Catharine Cookson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195129441
- eISBN:
- 9780199834105
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019512944X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Religious free exercise conflicts occur when religiously compelled behavior (whether action or inaction) appears to violate a law that contraindicates or even criminalizes such behavior. Fearful of ...
More
Religious free exercise conflicts occur when religiously compelled behavior (whether action or inaction) appears to violate a law that contraindicates or even criminalizes such behavior. Fearful of the anarchy of religious conscience, the U.S. Supreme Court opted instead for authoritarianism in this church and state matter: The state's need for civil order is conclusively presumed to be achieved by enforcing uniform obedience to generally applicable laws, and thus legislation must trump the human and constitutional right to religious freedom. Rejecting the Court's unthinking rigorism, the book more appropriately views a free exercise case as a conflict of principles or “goods”: the basic constitutional and human right to freedom of conscience and religious freedom versus the societal good furthered and protected by the legislation. The book recommends an alternative analytical free exercise process grounded within the common law tradition as well as social ethics: casuistry. Casuistical reasoning requires a careful analysis of the particulars and factual context of the case, and relies upon analogies and paradigmatic illustrations to get to the heart of the principles at issue. The book furthermore explores the panoply of theories, self‐understandings, typologies, contexts, and societal constructs at play in free exercise conflicts, and in the final chapters applies casuistry to two free exercise situations, spiritual healing methods applied to children, and ingestion of sacramental peyote in Native American Church rituals.Less
Religious free exercise conflicts occur when religiously compelled behavior (whether action or inaction) appears to violate a law that contraindicates or even criminalizes such behavior. Fearful of the anarchy of religious conscience, the U.S. Supreme Court opted instead for authoritarianism in this church and state matter: The state's need for civil order is conclusively presumed to be achieved by enforcing uniform obedience to generally applicable laws, and thus legislation must trump the human and constitutional right to religious freedom. Rejecting the Court's unthinking rigorism, the book more appropriately views a free exercise case as a conflict of principles or “goods”: the basic constitutional and human right to freedom of conscience and religious freedom versus the societal good furthered and protected by the legislation. The book recommends an alternative analytical free exercise process grounded within the common law tradition as well as social ethics: casuistry. Casuistical reasoning requires a careful analysis of the particulars and factual context of the case, and relies upon analogies and paradigmatic illustrations to get to the heart of the principles at issue. The book furthermore explores the panoply of theories, self‐understandings, typologies, contexts, and societal constructs at play in free exercise conflicts, and in the final chapters applies casuistry to two free exercise situations, spiritual healing methods applied to children, and ingestion of sacramental peyote in Native American Church rituals.
Archie Brown
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780192880529
- eISBN:
- 9780191598876
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0192880527.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This is an analysis of how fundamental change came about in the Soviet Union and of the part played by political leadership. In its most general aspect, it is a contribution to the literature on ...
More
This is an analysis of how fundamental change came about in the Soviet Union and of the part played by political leadership. In its most general aspect, it is a contribution to the literature on democratization and transitions from authoritarian rule. More specifically, it examines the evolution of Mikhail Gorbachev as a reformist politician and his major role in the political transformation of the Soviet Union and in ending the Cold War. The failures as well as the successes of perestroika are examined – economic reform that left the system in limbo and the break‐up of the Soviet state that Gorbachev had attempted to hold together on the basis of a new and voluntary federation or looser confederation. The institutional power of the General Secretary was such that only a reformer in that office could undertake peaceful systemic change in such a long‐established, post‐totalitarian authoritarian regime as the USSR, with its sophisticated instruments of control and coercion. In embracing the pluralization of the Soviet political system and thereby removing the monopoly of power of the Communist Party, Gorbachev undermined his own power base. His embrace of new ideas, amounting to a conceptual revolution, combined with his power of appointment, made possible, however, what Gorbachev himself described as revolutionary change by evolutionary means. Mikhail Gorbachev's lasting merit lies in the fact that he presided over, and facilitated, the introduction of freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of association, religious freedom, and freedom of movement, and left Russia a freer country than it had been in its long history.Less
This is an analysis of how fundamental change came about in the Soviet Union and of the part played by political leadership. In its most general aspect, it is a contribution to the literature on democratization and transitions from authoritarian rule. More specifically, it examines the evolution of Mikhail Gorbachev as a reformist politician and his major role in the political transformation of the Soviet Union and in ending the Cold War. The failures as well as the successes of perestroika are examined – economic reform that left the system in limbo and the break‐up of the Soviet state that Gorbachev had attempted to hold together on the basis of a new and voluntary federation or looser confederation. The institutional power of the General Secretary was such that only a reformer in that office could undertake peaceful systemic change in such a long‐established, post‐totalitarian authoritarian regime as the USSR, with its sophisticated instruments of control and coercion. In embracing the pluralization of the Soviet political system and thereby removing the monopoly of power of the Communist Party, Gorbachev undermined his own power base. His embrace of new ideas, amounting to a conceptual revolution, combined with his power of appointment, made possible, however, what Gorbachev himself described as revolutionary change by evolutionary means. Mikhail Gorbachev's lasting merit lies in the fact that he presided over, and facilitated, the introduction of freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of association, religious freedom, and freedom of movement, and left Russia a freer country than it had been in its long history.
