Derrick E. White
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813037356
- eISBN:
- 9780813041605
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813037356.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue ...
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This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue the Black Freedom Struggle in the 1970s. Harding and colleagues founded the IBW in Atlanta, Georgia in 1969. Under Harding's leadership, it became an activist think tank that evaluated Black Studies for emerging programs, developed a Black political agenda for the 1970s with Black elected officials and grassroots activists, and mediated ideological conflicts among Black activists. Relying on the input from an array of activist-intellectuals, the IBW eschewed ideological rigidity, whether in the form of liberalism, Marxism, or Black Nationalism, for a synthetic and pragmatic analytic framework forged through debate and designed to generate the largest amount of political and activist support. It used its network of intellectuals and activists to emphasize structural racism and a racialized political economy, each of which was designed to foster broad consensus in the Black activist community on difficult issues in the 1970s.Less
This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue the Black Freedom Struggle in the 1970s. Harding and colleagues founded the IBW in Atlanta, Georgia in 1969. Under Harding's leadership, it became an activist think tank that evaluated Black Studies for emerging programs, developed a Black political agenda for the 1970s with Black elected officials and grassroots activists, and mediated ideological conflicts among Black activists. Relying on the input from an array of activist-intellectuals, the IBW eschewed ideological rigidity, whether in the form of liberalism, Marxism, or Black Nationalism, for a synthetic and pragmatic analytic framework forged through debate and designed to generate the largest amount of political and activist support. It used its network of intellectuals and activists to emphasize structural racism and a racialized political economy, each of which was designed to foster broad consensus in the Black activist community on difficult issues in the 1970s.
Ariane Cruz
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781479809288
- eISBN:
- 9781479899425
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479809288.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
This chapter examines black women’s participation in BDSM and how these performances illustrate a complex and contradictory brokering of pain, pleasure, and power for the black female performer. I ...
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This chapter examines black women’s participation in BDSM and how these performances illustrate a complex and contradictory brokering of pain, pleasure, and power for the black female performer. I reveal BDSM as a critical site for reconsidering the entanglement of black female sexuality and violence. Within BDSM, violence becomes both a mode of pleasure and a vehicle for accessing and contesting power. The chapter begins with a brief section that frames black women practitioners of BDSM in the context of still very vigorous feminist debates surrounding sexuality, violence, and BDSM. Here, I stage the unique theoretical and practical challenges of the unspeakable pleasures aroused in racial submission and domination that BDSM presents to black women specifically. I examine race play as a particularly problematic yet powerful BDSM practice for black women, one that unveils the contradictory dynamics of racialized pleasure and power via the eroticization of racism and racial-sexual alterity. In particular, I argue that race play unsettles the dichotomies of transgression/compliance, subversion/reproduction, mind/body, and fantasy/reality that buttress BDSM. This chapter unveils performances of black female sexual domination and submission in BDSM as critical modes for and of black women’s pleasure, power, and agency.Less
This chapter examines black women’s participation in BDSM and how these performances illustrate a complex and contradictory brokering of pain, pleasure, and power for the black female performer. I reveal BDSM as a critical site for reconsidering the entanglement of black female sexuality and violence. Within BDSM, violence becomes both a mode of pleasure and a vehicle for accessing and contesting power. The chapter begins with a brief section that frames black women practitioners of BDSM in the context of still very vigorous feminist debates surrounding sexuality, violence, and BDSM. Here, I stage the unique theoretical and practical challenges of the unspeakable pleasures aroused in racial submission and domination that BDSM presents to black women specifically. I examine race play as a particularly problematic yet powerful BDSM practice for black women, one that unveils the contradictory dynamics of racialized pleasure and power via the eroticization of racism and racial-sexual alterity. In particular, I argue that race play unsettles the dichotomies of transgression/compliance, subversion/reproduction, mind/body, and fantasy/reality that buttress BDSM. This chapter unveils performances of black female sexual domination and submission in BDSM as critical modes for and of black women’s pleasure, power, and agency.
Ashley D. Farmer
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469634371
- eISBN:
- 9781469634388
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469634371.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Complicating the common assumption that sexism relegated women to the margins of the movement, Remaking Black Power demonstrates how black women activists fought for more inclusive understandings of ...
