Catharine Cookson
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195129441
- eISBN:
- 9780199834105
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019512944X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Religious free exercise conflicts occur when religiously compelled behavior (whether action or inaction) appears to violate a law that contraindicates or even criminalizes such behavior. Fearful of ...
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Religious free exercise conflicts occur when religiously compelled behavior (whether action or inaction) appears to violate a law that contraindicates or even criminalizes such behavior. Fearful of the anarchy of religious conscience, the U.S. Supreme Court opted instead for authoritarianism in this church and state matter: The state's need for civil order is conclusively presumed to be achieved by enforcing uniform obedience to generally applicable laws, and thus legislation must trump the human and constitutional right to religious freedom. Rejecting the Court's unthinking rigorism, the book more appropriately views a free exercise case as a conflict of principles or “goods”: the basic constitutional and human right to freedom of conscience and religious freedom versus the societal good furthered and protected by the legislation. The book recommends an alternative analytical free exercise process grounded within the common law tradition as well as social ethics: casuistry. Casuistical reasoning requires a careful analysis of the particulars and factual context of the case, and relies upon analogies and paradigmatic illustrations to get to the heart of the principles at issue. The book furthermore explores the panoply of theories, self‐understandings, typologies, contexts, and societal constructs at play in free exercise conflicts, and in the final chapters applies casuistry to two free exercise situations, spiritual healing methods applied to children, and ingestion of sacramental peyote in Native American Church rituals.Less
Religious free exercise conflicts occur when religiously compelled behavior (whether action or inaction) appears to violate a law that contraindicates or even criminalizes such behavior. Fearful of the anarchy of religious conscience, the U.S. Supreme Court opted instead for authoritarianism in this church and state matter: The state's need for civil order is conclusively presumed to be achieved by enforcing uniform obedience to generally applicable laws, and thus legislation must trump the human and constitutional right to religious freedom. Rejecting the Court's unthinking rigorism, the book more appropriately views a free exercise case as a conflict of principles or “goods”: the basic constitutional and human right to freedom of conscience and religious freedom versus the societal good furthered and protected by the legislation. The book recommends an alternative analytical free exercise process grounded within the common law tradition as well as social ethics: casuistry. Casuistical reasoning requires a careful analysis of the particulars and factual context of the case, and relies upon analogies and paradigmatic illustrations to get to the heart of the principles at issue. The book furthermore explores the panoply of theories, self‐understandings, typologies, contexts, and societal constructs at play in free exercise conflicts, and in the final chapters applies casuistry to two free exercise situations, spiritual healing methods applied to children, and ingestion of sacramental peyote in Native American Church rituals.
Archie Brown
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780192880529
- eISBN:
- 9780191598876
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0192880527.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This is an analysis of how fundamental change came about in the Soviet Union and of the part played by political leadership. In its most general aspect, it is a contribution to the literature on ...
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This is an analysis of how fundamental change came about in the Soviet Union and of the part played by political leadership. In its most general aspect, it is a contribution to the literature on democratization and transitions from authoritarian rule. More specifically, it examines the evolution of Mikhail Gorbachev as a reformist politician and his major role in the political transformation of the Soviet Union and in ending the Cold War. The failures as well as the successes of perestroika are examined – economic reform that left the system in limbo and the break‐up of the Soviet state that Gorbachev had attempted to hold together on the basis of a new and voluntary federation or looser confederation. The institutional power of the General Secretary was such that only a reformer in that office could undertake peaceful systemic change in such a long‐established, post‐totalitarian authoritarian regime as the USSR, with its sophisticated instruments of control and coercion. In embracing the pluralization of the Soviet political system and thereby removing the monopoly of power of the Communist Party, Gorbachev undermined his own power base. His embrace of new ideas, amounting to a conceptual revolution, combined with his power of appointment, made possible, however, what Gorbachev himself described as revolutionary change by evolutionary means. Mikhail Gorbachev's lasting merit lies in the fact that he presided over, and facilitated, the introduction of freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of association, religious freedom, and freedom of movement, and left Russia a freer country than it had been in its long history.Less
This is an analysis of how fundamental change came about in the Soviet Union and of the part played by political leadership. In its most general aspect, it is a contribution to the literature on democratization and transitions from authoritarian rule. More specifically, it examines the evolution of Mikhail Gorbachev as a reformist politician and his major role in the political transformation of the Soviet Union and in ending the Cold War. The failures as well as the successes of perestroika are examined – economic reform that left the system in limbo and the break‐up of the Soviet state that Gorbachev had attempted to hold together on the basis of a new and voluntary federation or looser confederation. The institutional power of the General Secretary was such that only a reformer in that office could undertake peaceful systemic change in such a long‐established, post‐totalitarian authoritarian regime as the USSR, with its sophisticated instruments of control and coercion. In embracing the pluralization of the Soviet political system and thereby removing the monopoly of power of the Communist Party, Gorbachev undermined his own power base. His embrace of new ideas, amounting to a conceptual revolution, combined with his power of appointment, made possible, however, what Gorbachev himself described as revolutionary change by evolutionary means. Mikhail Gorbachev's lasting merit lies in the fact that he presided over, and facilitated, the introduction of freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of association, religious freedom, and freedom of movement, and left Russia a freer country than it had been in its long history.