Jon Schubert
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501713699
- eISBN:
- 9781501709692
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501713699.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
Offering the first long-term ethnographic study of Angola since the end of its decades-long internal conflict, this book offers an empirically and analytically innovative perspective that balances ...
More
Offering the first long-term ethnographic study of Angola since the end of its decades-long internal conflict, this book offers an empirically and analytically innovative perspective that balances the ‘Africa rising’ narrative pervading mainstream media reports of post-war Angola, and complicates the clientelist account of Angolan politics that predominates in academic literature. It does so by privileging an ethnographic approach rooted in urban life to capture the radical social and spatial dynamics of everyday life in its capital, Luanda. By working through the emic notion of the system (o sistema), this study pays attention to both the material practices and the symbolic repertoires mobilized in the co-production of the political. Examining the functioning of the system through the eyes of its users, the book therefore builds upon, and extends anthropology’s critique of dominance as something produced by a group of select individuals, and investigates instead what it means and how it feels to live in and be part of such a polity. Less
Offering the first long-term ethnographic study of Angola since the end of its decades-long internal conflict, this book offers an empirically and analytically innovative perspective that balances the ‘Africa rising’ narrative pervading mainstream media reports of post-war Angola, and complicates the clientelist account of Angolan politics that predominates in academic literature. It does so by privileging an ethnographic approach rooted in urban life to capture the radical social and spatial dynamics of everyday life in its capital, Luanda. By working through the emic notion of the system (o sistema), this study pays attention to both the material practices and the symbolic repertoires mobilized in the co-production of the political. Examining the functioning of the system through the eyes of its users, the book therefore builds upon, and extends anthropology’s critique of dominance as something produced by a group of select individuals, and investigates instead what it means and how it feels to live in and be part of such a polity.
Alvin Y. So and Stephen Wing-kai Chiu
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789888083497
- eISBN:
- 9789882209107
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888083497.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Using theoretical framework expounded by Evans in Chapter 1, this chapter examines how a classic developmental state – South Korea – has, in the wake of the 1997-8 Asian financial crisis, transformed ...
More
Using theoretical framework expounded by Evans in Chapter 1, this chapter examines how a classic developmental state – South Korea – has, in the wake of the 1997-8 Asian financial crisis, transformed itself from an ailing crony state into a participatory democracy through simultaneously reinvigorating civil society, restoring markets, and strengthening the role of the state. These processes have further empowered the chaebols (large diversified family-owned conglomerates), while democratization has weakened the foundations of a developmental state based on authoritarianism and repression of civil society. This case study provides a helpful comparative model for Hong Kong.Less
Using theoretical framework expounded by Evans in Chapter 1, this chapter examines how a classic developmental state – South Korea – has, in the wake of the 1997-8 Asian financial crisis, transformed itself from an ailing crony state into a participatory democracy through simultaneously reinvigorating civil society, restoring markets, and strengthening the role of the state. These processes have further empowered the chaebols (large diversified family-owned conglomerates), while democratization has weakened the foundations of a developmental state based on authoritarianism and repression of civil society. This case study provides a helpful comparative model for Hong Kong.
Stephen Noakes
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781526119476
- eISBN:
- 9781526132413
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526119476.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
What does China’s rise mean for transnational civil society? What happens when global activist networks engage a powerful and norm-resistant new hegemon? This book combines detailed ethnographic ...