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Complicating the common assumption that sexism relegated women to the margins of the movement, Remaking Black Power demonstrates how black women activists fought for more inclusive understandings of Black Power and social justice by developing new ideas about black womanhood. This book illustrates how the new tropes of womanhood that they created--the “Militant Black Domestic,” the “Revolutionary Black Woman,” and the “Third World Woman,” for instance--spurred debate among activists over the importance of women and gender to Black Power organizing, causing many of the era’s organizations and leaders to critique patriarchy and support gender equality. Using a vast array of black women’s artwork, political cartoons, manifestos, and political essays that they produced as members of groups such as the Black Panther Party and the Congress of African People, the book reveals how black women activists reimagined black womanhood, challenged sexism, and redefined the meaning of race, gender, and identity in American life.Less
Complicating the common assumption that sexism relegated women to the margins of the movement, Remaking Black Power demonstrates how black women activists fought for more inclusive understandings of Black Power and social justice by developing new ideas about black womanhood. This book illustrates how the new tropes of womanhood that they created--the “Militant Black Domestic,” the “Revolutionary Black Woman,” and the “Third World Woman,” for instance--spurred debate among activists over the importance of women and gender to Black Power organizing, causing many of the era’s organizations and leaders to critique patriarchy and support gender equality. Using a vast array of black women’s artwork, political cartoons, manifestos, and political essays that they produced as members of groups such as the Black Panther Party and the Congress of African People, the book reveals how black women activists reimagined black womanhood, challenged sexism, and redefined the meaning of race, gender, and identity in American life.
Lester K. Spence
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816669875
- eISBN:
- 9781452947068
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816669875.003.0005
- Subject:
- Music, Popular
This chapter tackles the issues of Black Power, urban politics, and representation, and their significance to hip-hop and black political practice. Preston, Henderson, and Puryear (1987), in their ...
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This chapter tackles the issues of Black Power, urban politics, and representation, and their significance to hip-hop and black political practice. Preston, Henderson, and Puryear (1987), in their book The New Black Politics, argue that the growing election of black mayors and representatives in cities across America would lead to new opportunities for black citizens to reorganize their communities. The chapter recounts Kwame Kilpatrick’s political career in explaining how a new type of black elected official is being called for, with some arguing that hip-hop will provide this new type of official. Kilpatrick was viewed as being able to combine Coleman Young’s stylistic black working-class affinities and Dennis Archer Sr.’s modern expertise; he became an example of black post-civil rights manhood.Less
This chapter tackles the issues of Black Power, urban politics, and representation, and their significance to hip-hop and black political practice. Preston, Henderson, and Puryear (1987), in their book The New Black Politics, argue that the growing election of black mayors and representatives in cities across America would lead to new opportunities for black citizens to reorganize their communities. The chapter recounts Kwame Kilpatrick’s political career in explaining how a new type of black elected official is being called for, with some arguing that hip-hop will provide this new type of official. Kilpatrick was viewed as being able to combine Coleman Young’s stylistic black working-class affinities and Dennis Archer Sr.’s modern expertise; he became an example of black post-civil rights manhood.
N. D. B. Connolly
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780226115146
- eISBN:
- 9780226135250
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226135250.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
In addition to wrapping up the central themes covered in this book, the conclusion details the fate of Miami’s Central Negro District, also known as Overtown, shortly after the building of ...
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In addition to wrapping up the central themes covered in this book, the conclusion details the fate of Miami’s Central Negro District, also known as Overtown, shortly after the building of Interstate-95 and mass black suburbanization. It contends that present day recollections of Overtown’s apparent demise remain linked to black frustrations about the failures of suburbanization to provide greater racial and economic equality.Less
In addition to wrapping up the central themes covered in this book, the conclusion details the fate of Miami’s Central Negro District, also known as Overtown, shortly after the building of Interstate-95 and mass black suburbanization. It contends that present day recollections of Overtown’s apparent demise remain linked to black frustrations about the failures of suburbanization to provide greater racial and economic equality.
Robert T. Chase
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781469653570
- eISBN:
- 9781469653594
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653570.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter narrates the moment when mass incarceration cast more and more African Americans into prison during the decade of the 1970s. As such, the chapter illustrates how the onset of mass ...