Gladys I. McCormick
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469628943
- eISBN:
- 9781469627762
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469628943.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
Under the helm of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Mexico witnessed one-party rule for almost eight decades, making it one of the most successful cases of authoritarianism in ...
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Under the helm of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Mexico witnessed one-party rule for almost eight decades, making it one of the most successful cases of authoritarianism in twentieth-century Latin America. Rather than an urban-centered process, the book shows that the foundations of this system were linked to the containment and repression of rural peoples, many of who went on to support the PRI. To understand this support, the book tracks three peasant brothers, Rubén, Porfirio, and Antonio Jaramillo, affiliated with large-scale sugar cooperatives in the south-central region of Morelos and Puebla. Taking stock of how the brothers, two of whom were assassinated, negotiated the incursion of authoritarianism shows that accommodation was the most common response in the countryside. More than complicity, this accommodation was a product of ambivalent acceptance and continual violence. Using sources such as oral histories and secret police files, the book argues that the state was more violent than previously assumed and honed strategies of control in rural areas that it later employed in urban centers. This view unlocks the puzzle of the PRI-led state’s popular support, explaining how it remained in power until the year 2000 and why it regained the presidency in 2012.Less
Under the helm of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Mexico witnessed one-party rule for almost eight decades, making it one of the most successful cases of authoritarianism in twentieth-century Latin America. Rather than an urban-centered process, the book shows that the foundations of this system were linked to the containment and repression of rural peoples, many of who went on to support the PRI. To understand this support, the book tracks three peasant brothers, Rubén, Porfirio, and Antonio Jaramillo, affiliated with large-scale sugar cooperatives in the south-central region of Morelos and Puebla. Taking stock of how the brothers, two of whom were assassinated, negotiated the incursion of authoritarianism shows that accommodation was the most common response in the countryside. More than complicity, this accommodation was a product of ambivalent acceptance and continual violence. Using sources such as oral histories and secret police files, the book argues that the state was more violent than previously assumed and honed strategies of control in rural areas that it later employed in urban centers. This view unlocks the puzzle of the PRI-led state’s popular support, explaining how it remained in power until the year 2000 and why it regained the presidency in 2012.
Alvin Y. So and Stephen Wing-kai Chiu
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789888083497
- eISBN:
- 9789882209107
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888083497.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Using theoretical framework expounded by Evans in Chapter 1, this chapter examines how a classic developmental state – South Korea – has, in the wake of the 1997-8 Asian financial crisis, transformed ...
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Using theoretical framework expounded by Evans in Chapter 1, this chapter examines how a classic developmental state – South Korea – has, in the wake of the 1997-8 Asian financial crisis, transformed itself from an ailing crony state into a participatory democracy through simultaneously reinvigorating civil society, restoring markets, and strengthening the role of the state. These processes have further empowered the chaebols (large diversified family-owned conglomerates), while democratization has weakened the foundations of a developmental state based on authoritarianism and repression of civil society. This case study provides a helpful comparative model for Hong Kong.Less
Using theoretical framework expounded by Evans in Chapter 1, this chapter examines how a classic developmental state – South Korea – has, in the wake of the 1997-8 Asian financial crisis, transformed itself from an ailing crony state into a participatory democracy through simultaneously reinvigorating civil society, restoring markets, and strengthening the role of the state. These processes have further empowered the chaebols (large diversified family-owned conglomerates), while democratization has weakened the foundations of a developmental state based on authoritarianism and repression of civil society. This case study provides a helpful comparative model for Hong Kong.
Jon Schubert
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501713699
- eISBN:
- 9781501709692
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501713699.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
Offering the first long-term ethnographic study of Angola since the end of its decades-long internal conflict, this book offers an empirically and analytically innovative perspective that balances ...
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Offering the first long-term ethnographic study of Angola since the end of its decades-long internal conflict, this book offers an empirically and analytically innovative perspective that balances the ‘Africa rising’ narrative pervading mainstream media reports of post-war Angola, and complicates the clientelist account of Angolan politics that predominates in academic literature. It does so by privileging an ethnographic approach rooted in urban life to capture the radical social and spatial dynamics of everyday life in its capital, Luanda. By working through the emic notion of the system (o sistema), this study pays attention to both the material practices and the symbolic repertoires mobilized in the co-production of the political. Examining the functioning of the system through the eyes of its users, the book therefore builds upon, and extends anthropology’s critique of dominance as something produced by a group of select individuals, and investigates instead what it means and how it feels to live in and be part of such a polity. Less
Offering the first long-term ethnographic study of Angola since the end of its decades-long internal conflict, this book offers an empirically and analytically innovative perspective that balances the ‘Africa rising’ narrative pervading mainstream media reports of post-war Angola, and complicates the clientelist account of Angolan politics that predominates in academic literature. It does so by privileging an ethnographic approach rooted in urban life to capture the radical social and spatial dynamics of everyday life in its capital, Luanda. By working through the emic notion of the system (o sistema), this study pays attention to both the material practices and the symbolic repertoires mobilized in the co-production of the political. Examining the functioning of the system through the eyes of its users, the book therefore builds upon, and extends anthropology’s critique of dominance as something produced by a group of select individuals, and investigates instead what it means and how it feels to live in and be part of such a polity.