More
What does China’s rise mean for transnational civil society? What happens when global activist networks engage a powerful and norm-resistant new hegemon? This book combines detailed ethnographic research with cross-case comparisons to identify key factors underpinning variation in the results and processes of advocacy on a range of issues affecting both China and the world, including global warming, intellectual property rights, HIV/AIDS treatment, the use of capital punishment, suppression of the Falun Gong religious movement, and Tibetan independence. Built on an innovative blend of comparative and international theory, it advances a theory of “advocacy drift”—a process whereby the objectives and principled beliefs of activists are transformed through interaction with the Chinese state. The book is a timely reassessment of transnational civil society in the era of an ascendant China, and is essential reading for scholars and practitioners of civil society organizations.Less
What does China’s rise mean for transnational civil society? What happens when global activist networks engage a powerful and norm-resistant new hegemon? This book combines detailed ethnographic research with cross-case comparisons to identify key factors underpinning variation in the results and processes of advocacy on a range of issues affecting both China and the world, including global warming, intellectual property rights, HIV/AIDS treatment, the use of capital punishment, suppression of the Falun Gong religious movement, and Tibetan independence. Built on an innovative blend of comparative and international theory, it advances a theory of “advocacy drift”—a process whereby the objectives and principled beliefs of activists are transformed through interaction with the Chinese state. The book is a timely reassessment of transnational civil society in the era of an ascendant China, and is essential reading for scholars and practitioners of civil society organizations.
Deborah L. Wheeler
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474422550
- eISBN:
- 9781474435048
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474422550.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This book argues that Internet diffusion and use in the Middle East enables meaningful micro-changes in citizens’ lives, even in states where no Arab Spring revolution occurred. Using ethnographic ...
More
This book argues that Internet diffusion and use in the Middle East enables meaningful micro-changes in citizens’ lives, even in states where no Arab Spring revolution occurred. Using ethnographic evidence, and conversations with Internet users in the Middle East, collected between 1996 and 2014 in Kuwait, Jordan, and Egypt, and a handful of short term research trips to other Arab states, including Tunisia (2000), Morocco (1997), UAE (1997; 2010-13), Oman (2004), Qatar (2011-2013), and Saudi Arabia (2012-13), this manuscript presents a grass roots look at how new media use fits into the practice of everyday life. It explores why citizens leverage social media to digitally route around state and other forms of power at work in their lives. As state capacity for buying public loyalty wanes throughout the Middle East, any increase in citizen civic engagement, supported by new media use, offers the possibility of a new order of things, from redefining patriarchal power relations at home, to reconfigurations of citizens’ relationships with the state, broadly defined. For reasons explored throughout this manuscript, new media channels offer pathways to empowerment widely and cheaply in the Middle East.Less
This book argues that Internet diffusion and use in the Middle East enables meaningful micro-changes in citizens’ lives, even in states where no Arab Spring revolution occurred. Using ethnographic evidence, and conversations with Internet users in the Middle East, collected between 1996 and 2014 in Kuwait, Jordan, and Egypt, and a handful of short term research trips to other Arab states, including Tunisia (2000), Morocco (1997), UAE (1997; 2010-13), Oman (2004), Qatar (2011-2013), and Saudi Arabia (2012-13), this manuscript presents a grass roots look at how new media use fits into the practice of everyday life. It explores why citizens leverage social media to digitally route around state and other forms of power at work in their lives. As state capacity for buying public loyalty wanes throughout the Middle East, any increase in citizen civic engagement, supported by new media use, offers the possibility of a new order of things, from redefining patriarchal power relations at home, to reconfigurations of citizens’ relationships with the state, broadly defined. For reasons explored throughout this manuscript, new media channels offer pathways to empowerment widely and cheaply in the Middle East.
Gladys I. McCormick
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469628943
- eISBN:
- 9781469627762
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469628943.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
Under the helm of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Mexico witnessed one-party rule for almost eight decades, making it one of the most successful cases of authoritarianism in ...
More
Under the helm of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Mexico witnessed one-party rule for almost eight decades, making it one of the most successful cases of authoritarianism in twentieth-century Latin America. Rather than an urban-centered process, the book shows that the foundations of this system were linked to the containment and repression of rural peoples, many of who went on to support the PRI. To understand this support, the book tracks three peasant brothers, Rubén, Porfirio, and Antonio Jaramillo, affiliated with large-scale sugar cooperatives in the south-central region of Morelos and Puebla. Taking stock of how the brothers, two of whom were assassinated, negotiated the incursion of authoritarianism shows that accommodation was the most common response in the countryside. More than complicity, this accommodation was a product of ambivalent acceptance and continual violence. Using sources such as oral histories and secret police files, the book argues that the state was more violent than previously assumed and honed strategies of control in rural areas that it later employed in urban centers. This view unlocks the puzzle of the PRI-led state’s popular support, explaining how it remained in power until the year 2000 and why it regained the presidency in 2012.Less
Under the helm of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Mexico witnessed one-party rule for almost eight decades, making it one of the most successful cases of authoritarianism in twentieth-century Latin America. Rather than an urban-centered process, the book shows that the foundations of this system were linked to the containment and repression of rural peoples, many of who went on to support the PRI. To understand this support, the book tracks three peasant brothers, Rubén, Porfirio, and Antonio Jaramillo, affiliated with large-scale sugar cooperatives in the south-central region of Morelos and Puebla. Taking stock of how the brothers, two of whom were assassinated, negotiated the incursion of authoritarianism shows that accommodation was the most common response in the countryside. More than complicity, this accommodation was a product of ambivalent acceptance and continual violence. Using sources such as oral histories and secret police files, the book argues that the state was more violent than previously assumed and honed strategies of control in rural areas that it later employed in urban centers. This view unlocks the puzzle of the PRI-led state’s popular support, explaining how it remained in power until the year 2000 and why it regained the presidency in 2012.