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This chapter narrates the moment when mass incarceration cast more and more African Americans into prison during the decade of the 1970s. As such, the chapter illustrates how the onset of mass incarceration swept onto southern prison plantations a younger generation who not only had witnessed 1960s era civil rights protest, but several of whom were active veterans of the Vietnam War, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the Black Panthers, and local Black Power groups. This chapter offers a reconceptualization of Black masculinity as African American men in both Texas and Louisiana’s Angola responded to the prison’s sexual violence with a communitarian-grounded defense of one another and the sanctity of their bodies. Chapter 6 offers the simultaneous narrative of African American politicians elected in the wake of the civil rights movement who sought prison reform, alongside radical black political organizing against the prison plantation. In response to growing fears that “Attica” might come South, Texas prison administrators doubled down on the southern trusty system and looked to “get tough” on civil rights agitation by bringing in new leadership with experience in quelling Black radicalism and civil rights suits.Less
This chapter narrates the moment when mass incarceration cast more and more African Americans into prison during the decade of the 1970s. As such, the chapter illustrates how the onset of mass incarceration swept onto southern prison plantations a younger generation who not only had witnessed 1960s era civil rights protest, but several of whom were active veterans of the Vietnam War, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the Black Panthers, and local Black Power groups. This chapter offers a reconceptualization of Black masculinity as African American men in both Texas and Louisiana’s Angola responded to the prison’s sexual violence with a communitarian-grounded defense of one another and the sanctity of their bodies. Chapter 6 offers the simultaneous narrative of African American politicians elected in the wake of the civil rights movement who sought prison reform, alongside radical black political organizing against the prison plantation. In response to growing fears that “Attica” might come South, Texas prison administrators doubled down on the southern trusty system and looked to “get tough” on civil rights agitation by bringing in new leadership with experience in quelling Black radicalism and civil rights suits.
John Arena
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816677467
- eISBN:
- 9781452948102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816677467.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
Chapter 3 continues a focus on political strategy by addressing how and why the St. Thomas residents and their advisors undertook a dramatic political reversal by forging a partnership with the ...
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Chapter 3 continues a focus on political strategy by addressing how and why the St. Thomas residents and their advisors undertook a dramatic political reversal by forging a partnership with the city’s most powerful real estate mogul to redevelop their community and surrounding area.Less
Chapter 3 continues a focus on political strategy by addressing how and why the St. Thomas residents and their advisors undertook a dramatic political reversal by forging a partnership with the city’s most powerful real estate mogul to redevelop their community and surrounding area.
John Arena
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816677467
- eISBN:
- 9781452948102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816677467.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
Chapter 4 analyzes how federal public housing policy was “neoliberalized” in the 1990s, the embrace of “reform” by New Orleans developers and public officials, and how federal initiatives were worked ...
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Chapter 4 analyzes how federal public housing policy was “neoliberalized” in the 1990s, the embrace of “reform” by New Orleans developers and public officials, and how federal initiatives were worked out at the neighborhood level.Less
Chapter 4 analyzes how federal public housing policy was “neoliberalized” in the 1990s, the embrace of “reform” by New Orleans developers and public officials, and how federal initiatives were worked out at the neighborhood level.
John Arena
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816677467
- eISBN:
- 9781452948102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816677467.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
Chapter 2 outlines the expansion, and intertwining, of tourism and gentrification in New Orleans. I then detail and evaluate the effectiveness, in the context of electing the city’s second black ...
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Chapter 2 outlines the expansion, and intertwining, of tourism and gentrification in New Orleans. I then detail and evaluate the effectiveness, in the context of electing the city’s second black mayor, of the insider and outsider political strategies St. Thomas residents and their advisors employed to protect their community from the increasing development pressures they faced.Less
Chapter 2 outlines the expansion, and intertwining, of tourism and gentrification in New Orleans. I then detail and evaluate the effectiveness, in the context of electing the city’s second black mayor, of the insider and outsider political strategies St. Thomas residents and their advisors employed to protect their community from the increasing development pressures they faced.
John Arena
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816677467
- eISBN:
- 9781452948102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816677467.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
In the conclusion I identify the lessons–the “silver lining”–that the human-made disasters of St. Thomas and Katrina can provide for reigniting a movement for racial and economic justice.
In the conclusion I identify the lessons–the “silver lining”–that the human-made disasters of St. Thomas and Katrina can provide for reigniting a movement for racial and economic justice.