Stephen Noakes
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781526119476
- eISBN:
- 9781526132413
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526119476.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
What does China’s rise mean for transnational civil society? What happens when global activist networks engage a powerful and norm-resistant new hegemon? This book combines detailed ethnographic ...
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What does China’s rise mean for transnational civil society? What happens when global activist networks engage a powerful and norm-resistant new hegemon? This book combines detailed ethnographic research with cross-case comparisons to identify key factors underpinning variation in the results and processes of advocacy on a range of issues affecting both China and the world, including global warming, intellectual property rights, HIV/AIDS treatment, the use of capital punishment, suppression of the Falun Gong religious movement, and Tibetan independence. Built on an innovative blend of comparative and international theory, it advances a theory of “advocacy drift”—a process whereby the objectives and principled beliefs of activists are transformed through interaction with the Chinese state. The book is a timely reassessment of transnational civil society in the era of an ascendant China, and is essential reading for scholars and practitioners of civil society organizations.Less
What does China’s rise mean for transnational civil society? What happens when global activist networks engage a powerful and norm-resistant new hegemon? This book combines detailed ethnographic research with cross-case comparisons to identify key factors underpinning variation in the results and processes of advocacy on a range of issues affecting both China and the world, including global warming, intellectual property rights, HIV/AIDS treatment, the use of capital punishment, suppression of the Falun Gong religious movement, and Tibetan independence. Built on an innovative blend of comparative and international theory, it advances a theory of “advocacy drift”—a process whereby the objectives and principled beliefs of activists are transformed through interaction with the Chinese state. The book is a timely reassessment of transnational civil society in the era of an ascendant China, and is essential reading for scholars and practitioners of civil society organizations.
Deborah L. Wheeler
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474422550
- eISBN:
- 9781474435048
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474422550.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This book argues that Internet diffusion and use in the Middle East enables meaningful micro-changes in citizens’ lives, even in states where no Arab Spring revolution occurred. Using ethnographic ...
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This book argues that Internet diffusion and use in the Middle East enables meaningful micro-changes in citizens’ lives, even in states where no Arab Spring revolution occurred. Using ethnographic evidence, and conversations with Internet users in the Middle East, collected between 1996 and 2014 in Kuwait, Jordan, and Egypt, and a handful of short term research trips to other Arab states, including Tunisia (2000), Morocco (1997), UAE (1997; 2010-13), Oman (2004), Qatar (2011-2013), and Saudi Arabia (2012-13), this manuscript presents a grass roots look at how new media use fits into the practice of everyday life. It explores why citizens leverage social media to digitally route around state and other forms of power at work in their lives. As state capacity for buying public loyalty wanes throughout the Middle East, any increase in citizen civic engagement, supported by new media use, offers the possibility of a new order of things, from redefining patriarchal power relations at home, to reconfigurations of citizens’ relationships with the state, broadly defined. For reasons explored throughout this manuscript, new media channels offer pathways to empowerment widely and cheaply in the Middle East.Less
This book argues that Internet diffusion and use in the Middle East enables meaningful micro-changes in citizens’ lives, even in states where no Arab Spring revolution occurred. Using ethnographic evidence, and conversations with Internet users in the Middle East, collected between 1996 and 2014 in Kuwait, Jordan, and Egypt, and a handful of short term research trips to other Arab states, including Tunisia (2000), Morocco (1997), UAE (1997; 2010-13), Oman (2004), Qatar (2011-2013), and Saudi Arabia (2012-13), this manuscript presents a grass roots look at how new media use fits into the practice of everyday life. It explores why citizens leverage social media to digitally route around state and other forms of power at work in their lives. As state capacity for buying public loyalty wanes throughout the Middle East, any increase in citizen civic engagement, supported by new media use, offers the possibility of a new order of things, from redefining patriarchal power relations at home, to reconfigurations of citizens’ relationships with the state, broadly defined. For reasons explored throughout this manuscript, new media channels offer pathways to empowerment widely and cheaply in the Middle East.
Jan Bryant
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474456944
- eISBN:
- 9781474476867
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474456944.003.0002
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Aesthetics
The 19th Biennale of Sydney, discussed in the last chapter, is a case study that reveals the way contemporary western governments are increasingly closing down public criticism. The tendency is to ...
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The 19th Biennale of Sydney, discussed in the last chapter, is a case study that reveals the way contemporary western governments are increasingly closing down public criticism. The tendency is to raise opaque screens over controversial actions, and to use financial retaliation as a method for keeping artists’ protests inside exhibiting contexts. This chapter looks at political theorists who write about the re-emergence of forms of authoritarianism, beginning with Nicos Poulantzas who argued as early as 1970 that a new form of fascism was materialising, and Michel Foucault’s warning that we each need to check our own fascist tendencies, no matter how private or small the context. More recent comments by Judith Butler and Madeline Albright insist on the danger of this burgeoning trend and the urgent need to fight it. Through the writings of Ronald F. Inglehart and Pippa Norris, this chapter also describes right populism as a prominent feature of western democracies, and the way concerns from climate change to human rights divide today along ideological, partisan lines. [170]Less
The 19th Biennale of Sydney, discussed in the last chapter, is a case study that reveals the way contemporary western governments are increasingly closing down public criticism. The tendency is to raise opaque screens over controversial actions, and to use financial retaliation as a method for keeping artists’ protests inside exhibiting contexts. This chapter looks at political theorists who write about the re-emergence of forms of authoritarianism, beginning with Nicos Poulantzas who argued as early as 1970 that a new form of fascism was materialising, and Michel Foucault’s warning that we each need to check our own fascist tendencies, no matter how private or small the context. More recent comments by Judith Butler and Madeline Albright insist on the danger of this burgeoning trend and the urgent need to fight it. Through the writings of Ronald F. Inglehart and Pippa Norris, this chapter also describes right populism as a prominent feature of western democracies, and the way concerns from climate change to human rights divide today along ideological, partisan lines. [170]
Laurence Broers
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474450522
- eISBN:
- 9781474476546
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450522.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the much-debated question of conflict and democratization. It argues that over its first quarter-century the Armenian-Azerbaijani rivalry was sustained by the interactions of ...