Susanne M. Klausen
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199844494
- eISBN:
- 9780190258122
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199844494.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This is the first book to focus on the history of abortion in an African context. It traces the criminalization of abortion in South Africa during the apartheid era (1948–1990), the emergence of a ...
More
This is the first book to focus on the history of abortion in an African context. It traces the criminalization of abortion in South Africa during the apartheid era (1948–1990), the emergence of a flourishing clandestine abortion industry, and the controversial passage in 1975 of the country’s first statutory law on abortion. The study examines the politics of gender, sexuality, racism, and nationalism in the making and maintenance of apartheid culture, in particular regarding the authoritarian National Party government’s attempt to regulate white women’s reproductive sexuality in the interests of maintaining white supremacy. A major focus of the book is the battle about abortion that erupted in the late 1960s when doctors and feminists called for liberalization of colonial-era abortion laws. A central argument is that all women, regardless of race, were oppressed under apartheid. Although the National Party was preoccupied with denying young white women their reproductive rights, black women bore the brunt of the lack of access to safe abortion, suffering the effects of clandestine abortion on a shocking scale in urban centers around the country. At the heart of the story are the black and white girls and women who, regardless of hostility from a range of official and traditional authorities, persisted in determining their own destinies. Although a great many were harmed and even died as a result of being denied safe abortion, many more succeeded in thwarting opponents of women’s right to control their capacity to bear children. This book hopes to convey both the tragic and triumphant sides of their story.Less
This is the first book to focus on the history of abortion in an African context. It traces the criminalization of abortion in South Africa during the apartheid era (1948–1990), the emergence of a flourishing clandestine abortion industry, and the controversial passage in 1975 of the country’s first statutory law on abortion. The study examines the politics of gender, sexuality, racism, and nationalism in the making and maintenance of apartheid culture, in particular regarding the authoritarian National Party government’s attempt to regulate white women’s reproductive sexuality in the interests of maintaining white supremacy. A major focus of the book is the battle about abortion that erupted in the late 1960s when doctors and feminists called for liberalization of colonial-era abortion laws. A central argument is that all women, regardless of race, were oppressed under apartheid. Although the National Party was preoccupied with denying young white women their reproductive rights, black women bore the brunt of the lack of access to safe abortion, suffering the effects of clandestine abortion on a shocking scale in urban centers around the country. At the heart of the story are the black and white girls and women who, regardless of hostility from a range of official and traditional authorities, persisted in determining their own destinies. Although a great many were harmed and even died as a result of being denied safe abortion, many more succeeded in thwarting opponents of women’s right to control their capacity to bear children. This book hopes to convey both the tragic and triumphant sides of their story.
Mohamed Zayani and Suzi Mirgani (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190491550
- eISBN:
- 9780190638597
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190491550.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
Bullets and Bulletins takes a sobering and holistic look at the intersections between media and politics before, during, and in the wake of the Arab uprisings. It is a multi-disciplinary approach to ...
More
Bullets and Bulletins takes a sobering and holistic look at the intersections between media and politics before, during, and in the wake of the Arab uprisings. It is a multi-disciplinary approach to the topic, with the research backed up by in-depth and rigorous case studies of the key countries of the Arab uprisings. The protests were accompanied by profound changes in the roles of traditional and new media across the Middle East. What added significantly to the amplification of demands and grievances in the public spheres, streets and squares, was the dovetailing of an increasingly indignant population—ignited by the prospects of economic and political marginalisation—with high rates of media literacy, digital connectivity, and social media prowess. This combination of political activism and mediated communication turned popular street protests into battles over information, where authorities and activists wrestled with each other over media messages. Information and communication technologies were used by both government authorities and protestors as simultaneous tools for silencing or amplifying dissent. Bullets and Bulletins offers original insights and analysis into the role of traditional and new media in what is undoubtedly a most critical period in contemporary Middle Eastern history.Less
Bullets and Bulletins takes a sobering and holistic look at the intersections between media and politics before, during, and in the wake of the Arab uprisings. It is a multi-disciplinary approach to the topic, with the research backed up by in-depth and rigorous case studies of the key countries of the Arab uprisings. The protests were accompanied by profound changes in the roles of traditional and new media across the Middle East. What added significantly to the amplification of demands and grievances in the public spheres, streets and squares, was the dovetailing of an increasingly indignant population—ignited by the prospects of economic and political marginalisation—with high rates of media literacy, digital connectivity, and social media prowess. This combination of political activism and mediated communication turned popular street protests into battles over information, where authorities and activists wrestled with each other over media messages. Information and communication technologies were used by both government authorities and protestors as simultaneous tools for silencing or amplifying dissent. Bullets and Bulletins offers original insights and analysis into the role of traditional and new media in what is undoubtedly a most critical period in contemporary Middle Eastern history.
