and were inspired by the South African anti-apartheid movement. Bringing black activism into conversation with the foreign policy of both the U.S. and South African governments, this study questions the dominant perception that U.S.-centered anticommunism decimated black international activism. Instead, by tracing the considerable amount of time, money, and effort the state invested into responding to black international criticism, Grant outlines the extent to which the U.S. and South African governments were forced to reshape and occasionally reconsider their racial policies in the Cold War world. This study shows how African Americans and black South Africans navigated transnationally organized state repression in ways that challenged white supremacy on both sides of the Atlantic. The political and cultural ties that they forged during the 1940s and 1950s are testament to the insistence of black activists in both countries that the struggle against apartheid and Jim Crow were intimately interconnected.
Simon Henderson
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813141541
- eISBN:
- 9780813142586
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813141541.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter uses specific case studies to explore the impact of the black athletic revolt on the campus in the lead up to the 1968 Olympics. Focussing mainly on events at Berkeley, Kansas and ...
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This chapter uses specific case studies to explore the impact of the black athletic revolt on the campus in the lead up to the 1968 Olympics. Focussing mainly on events at Berkeley, Kansas and Marquette, the difficulties facing athletes and athletics departments touched by the black athletic revolt are explained. Links are made between these examples and the wider narrative of student protest and racial politics. To varying degrees these case studies show the problems associated with using the sporting arena to try and advance the aims of the black freedom struggle.Less
This chapter uses specific case studies to explore the impact of the black athletic revolt on the campus in the lead up to the 1968 Olympics. Focussing mainly on events at Berkeley, Kansas and Marquette, the difficulties facing athletes and athletics departments touched by the black athletic revolt are explained. Links are made between these examples and the wider narrative of student protest and racial politics. To varying degrees these case studies show the problems associated with using the sporting arena to try and advance the aims of the black freedom struggle.
Simon Henderson
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813141541
- eISBN:
- 9780813142586
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813141541.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The conclusion of the book starts by linking the problems that athletes in the 1960s faced when trying to use their position as sportsmen to engage with the black freedom struggle and some of the ...
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The conclusion of the book starts by linking the problems that athletes in the 1960s faced when trying to use their position as sportsmen to engage with the black freedom struggle and some of the difficulties faced by modern student athletes. Parallels are drawn between restrictions on freedom of speech and the perceived role of athletes in relation to social activism. The way in which the New Right sought to minimise the achievements and scope of the Civil Rights Movement is connected to the backlash against the Black Athletic Revolt. Finally, there is a call to further explore the links between sport and the black freedom struggle in a critical and detailed way.Less
The conclusion of the book starts by linking the problems that athletes in the 1960s faced when trying to use their position as sportsmen to engage with the black freedom struggle and some of the difficulties faced by modern student athletes. Parallels are drawn between restrictions on freedom of speech and the perceived role of athletes in relation to social activism. The way in which the New Right sought to minimise the achievements and scope of the Civil Rights Movement is connected to the backlash against the Black Athletic Revolt. Finally, there is a call to further explore the links between sport and the black freedom struggle in a critical and detailed way.
Keith P. Feldman
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780816694501
- eISBN:
- 9781452950846
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816694501.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Chapter Four situates the emergence of Edward W. Said’s Orientalism within the growing knowledge production of a community of scholars of Arab descent. It illuminates a contrapuntal analytic ...
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Chapter Four situates the emergence of Edward W. Said’s Orientalism within the growing knowledge production of a community of scholars of Arab descent. It illuminates a contrapuntal analytic attentive to the incommensurable connections between U.S. settler conquest, the Holocaust, and the dispossession and dehumanization of Arab communities.Less
Chapter Four situates the emergence of Edward W. Said’s Orientalism within the growing knowledge production of a community of scholars of Arab descent. It illuminates a contrapuntal analytic attentive to the incommensurable connections between U.S. settler conquest, the Holocaust, and the dispossession and dehumanization of Arab communities.