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This chapter examines the much-debated question of conflict and democratization. It argues that over its first quarter-century the Armenian-Azerbaijani rivalry was sustained by the interactions of two hybrid regimes, in which authoritarian leaders were secure enough to secure power but not to enforce unpopular compromise. It then examines the roles of informal power structures and the persistent insecurity generated by prolonged militarised competition. It argues that while the causal relationship between regime type and rivalry is complex, over the long-term insecurity has provided important resources to authoritarian regimes ‘demobilizing’ constituencies for reform and democratic change. The chapter acknowledges revolutionary changes in Armenia in 2018, while highlighting the capacity of enduring rivalries to outlast democratic openings and remain stable across mixed-regime dyads.Less
This chapter examines the much-debated question of conflict and democratization. It argues that over its first quarter-century the Armenian-Azerbaijani rivalry was sustained by the interactions of two hybrid regimes, in which authoritarian leaders were secure enough to secure power but not to enforce unpopular compromise. It then examines the roles of informal power structures and the persistent insecurity generated by prolonged militarised competition. It argues that while the causal relationship between regime type and rivalry is complex, over the long-term insecurity has provided important resources to authoritarian regimes ‘demobilizing’ constituencies for reform and democratic change. The chapter acknowledges revolutionary changes in Armenia in 2018, while highlighting the capacity of enduring rivalries to outlast democratic openings and remain stable across mixed-regime dyads.
David G. Lewis
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474454766
- eISBN:
- 9781474480611
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474454766.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In this book, David Lewis offers an original interpretation of the Russian political system that developed under Vladimir Putin as a new form of authoritarianism. Lewis argues that the Putinist ...
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In this book, David Lewis offers an original interpretation of the Russian political system that developed under Vladimir Putin as a new form of authoritarianism. Lewis argues that the Putinist worldview challenged liberal beliefs about concepts such as sovereignty, the state, and democracy, and instead promoted a set of illiberal norms and ideas that contributed to a global backlash against liberal politics. The book uses the political thought of Carl Schmitt, the Nazi jurist and anti-liberal political theorist, to explore political developments in Russia in the first two decades of the 21st century. Case-studies examine how ideas of sovereign decision-making and exceptionality undermined the rule of law in Russia, producing a system of politicised, selective justice. A striving for national unity degenerated into a search for external and internal enemies. Russia’s democratic institutions were gradually hollowed out as Russia developed a form of “illiberal democracy”. The second part of the book uses Schmitt’s theories of international relations to study Russian foreign policy, including a detailed case-study of the annexation of Crimea, a new interpretation of Russia’s search for a sphere of influence in the former Soviet space, and a study of messianic thinking in Russian policy in the Middle East. The book is a detailed study of contemporary Russian politics, but also draws parallels between developments in Russia and the global growth of right-wing populism and authoritarianism.Less
In this book, David Lewis offers an original interpretation of the Russian political system that developed under Vladimir Putin as a new form of authoritarianism. Lewis argues that the Putinist worldview challenged liberal beliefs about concepts such as sovereignty, the state, and democracy, and instead promoted a set of illiberal norms and ideas that contributed to a global backlash against liberal politics. The book uses the political thought of Carl Schmitt, the Nazi jurist and anti-liberal political theorist, to explore political developments in Russia in the first two decades of the 21st century. Case-studies examine how ideas of sovereign decision-making and exceptionality undermined the rule of law in Russia, producing a system of politicised, selective justice. A striving for national unity degenerated into a search for external and internal enemies. Russia’s democratic institutions were gradually hollowed out as Russia developed a form of “illiberal democracy”. The second part of the book uses Schmitt’s theories of international relations to study Russian foreign policy, including a detailed case-study of the annexation of Crimea, a new interpretation of Russia’s search for a sphere of influence in the former Soviet space, and a study of messianic thinking in Russian policy in the Middle East. The book is a detailed study of contemporary Russian politics, but also draws parallels between developments in Russia and the global growth of right-wing populism and authoritarianism.
Cheri Lynne Carr
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474407717
- eISBN:
- 9781474449724
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474407717.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
Neo- and proto-fascisms have begun re-emerging in ultranationalist, authoritarian, and extremist consolidations of power across the globe. Even in the United States, where fascism was long dismissed ...