Stéphane Lacroix and Jean-Pierre Filiu (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190876081
- eISBN:
- 9780190943097
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190876081.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
Since 2013, the Middle East has experienced a double trend of chaos and civil war, on the one hand, and the return of authoritarianism, on the other. That convergence has eclipsed the political ...
More
Since 2013, the Middle East has experienced a double trend of chaos and civil war, on the one hand, and the return of authoritarianism, on the other. That convergence has eclipsed the political transitions that occurred in the countries whose regimes were toppled in 2011, as if they were merely footnotes to a narrative that naturally led from an “Arab Spring” to an “Arab Winter”.
This volume aims at rehabilitating those transitions, by considering them as expressions of a “revolutionary moment” whose outcome was never pre-determined, but depended on the choices of a large range of actors. It brings together leading scholars of Arab politics to adopt a comparative approach to a few crucial aspects of those transitions: constitutional debates, the question of transitional justice, the evolution of civil-military relations, and the role of specific actors, both domestic and international.Less
Since 2013, the Middle East has experienced a double trend of chaos and civil war, on the one hand, and the return of authoritarianism, on the other. That convergence has eclipsed the political transitions that occurred in the countries whose regimes were toppled in 2011, as if they were merely footnotes to a narrative that naturally led from an “Arab Spring” to an “Arab Winter”.
This volume aims at rehabilitating those transitions, by considering them as expressions of a “revolutionary moment” whose outcome was never pre-determined, but depended on the choices of a large range of actors. It brings together leading scholars of Arab politics to adopt a comparative approach to a few crucial aspects of those transitions: constitutional debates, the question of transitional justice, the evolution of civil-military relations, and the role of specific actors, both domestic and international.
Jennet Kirkpatrick
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469635392
- eISBN:
- 9781469635408
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635392.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter explores a dilemma faced by some political activists operating in constrained political contexts. Should they stay or should they go? In authoritarian contexts, remaining in the country ...
More
This chapter explores a dilemma faced by some political activists operating in constrained political contexts. Should they stay or should they go? In authoritarian contexts, remaining in the country of origin can carry serious risks—including torture, incarceration, and death. Leaving, on the other hand, may be seen as cowardly, self-interested, or an abandonment of political obligations to the cause of opposition. This chapter looks at contemporary political exiles who have negotiated this dilemma in an innovative way by continuing their opposition from abroad. It illuminates resistant exits in a contemporary political contexts and looks more closely at the a complicated set of relationships between self-interest and political concern for others. It argues that it can be difficult to discern a sharp demarcation between acting selfishly and behaving selflessly for these activists. The connection between the two is tangled, one in which self-interested concerns lie atop and underneath more selfless political and moral obligations.Less
This chapter explores a dilemma faced by some political activists operating in constrained political contexts. Should they stay or should they go? In authoritarian contexts, remaining in the country of origin can carry serious risks—including torture, incarceration, and death. Leaving, on the other hand, may be seen as cowardly, self-interested, or an abandonment of political obligations to the cause of opposition. This chapter looks at contemporary political exiles who have negotiated this dilemma in an innovative way by continuing their opposition from abroad. It illuminates resistant exits in a contemporary political contexts and looks more closely at the a complicated set of relationships between self-interest and political concern for others. It argues that it can be difficult to discern a sharp demarcation between acting selfishly and behaving selflessly for these activists. The connection between the two is tangled, one in which self-interested concerns lie atop and underneath more selfless political and moral obligations.
Curtis Jacobs
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781628461510
- eISBN:
- 9781626740815
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628461510.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
March 12, 1979, was the end of a pivotal period in Grenada’s modern contemporary history, which began with Gairy’s arrival in December, 1949, and ended with his departure from Grenada in March, 1979. ...