John Arena
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816677467
- eISBN:
- 9781452948102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816677467.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
Chapter 1 provides a demographic profile of the St. Thomas and the collective efforts residents mounted to address their grievances.
Chapter 1 provides a demographic profile of the St. Thomas and the collective efforts residents mounted to address their grievances.
John Arena
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816677467
- eISBN:
- 9781452948102
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816677467.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
In the early 1980s the tenant leaders of New Orleans St. Thomas public housing development and their community activist allies were militant, uncompromising defenders of the city’s public housing ...
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In the early 1980s the tenant leaders of New Orleans St. Thomas public housing development and their community activist allies were militant, uncompromising defenders of the city’s public housing communities. They led sit-ins, spoke out at public hearings, and denounced attempts by developers to seize their homes and disperse their communities. Yet ten years later, the St. Thomas community leaders and their activist allies forged a partnership with the city’s most powerful real estate developer to privatize the development and create a new racially integrated, “mixed-income” community that would drastically reduce the number of affordable apartments. From protesting federal and local government initiatives to scale back public housing, tenant leaders and advisors were now cooperating with a planning effort to privatize and downsize their communities. Arena argues that the insertion of radical public housing leaders and their activist allies into a government and foundation-funded non-profit-complex is key to understanding this unexpected political transformation. The new political allegiances and financial benefits of the non-profit model moved these activists into a strategy of insider-negotiations that prioritized the profit-making agenda of real estate interests above the housing and other material needs of black public housing residents. White developers and the city’s black political elite embraced and cultivated this new found political “realism” because of the legitimation it provided for the regressive policies of poor people removal and massive downsizing of public housing.Less
In the early 1980s the tenant leaders of New Orleans St. Thomas public housing development and their community activist allies were militant, uncompromising defenders of the city’s public housing communities. They led sit-ins, spoke out at public hearings, and denounced attempts by developers to seize their homes and disperse their communities. Yet ten years later, the St. Thomas community leaders and their activist allies forged a partnership with the city’s most powerful real estate developer to privatize the development and create a new racially integrated, “mixed-income” community that would drastically reduce the number of affordable apartments. From protesting federal and local government initiatives to scale back public housing, tenant leaders and advisors were now cooperating with a planning effort to privatize and downsize their communities. Arena argues that the insertion of radical public housing leaders and their activist allies into a government and foundation-funded non-profit-complex is key to understanding this unexpected political transformation. The new political allegiances and financial benefits of the non-profit model moved these activists into a strategy of insider-negotiations that prioritized the profit-making agenda of real estate interests above the housing and other material needs of black public housing residents. White developers and the city’s black political elite embraced and cultivated this new found political “realism” because of the legitimation it provided for the regressive policies of poor people removal and massive downsizing of public housing.
John Arena
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816677467
- eISBN:
- 9781452948102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816677467.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
Chapter 5 chronicles the creation of the final redevelopment plan, the promises broken by developers, the mayor, and housing officials, internal divisions, and the final eviction of the residents. ...
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Chapter 5 chronicles the creation of the final redevelopment plan, the promises broken by developers, the mayor, and housing officials, internal divisions, and the final eviction of the residents. Why, I ask, did tenant leaders and community activists maintain their commitment to the privatization road map, despite the radical departure from earlier promises made to them?Less
Chapter 5 chronicles the creation of the final redevelopment plan, the promises broken by developers, the mayor, and housing officials, internal divisions, and the final eviction of the residents. Why, I ask, did tenant leaders and community activists maintain their commitment to the privatization road map, despite the radical departure from earlier promises made to them?
John Arena
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816677467
- eISBN:
- 9781452948102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816677467.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
Chapter 7 studies the role that nonprofits played in undermining the efforts of New Orleans public housing communities post-Katrina.
Chapter 7 studies the role that nonprofits played in undermining the efforts of New Orleans public housing communities post-Katrina.
John Arena
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816677467
- eISBN:
- 9781452948102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816677467.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
Chapter 6 looks at the struggle to defend New Orleans public housing communities, and the role that nonprofits played in undermining those efforts, post-Katrina.
Chapter 6 looks at the struggle to defend New Orleans public housing communities, and the role that nonprofits played in undermining those efforts, post-Katrina.