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Neo- and proto-fascisms have begun re-emerging in ultranationalist, authoritarian, and extremist consolidations of power across the globe. Even in the United States, where fascism was long dismissed as an historical or exclusively European problem, the popular emergence of rhetoric related to fascist ideology over the past decade has inspired widespread comparison and a new sense of the real, imminent danger that fascism poses. As Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari point out in Anti-Oedipus, fascism was not just a ‘bad moment’ or an ‘historical error’: fascism has yet to be overcome (AO 29–30). Why this is the case and what we might do about it are the frame for understanding Deleuze’s Kantian Ethos: Critique as a Way of Life. It begins with the argument that an account of the endurance of fascism would be better served by emphasising not how different ‘those people’ who support fascism are from ‘us’, who do not, but rather that at the basis of fascism’s allure for us all is the desire for our own repression. If such desire is constitutive of the productive cycle of desire itself, as Deleuze and Guattari suggest, any ethics that hopes to create spaces of freedom must have anti-fascism at its heart.Less
Neo- and proto-fascisms have begun re-emerging in ultranationalist, authoritarian, and extremist consolidations of power across the globe. Even in the United States, where fascism was long dismissed as an historical or exclusively European problem, the popular emergence of rhetoric related to fascist ideology over the past decade has inspired widespread comparison and a new sense of the real, imminent danger that fascism poses. As Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari point out in Anti-Oedipus, fascism was not just a ‘bad moment’ or an ‘historical error’: fascism has yet to be overcome (AO 29–30). Why this is the case and what we might do about it are the frame for understanding Deleuze’s Kantian Ethos: Critique as a Way of Life. It begins with the argument that an account of the endurance of fascism would be better served by emphasising not how different ‘those people’ who support fascism are from ‘us’, who do not, but rather that at the basis of fascism’s allure for us all is the desire for our own repression. If such desire is constitutive of the productive cycle of desire itself, as Deleuze and Guattari suggest, any ethics that hopes to create spaces of freedom must have anti-fascism at its heart.
Susanne M. Klausen
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199844494
- eISBN:
- 9780190258122
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199844494.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This is the first book to focus on the history of abortion in an African context. It traces the criminalization of abortion in South Africa during the apartheid era (1948–1990), the emergence of a ...
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This is the first book to focus on the history of abortion in an African context. It traces the criminalization of abortion in South Africa during the apartheid era (1948–1990), the emergence of a flourishing clandestine abortion industry, and the controversial passage in 1975 of the country’s first statutory law on abortion. The study examines the politics of gender, sexuality, racism, and nationalism in the making and maintenance of apartheid culture, in particular regarding the authoritarian National Party government’s attempt to regulate white women’s reproductive sexuality in the interests of maintaining white supremacy. A major focus of the book is the battle about abortion that erupted in the late 1960s when doctors and feminists called for liberalization of colonial-era abortion laws. A central argument is that all women, regardless of race, were oppressed under apartheid. Although the National Party was preoccupied with denying young white women their reproductive rights, black women bore the brunt of the lack of access to safe abortion, suffering the effects of clandestine abortion on a shocking scale in urban centers around the country. At the heart of the story are the black and white girls and women who, regardless of hostility from a range of official and traditional authorities, persisted in determining their own destinies. Although a great many were harmed and even died as a result of being denied safe abortion, many more succeeded in thwarting opponents of women’s right to control their capacity to bear children. This book hopes to convey both the tragic and triumphant sides of their story.Less
This is the first book to focus on the history of abortion in an African context. It traces the criminalization of abortion in South Africa during the apartheid era (1948–1990), the emergence of a flourishing clandestine abortion industry, and the controversial passage in 1975 of the country’s first statutory law on abortion. The study examines the politics of gender, sexuality, racism, and nationalism in the making and maintenance of apartheid culture, in particular regarding the authoritarian National Party government’s attempt to regulate white women’s reproductive sexuality in the interests of maintaining white supremacy. A major focus of the book is the battle about abortion that erupted in the late 1960s when doctors and feminists called for liberalization of colonial-era abortion laws. A central argument is that all women, regardless of race, were oppressed under apartheid. Although the National Party was preoccupied with denying young white women their reproductive rights, black women bore the brunt of the lack of access to safe abortion, suffering the effects of clandestine abortion on a shocking scale in urban centers around the country. At the heart of the story are the black and white girls and women who, regardless of hostility from a range of official and traditional authorities, persisted in determining their own destinies. Although a great many were harmed and even died as a result of being denied safe abortion, many more succeeded in thwarting opponents of women’s right to control their capacity to bear children. This book hopes to convey both the tragic and triumphant sides of their story.
Mohamed Zayani and Suzi Mirgani (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190491550
- eISBN:
- 9780190638597
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190491550.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
Bullets and Bulletins takes a sobering and holistic look at the intersections between media and politics before, during, and in the wake of the Arab uprisings. It is a multi-disciplinary approach to ...