More
March 12, 1979, was the end of a pivotal period in Grenada’s modern contemporary history, which began with Gairy’s arrival in December, 1949, and ended with his departure from Grenada in March, 1979. This chapter discusses the rise and eventual fall of Eric Gairy, the rise of Maurice Bishop as a public figure, leading to the consolidation of the Grenada Revolution in 1979. It weaves together three decades of authoritarianism, conflict and resistance that shaped Grenada’s historical path.Less
March 12, 1979, was the end of a pivotal period in Grenada’s modern contemporary history, which began with Gairy’s arrival in December, 1949, and ended with his departure from Grenada in March, 1979. This chapter discusses the rise and eventual fall of Eric Gairy, the rise of Maurice Bishop as a public figure, leading to the consolidation of the Grenada Revolution in 1979. It weaves together three decades of authoritarianism, conflict and resistance that shaped Grenada’s historical path.
Wendy C. Grenade
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781628461510
- eISBN:
- 9781626740815
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628461510.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
One of the consequences of the demise of the Grenada Revolution and the US invasion of Grenada in 1983 was the formation of a new political party architecture to break with the past to rid Grenada of ...
More
One of the consequences of the demise of the Grenada Revolution and the US invasion of Grenada in 1983 was the formation of a new political party architecture to break with the past to rid Grenada of the vestiges of the revolution and the Eric Gairy regime that preceded it. The new architecture was intended to transcend authoritarianism, intra-party conflict and political violence to turn Grenada into a showcase for democracy and free enterprise. This chapter maps the contours of party politics in post-revolutionary Grenada. It argues that Grenada has transitioned to formal democracy but has not yet achieved deeper substantive democracy. The chapter teases out lessons from the Grenada case for democratic renewal in the Caribbean.Less
One of the consequences of the demise of the Grenada Revolution and the US invasion of Grenada in 1983 was the formation of a new political party architecture to break with the past to rid Grenada of the vestiges of the revolution and the Eric Gairy regime that preceded it. The new architecture was intended to transcend authoritarianism, intra-party conflict and political violence to turn Grenada into a showcase for democracy and free enterprise. This chapter maps the contours of party politics in post-revolutionary Grenada. It argues that Grenada has transitioned to formal democracy but has not yet achieved deeper substantive democracy. The chapter teases out lessons from the Grenada case for democratic renewal in the Caribbean.
Nur Amali Ibrahim
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781501727856
- eISBN:
- 9781501727870
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501727856.003.0004
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
Building on the previous chapter, this chapter argues that religious innovation among student activists has also been enabled by the fall of Suharto’s New Order regime in 1998. Unlike life during ...
More
Building on the previous chapter, this chapter argues that religious innovation among student activists has also been enabled by the fall of Suharto’s New Order regime in 1998. Unlike life during authoritarianism, democracy meant that religious identity is no longer subject to the same degree of microscopic governmental surveillance. People are able to try on different religious identities as they join various ideological groups at once, or move between them, and pursue different strategies to deal with the enlargement of secular liberal ideals in this context. The flurry of religious improvisation produces the counter-intuitive patterns of Islamists emerging from secular schools and liberal Muslims from madrasas.Less
Building on the previous chapter, this chapter argues that religious innovation among student activists has also been enabled by the fall of Suharto’s New Order regime in 1998. Unlike life during authoritarianism, democracy meant that religious identity is no longer subject to the same degree of microscopic governmental surveillance. People are able to try on different religious identities as they join various ideological groups at once, or move between them, and pursue different strategies to deal with the enlargement of secular liberal ideals in this context. The flurry of religious improvisation produces the counter-intuitive patterns of Islamists emerging from secular schools and liberal Muslims from madrasas.
Samer Soliman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9789774165368
- eISBN:
- 9781617971365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774165368.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
As authoritarian regimes do not rest only on repression, the Mubarak's one had to rely on ideology and money. Mubarak's fall should be explained by the weakening of his mechanisms of control in these ...
More
As authoritarian regimes do not rest only on repression, the Mubarak's one had to rely on ideology and money. Mubarak's fall should be explained by the weakening of his mechanisms of control in these two fields. The objective of this chapter is to explain the transformation of the Egyptian political economy and how it brought the demise of the Egyptian regime. This transformation should not be reduced to a certain ‘economic crisis’ and a rising social discontent, although it certainly includes such a variable. In fact, under Mubarak the state has lost much of easy public revenues or rent coming from foreign aid, oil and Suez Canal revenues. Taxing the population has become a necessity. The State has been in the process of change from a semi-rentier state to a tax state[i]. This structural change helped transforming Egyptians from subjects to citizens. In addition, the contraction of public revenues limited the ‘political purchasing power’ of the regime, hence reducing the number of its dependents and supporters and created a process of fragmentation of political power. For more than two decades, Mubarak maneuvered in order to lessen the political outcomes of this transformation in the political economy of the country. But finally, structural factors imposed their outcome on Egyptian politics and they helped the fall of Mubarak. [i] The analysis of the end of the semi rentier state in Egypt is based on our earlier work: Samer Soliman. The Autumn of Dictatorship. Fiscal Crisis and Political Change in Egypt under Mubarak. (Stanford: Stanford university press, 2011).Less
As authoritarian regimes do not rest only on repression, the Mubarak's one had to rely on ideology and money. Mubarak's fall should be explained by the weakening of his mechanisms of control in these two fields. The objective of this chapter is to explain the transformation of the Egyptian political economy and how it brought the demise of the Egyptian regime. This transformation should not be reduced to a certain ‘economic crisis’ and a rising social discontent, although it certainly includes such a variable. In fact, under Mubarak the state has lost much of easy public revenues or rent coming from foreign aid, oil and Suez Canal revenues. Taxing the population has become a necessity. The State has been in the process of change from a semi-rentier state to a tax state[i]. This structural change helped transforming Egyptians from subjects to citizens. In addition, the contraction of public revenues limited the ‘political purchasing power’ of the regime, hence reducing the number of its dependents and supporters and created a process of fragmentation of political power. For more than two decades, Mubarak maneuvered in order to lessen the political outcomes of this transformation in the political economy of the country. But finally, structural factors imposed their outcome on Egyptian politics and they helped the fall of Mubarak. [i] The analysis of the end of the semi rentier state in Egypt is based on our earlier work: Samer Soliman. The Autumn of Dictatorship. Fiscal Crisis and Political Change in Egypt under Mubarak. (Stanford: Stanford university press, 2011).
Nadine Sika
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9789774165368
- eISBN:
- 9781617971365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774165368.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyzes the extent to which the Egyptian public sphere, especially religious institutions were controlled by the ruling authoritarian regime. Eventually, both the state's dominance over ...
More
This chapter analyzes the extent to which the Egyptian public sphere, especially religious institutions were controlled by the ruling authoritarian regime. Eventually, both the state's dominance over institutions and society, along with the established religious institutions' discourse, became stagnant, which precipitated the development of new social movements that were able to mobilize people beyond the stagnant religious discourse. These developed a new discourse, based on human rights, freedoms and social equality. Through developing their new discourse, new secular social movements did not undermine Egyptian's religious consciousness, but rather developed new ideals, in harmony with the Egyptian political culture, but beyond the constraints of the main religious institutions.Less
This chapter analyzes the extent to which the Egyptian public sphere, especially religious institutions were controlled by the ruling authoritarian regime. Eventually, both the state's dominance over institutions and society, along with the established religious institutions' discourse, became stagnant, which precipitated the development of new social movements that were able to mobilize people beyond the stagnant religious discourse. These developed a new discourse, based on human rights, freedoms and social equality. Through developing their new discourse, new secular social movements did not undermine Egyptian's religious consciousness, but rather developed new ideals, in harmony with the Egyptian political culture, but beyond the constraints of the main religious institutions.
Yoav Di-Capua
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226499741
- eISBN:
- 9780226499888
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226499888.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas
This chapter shows how in the wake of the 1955 Bandung Conference, the 1956 Suez War and the ongoing struggle in Algeria (1954-1962), a new revolutionary and hyper-nationalist Arab state (Nasserist ...
More
This chapter shows how in the wake of the 1955 Bandung Conference, the 1956 Suez War and the ongoing struggle in Algeria (1954-1962), a new revolutionary and hyper-nationalist Arab state (Nasserist and Baʿthist) appropriated the Sartrean notion of commitment for the sake of sacrificial politics. Identifying the masses as the touchstone of political authenticity, and seeking to redeem them from colonialism, the call for sacrifice as a liberationist act of freedom became the dominant notion of freedom during this era and the decisive generational choice of millions. With a skeptical view that rejected the suffocating collectivity of Pan-Arabism, minorities such as women and Palestinians drew on existentialist themes in order to expose the absence of freedom and point to their abandonment by fellow Arabs.Less
This chapter shows how in the wake of the 1955 Bandung Conference, the 1956 Suez War and the ongoing struggle in Algeria (1954-1962), a new revolutionary and hyper-nationalist Arab state (Nasserist and Baʿthist) appropriated the Sartrean notion of commitment for the sake of sacrificial politics. Identifying the masses as the touchstone of political authenticity, and seeking to redeem them from colonialism, the call for sacrifice as a liberationist act of freedom became the dominant notion of freedom during this era and the decisive generational choice of millions. With a skeptical view that rejected the suffocating collectivity of Pan-Arabism, minorities such as women and Palestinians drew on existentialist themes in order to expose the absence of freedom and point to their abandonment by fellow Arabs.