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Bullets and Bulletins takes a sobering and holistic look at the intersections between media and politics before, during, and in the wake of the Arab uprisings. It is a multi-disciplinary approach to the topic, with the research backed up by in-depth and rigorous case studies of the key countries of the Arab uprisings. The protests were accompanied by profound changes in the roles of traditional and new media across the Middle East. What added significantly to the amplification of demands and grievances in the public spheres, streets and squares, was the dovetailing of an increasingly indignant population—ignited by the prospects of economic and political marginalisation—with high rates of media literacy, digital connectivity, and social media prowess. This combination of political activism and mediated communication turned popular street protests into battles over information, where authorities and activists wrestled with each other over media messages. Information and communication technologies were used by both government authorities and protestors as simultaneous tools for silencing or amplifying dissent. Bullets and Bulletins offers original insights and analysis into the role of traditional and new media in what is undoubtedly a most critical period in contemporary Middle Eastern history.Less
Bullets and Bulletins takes a sobering and holistic look at the intersections between media and politics before, during, and in the wake of the Arab uprisings. It is a multi-disciplinary approach to the topic, with the research backed up by in-depth and rigorous case studies of the key countries of the Arab uprisings. The protests were accompanied by profound changes in the roles of traditional and new media across the Middle East. What added significantly to the amplification of demands and grievances in the public spheres, streets and squares, was the dovetailing of an increasingly indignant population—ignited by the prospects of economic and political marginalisation—with high rates of media literacy, digital connectivity, and social media prowess. This combination of political activism and mediated communication turned popular street protests into battles over information, where authorities and activists wrestled with each other over media messages. Information and communication technologies were used by both government authorities and protestors as simultaneous tools for silencing or amplifying dissent. Bullets and Bulletins offers original insights and analysis into the role of traditional and new media in what is undoubtedly a most critical period in contemporary Middle Eastern history.
Angana P. Chatterji, Thomas Blom Hansen, and Christophe Jaffrelot (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- February 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190078171
- eISBN:
- 9780190099589
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190078171.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
Majoritarian State traces the ascendance of Hindu nationalism in contemporary India. Led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the BJP administration has established an ethno-religious and populist style ...
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Majoritarian State traces the ascendance of Hindu nationalism in contemporary India. Led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the BJP administration has established an ethno-religious and populist style of rule since 2014. Its agenda is also pursued beyond the formal branches of government, as the new dispensation portrays conventional social hierarchies as intrinsic to Indian culture while condoning communal and caste- and gender-based violence. The contributors explore how Hindutva ideology has permeated the state apparatus and formal institutions, and how Hindutva activists exert control over civil society via vigilante groups, cultural policing and violence. Groups and regions portrayed as ‘enemies’ of the Indian state are the losers in a new order promoting the interests of the urban middle class and business elites. As this majoritarian ideology pervades the media and public discourse, it also affects the judiciary, universities and cultural institutions, increasingly captured by Hindu nationalists. Dissent and difference are silenced and debate increasingly side-lined as the press is muzzled or intimidated in the courts. Internationally, the BJP government has emphasized hard power and a fast-expanding security state. This collection of essays offers rich empirical analysis and documentation to investigate the causes and consequences of the illiberal turn taken by the world’s largest democracy.Less
Majoritarian State traces the ascendance of Hindu nationalism in contemporary India. Led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the BJP administration has established an ethno-religious and populist style of rule since 2014. Its agenda is also pursued beyond the formal branches of government, as the new dispensation portrays conventional social hierarchies as intrinsic to Indian culture while condoning communal and caste- and gender-based violence. The contributors explore how Hindutva ideology has permeated the state apparatus and formal institutions, and how Hindutva activists exert control over civil society via vigilante groups, cultural policing and violence. Groups and regions portrayed as ‘enemies’ of the Indian state are the losers in a new order promoting the interests of the urban middle class and business elites. As this majoritarian ideology pervades the media and public discourse, it also affects the judiciary, universities and cultural institutions, increasingly captured by Hindu nationalists. Dissent and difference are silenced and debate increasingly side-lined as the press is muzzled or intimidated in the courts. Internationally, the BJP government has emphasized hard power and a fast-expanding security state. This collection of essays offers rich empirical analysis and documentation to investigate the causes and consequences of the illiberal turn taken by the world’s largest democracy.
David Ottaway and Marina Ottaway
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- February 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190061715
- eISBN:
- 9780190099565
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190061715.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
First came the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire following World War I; then, in the 1950s and ’60s, the Nasser-inspired wave of Arab nationalism and socialism. The Arab world’s third great ...
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First came the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire following World War I; then, in the 1950s and ’60s, the Nasser-inspired wave of Arab nationalism and socialism. The Arab world’s third great political cataclysm of the past 100 years—the 2011 uprisings—has also brought permanent changes, but not as its activists had hoped.Their consequences have differed greatly from area to area, splintering the Arab region into four different worlds. The Levant states have disintegrated, possibly irreversibly. The Gulf monarchies have embarked on far-reaching plans of economic and social change to stave off discontent. Egypt has retreated into military authoritarianism and a war on Islamists, threatening its future stability. Only the Maghreb countries, which have started integrating Islamists into their political systems, offer some hope for progress toward democracy. Marina and David Ottaway have brought together fifty years of experience observing the Arab world, and a wealth of first-hand information gathered from living and travelling extensively in the region. A Tale of Four Worlds is an indispensable analysis of the profound upheavals that have shaken—and continue to transform—Arab and global politics.Less
First came the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire following World War I; then, in the 1950s and ’60s, the Nasser-inspired wave of Arab nationalism and socialism. The Arab world’s third great political cataclysm of the past 100 years—the 2011 uprisings—has also brought permanent changes, but not as its activists had hoped.Their consequences have differed greatly from area to area, splintering the Arab region into four different worlds. The Levant states have disintegrated, possibly irreversibly. The Gulf monarchies have embarked on far-reaching plans of economic and social change to stave off discontent. Egypt has retreated into military authoritarianism and a war on Islamists, threatening its future stability. Only the Maghreb countries, which have started integrating Islamists into their political systems, offer some hope for progress toward democracy. Marina and David Ottaway have brought together fifty years of experience observing the Arab world, and a wealth of first-hand information gathered from living and travelling extensively in the region. A Tale of Four Worlds is an indispensable analysis of the profound upheavals that have shaken—and continue to transform—Arab and global politics.
Stéphane Lacroix and Jean-Pierre Filiu (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190876081
- eISBN:
- 9780190943097
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190876081.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
Since 2013, the Middle East has experienced a double trend of chaos and civil war, on the one hand, and the return of authoritarianism, on the other. That convergence has eclipsed the political ...
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Since 2013, the Middle East has experienced a double trend of chaos and civil war, on the one hand, and the return of authoritarianism, on the other. That convergence has eclipsed the political transitions that occurred in the countries whose regimes were toppled in 2011, as if they were merely footnotes to a narrative that naturally led from an “Arab Spring” to an “Arab Winter”.
This volume aims at rehabilitating those transitions, by considering them as expressions of a “revolutionary moment” whose outcome was never pre-determined, but depended on the choices of a large range of actors. It brings together leading scholars of Arab politics to adopt a comparative approach to a few crucial aspects of those transitions: constitutional debates, the question of transitional justice, the evolution of civil-military relations, and the role of specific actors, both domestic and international.Less
Since 2013, the Middle East has experienced a double trend of chaos and civil war, on the one hand, and the return of authoritarianism, on the other. That convergence has eclipsed the political transitions that occurred in the countries whose regimes were toppled in 2011, as if they were merely footnotes to a narrative that naturally led from an “Arab Spring” to an “Arab Winter”.
This volume aims at rehabilitating those transitions, by considering them as expressions of a “revolutionary moment” whose outcome was never pre-determined, but depended on the choices of a large range of actors. It brings together leading scholars of Arab politics to adopt a comparative approach to a few crucial aspects of those transitions: constitutional debates, the question of transitional justice, the evolution of civil-military relations, and the role of specific actors, both domestic and international.
Jennet Kirkpatrick
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469635392
- eISBN:
- 9781469635408
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635392.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter explores a dilemma faced by some political activists operating in constrained political contexts. Should they stay or should they go? In authoritarian contexts, remaining in the country ...
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This chapter explores a dilemma faced by some political activists operating in constrained political contexts. Should they stay or should they go? In authoritarian contexts, remaining in the country of origin can carry serious risks—including torture, incarceration, and death. Leaving, on the other hand, may be seen as cowardly, self-interested, or an abandonment of political obligations to the cause of opposition. This chapter looks at contemporary political exiles who have negotiated this dilemma in an innovative way by continuing their opposition from abroad. It illuminates resistant exits in a contemporary political contexts and looks more closely at the a complicated set of relationships between self-interest and political concern for others. It argues that it can be difficult to discern a sharp demarcation between acting selfishly and behaving selflessly for these activists. The connection between the two is tangled, one in which self-interested concerns lie atop and underneath more selfless political and moral obligations.Less
This chapter explores a dilemma faced by some political activists operating in constrained political contexts. Should they stay or should they go? In authoritarian contexts, remaining in the country of origin can carry serious risks—including torture, incarceration, and death. Leaving, on the other hand, may be seen as cowardly, self-interested, or an abandonment of political obligations to the cause of opposition. This chapter looks at contemporary political exiles who have negotiated this dilemma in an innovative way by continuing their opposition from abroad. It illuminates resistant exits in a contemporary political contexts and looks more closely at the a complicated set of relationships between self-interest and political concern for others. It argues that it can be difficult to discern a sharp demarcation between acting selfishly and behaving selflessly for these activists. The connection between the two is tangled, one in which self-interested concerns lie atop and underneath more selfless political and moral obligations.
Samer Soliman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9789774165368
- eISBN:
- 9781617971365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774165368.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
As authoritarian regimes do not rest only on repression, the Mubarak's one had to rely on ideology and money. Mubarak's fall should be explained by the weakening of his mechanisms of control in these ...