Shannon L. Mariotti
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780813167336
- eISBN:
- 9780813167411
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813167336.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter takes up the first moment of Adorno’s democratic project and gives a sense of how he portrayed the landscape of the United States to its own citizens, writing in English and in a more ...
More
This chapter takes up the first moment of Adorno’s democratic project and gives a sense of how he portrayed the landscape of the United States to its own citizens, writing in English and in a more accessible register. Here he lays out the problem his program for democratic leadership as democratic pedagogy will address and discusses the de-democratizing forces in World War II–era America that impoverish citizens’ practice of autonomy. Various aspects of modern life in America, ranging from capitalism to liberalism to the culture industry, combine to make individuals feel small, disempowered, dependent, like passive objects that must adapt and accommodate existing social molds and forms rather than active subjects who feel that they have the agency to participate in shaping the patterns of their own lives. Adorno explores the de-democratizing factors of World War II–era America through an analysis of specific cultural objects. I show how Adorno sees the form of radio, the content of radio, and a weekly astrology column as ordinary, everyday objects that, like monads, reflect the larger tendencies of the social whole. He analyzes these specific things with a microscopic gaze to draw wider conclusions about the patterns and dynamics of everyday life in the United States.Less
This chapter takes up the first moment of Adorno’s democratic project and gives a sense of how he portrayed the landscape of the United States to its own citizens, writing in English and in a more accessible register. Here he lays out the problem his program for democratic leadership as democratic pedagogy will address and discusses the de-democratizing forces in World War II–era America that impoverish citizens’ practice of autonomy. Various aspects of modern life in America, ranging from capitalism to liberalism to the culture industry, combine to make individuals feel small, disempowered, dependent, like passive objects that must adapt and accommodate existing social molds and forms rather than active subjects who feel that they have the agency to participate in shaping the patterns of their own lives. Adorno explores the de-democratizing factors of World War II–era America through an analysis of specific cultural objects. I show how Adorno sees the form of radio, the content of radio, and a weekly astrology column as ordinary, everyday objects that, like monads, reflect the larger tendencies of the social whole. He analyzes these specific things with a microscopic gaze to draw wider conclusions about the patterns and dynamics of everyday life in the United States.
Chris Gilligan
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780719086526
- eISBN:
- 9781526128621
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719086526.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter examines ‘race hate crime’ policy as an expression of the decline of the emancipatory dynamic of the anti-racism of the 1960s and 1970s. The author makes the case for treating hate ...
More
This chapter examines ‘race hate crime’ policy as an expression of the decline of the emancipatory dynamic of the anti-racism of the 1960s and 1970s. The author makes the case for treating hate crimes as an example of authoritarian multicultural anti-racism that is concerned with social control, rather than human emancipation. The chapter highlights ways in which hate crime policy treats racialised minorities as victims who need state protection. The author argues that hate crime policy is part of the broader erosion of civil liberties that has seen the rise of the prison population in the USA and the creation of Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs) and other forms of preventative policing in the UK.Less
This chapter examines ‘race hate crime’ policy as an expression of the decline of the emancipatory dynamic of the anti-racism of the 1960s and 1970s. The author makes the case for treating hate crimes as an example of authoritarian multicultural anti-racism that is concerned with social control, rather than human emancipation. The chapter highlights ways in which hate crime policy treats racialised minorities as victims who need state protection. The author argues that hate crime policy is part of the broader erosion of civil liberties that has seen the rise of the prison population in the USA and the creation of Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs) and other forms of preventative policing in the UK.
Jon Schubert
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501713699
- eISBN:
- 9781501709692
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501713699.003.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
This chapter introduces the reader to Luanda and the paradoxes of living in ‘Boomtown Africa’ today. It presents the emic notion of the ‘system’ as an analytic to think through the facets of hegemony ...
More
This chapter introduces the reader to Luanda and the paradoxes of living in ‘Boomtown Africa’ today. It presents the emic notion of the ‘system’ as an analytic to think through the facets of hegemony in contemporary Angola, and, by outlining its main themes, positions the book conceptually within current debates on political legitimacy, resource-dependent economic growth, and the making and remaking of the state in Africa.Less
This chapter introduces the reader to Luanda and the paradoxes of living in ‘Boomtown Africa’ today. It presents the emic notion of the ‘system’ as an analytic to think through the facets of hegemony in contemporary Angola, and, by outlining its main themes, positions the book conceptually within current debates on political legitimacy, resource-dependent economic growth, and the making and remaking of the state in Africa.