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As authoritarian regimes do not rest only on repression, the Mubarak's one had to rely on ideology and money. Mubarak's fall should be explained by the weakening of his mechanisms of control in these two fields. The objective of this chapter is to explain the transformation of the Egyptian political economy and how it brought the demise of the Egyptian regime. This transformation should not be reduced to a certain ‘economic crisis’ and a rising social discontent, although it certainly includes such a variable. In fact, under Mubarak the state has lost much of easy public revenues or rent coming from foreign aid, oil and Suez Canal revenues. Taxing the population has become a necessity. The State has been in the process of change from a semi-rentier state to a tax state[i]. This structural change helped transforming Egyptians from subjects to citizens. In addition, the contraction of public revenues limited the ‘political purchasing power’ of the regime, hence reducing the number of its dependents and supporters and created a process of fragmentation of political power. For more than two decades, Mubarak maneuvered in order to lessen the political outcomes of this transformation in the political economy of the country. But finally, structural factors imposed their outcome on Egyptian politics and they helped the fall of Mubarak. [i] The analysis of the end of the semi rentier state in Egypt is based on our earlier work: Samer Soliman. The Autumn of Dictatorship. Fiscal Crisis and Political Change in Egypt under Mubarak. (Stanford: Stanford university press, 2011).Less
As authoritarian regimes do not rest only on repression, the Mubarak's one had to rely on ideology and money. Mubarak's fall should be explained by the weakening of his mechanisms of control in these two fields. The objective of this chapter is to explain the transformation of the Egyptian political economy and how it brought the demise of the Egyptian regime. This transformation should not be reduced to a certain ‘economic crisis’ and a rising social discontent, although it certainly includes such a variable. In fact, under Mubarak the state has lost much of easy public revenues or rent coming from foreign aid, oil and Suez Canal revenues. Taxing the population has become a necessity. The State has been in the process of change from a semi-rentier state to a tax state[i]. This structural change helped transforming Egyptians from subjects to citizens. In addition, the contraction of public revenues limited the ‘political purchasing power’ of the regime, hence reducing the number of its dependents and supporters and created a process of fragmentation of political power. For more than two decades, Mubarak maneuvered in order to lessen the political outcomes of this transformation in the political economy of the country. But finally, structural factors imposed their outcome on Egyptian politics and they helped the fall of Mubarak. [i] The analysis of the end of the semi rentier state in Egypt is based on our earlier work: Samer Soliman. The Autumn of Dictatorship. Fiscal Crisis and Political Change in Egypt under Mubarak. (Stanford: Stanford university press, 2011).
Nadine Sika
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9789774165368
- eISBN:
- 9781617971365
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774165368.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyzes the extent to which the Egyptian public sphere, especially religious institutions were controlled by the ruling authoritarian regime. Eventually, both the state's dominance over ...
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This chapter analyzes the extent to which the Egyptian public sphere, especially religious institutions were controlled by the ruling authoritarian regime. Eventually, both the state's dominance over institutions and society, along with the established religious institutions' discourse, became stagnant, which precipitated the development of new social movements that were able to mobilize people beyond the stagnant religious discourse. These developed a new discourse, based on human rights, freedoms and social equality. Through developing their new discourse, new secular social movements did not undermine Egyptian's religious consciousness, but rather developed new ideals, in harmony with the Egyptian political culture, but beyond the constraints of the main religious institutions.Less
This chapter analyzes the extent to which the Egyptian public sphere, especially religious institutions were controlled by the ruling authoritarian regime. Eventually, both the state's dominance over institutions and society, along with the established religious institutions' discourse, became stagnant, which precipitated the development of new social movements that were able to mobilize people beyond the stagnant religious discourse. These developed a new discourse, based on human rights, freedoms and social equality. Through developing their new discourse, new secular social movements did not undermine Egyptian's religious consciousness, but rather developed new ideals, in harmony with the Egyptian political culture, but beyond the constraints of the main religious institutions.
Gladys I. McCormick
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469628943
- eISBN:
- 9781469627762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469628943.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
In Morelos, Cárdenas positioned himself as part of long-standing patronage network linked in a new symbiotic relationship with the nation-state. Despite the fact that Cárdenas institutionalized ...
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In Morelos, Cárdenas positioned himself as part of long-standing patronage network linked in a new symbiotic relationship with the nation-state. Despite the fact that Cárdenas institutionalized clientelism through the sugar cooperative in the town of Zacatepec, rural peoples did not blame him. This chapter revisits Cárdenas’s progressive populist image that unflinchingly believed in his “goodness,” even when, after 1938, the president began advocating a more conservative approach to rural development–a process that only accelerated once he left office in 1940. When peasants protested, government officials employed divide and rule strategies against them to stall broader mobilizations. No story captures this transition between hope and disillusionment better than that of Rubén Jaramillo. He gave voice to the hope of Cardenismo in the early years, and increasingly expressed frustration with the narrowing of political channels for rural peoples in the 1940s. This chapter arrives at two conclusions. First, it argues that Cárdenas’s progressive reforms cast a radical shadow across 20th century Mexico–so much so that subsequent regimes tried repeatedly to undo Cárdenas’s radical legacy. Secondly, Cárdenas’s proto-socialist promise of inclusion, reflected in the cooperatives, ironically led popular groups to gradually accept a compromised vision of revolutionary leadership.Less
In Morelos, Cárdenas positioned himself as part of long-standing patronage network linked in a new symbiotic relationship with the nation-state. Despite the fact that Cárdenas institutionalized clientelism through the sugar cooperative in the town of Zacatepec, rural peoples did not blame him. This chapter revisits Cárdenas’s progressive populist image that unflinchingly believed in his “goodness,” even when, after 1938, the president began advocating a more conservative approach to rural development–a process that only accelerated once he left office in 1940. When peasants protested, government officials employed divide and rule strategies against them to stall broader mobilizations. No story captures this transition between hope and disillusionment better than that of Rubén Jaramillo. He gave voice to the hope of Cardenismo in the early years, and increasingly expressed frustration with the narrowing of political channels for rural peoples in the 1940s. This chapter arrives at two conclusions. First, it argues that Cárdenas’s progressive reforms cast a radical shadow across 20th century Mexico–so much so that subsequent regimes tried repeatedly to undo Cárdenas’s radical legacy. Secondly, Cárdenas’s proto-socialist promise of inclusion, reflected in the cooperatives, ironically led popular groups to gradually accept a compromised vision of revolutionary leadership.