Edward C. Page and Vincent Wright (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294467
- eISBN:
- 9780191600067
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294468.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Presents a comparative study of the senior civil service in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Austria, Greece, Denmark, and Sweden, which provides information about ...
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Presents a comparative study of the senior civil service in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Austria, Greece, Denmark, and Sweden, which provides information about the structures and the composition of the higher civil service, and its position in the political structure. Explores how the higher civil service has developed in the light of the massive changes in European societies over the past thirty years. These changes include the size of the top level of the civil service, the growing social diversity of its ranks, and the tendency to recruit from outside the civil service. Also examines whether wider social changes, such as the democratization of education, the growth of interest groups, and the increasing importance of the European Union have an impact on the higher levels of bureaucracy and produce similar patterns of change throughout Europe.Less
Presents a comparative study of the senior civil service in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Austria, Greece, Denmark, and Sweden, which provides information about the structures and the composition of the higher civil service, and its position in the political structure. Explores how the higher civil service has developed in the light of the massive changes in European societies over the past thirty years. These changes include the size of the top level of the civil service, the growing social diversity of its ranks, and the tendency to recruit from outside the civil service. Also examines whether wider social changes, such as the democratization of education, the growth of interest groups, and the increasing importance of the European Union have an impact on the higher levels of bureaucracy and produce similar patterns of change throughout Europe.
Jan‐Erik Lane, David McKay, and Kenneth Newton
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198280538
- eISBN:
- 9780191601934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019828053X.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
This section provides information on the most significant features of government and politics in Austria. These include data on state structure and offices, parties, government constitutions, ...
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This section provides information on the most significant features of government and politics in Austria. These include data on state structure and offices, parties, government constitutions, electoral and voting systems, and basic media materials on media, education, economic interest organisations and the budget.Less
This section provides information on the most significant features of government and politics in Austria. These include data on state structure and offices, parties, government constitutions, electoral and voting systems, and basic media materials on media, education, economic interest organisations and the budget.
Johannes Lindvall
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199590643
- eISBN:
- 9780191723407
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199590643.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
Ever since the 1970s, the problem of unemployment has defined politics in Western Europe, but governments have responded in different ways. In the 1970s and 1980s, some governments used macroeconomic ...
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Ever since the 1970s, the problem of unemployment has defined politics in Western Europe, but governments have responded in different ways. In the 1970s and 1980s, some governments used macroeconomic policy to support domestic economic activity and maintain full employment. In the 1990s and 2000s, on the other hand, some governments made large labor market policy changes to ensure that the unemployed were looking for jobs, well-trained, and matched with employers willing to hire them. Comparing Austria, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Sweden, this book shows that governments made different choices because of underlying political differences: the development of party systems, corporatism, and norms regarding the purpose of political authority. Low unemployment was the linchpin of political arrangements in Western Europe after the Second World War. When mass unemployment became a threat again in the 1970s, Austria and Sweden – where the post-war political order remained intact – used economic policies to preserve full employment. In the 1990s and 2000s, governments in Denmark and the Netherlands – who had lived with high unemployment for a long period of time and reformed their political models in the course of the 1980s – undertook far-reaching labor market policy changes.Less
Ever since the 1970s, the problem of unemployment has defined politics in Western Europe, but governments have responded in different ways. In the 1970s and 1980s, some governments used macroeconomic policy to support domestic economic activity and maintain full employment. In the 1990s and 2000s, on the other hand, some governments made large labor market policy changes to ensure that the unemployed were looking for jobs, well-trained, and matched with employers willing to hire them. Comparing Austria, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Sweden, this book shows that governments made different choices because of underlying political differences: the development of party systems, corporatism, and norms regarding the purpose of political authority. Low unemployment was the linchpin of political arrangements in Western Europe after the Second World War. When mass unemployment became a threat again in the 1970s, Austria and Sweden – where the post-war political order remained intact – used economic policies to preserve full employment. In the 1990s and 2000s, governments in Denmark and the Netherlands – who had lived with high unemployment for a long period of time and reformed their political models in the course of the 1980s – undertook far-reaching labor market policy changes.
Donald Markwell
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780198292364
- eISBN:
- 9780191715525
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198292364.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
From January to June 1919, Keynes was the principal British Treasury representative at the Paris Peace Conference (PPC). He was the Chancellor of the Exchequer’s representative on the Supreme ...
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From January to June 1919, Keynes was the principal British Treasury representative at the Paris Peace Conference (PPC). He was the Chancellor of the Exchequer’s representative on the Supreme Economic Council (SEC) from its creation in February, and a member of its Finance Section (FS), and of various other committees. This chapter deals with Keynes’s activities during the peace conference: concerning food supplies for Germany and Austria; seeking cancellation of war debts, and promoting a credit scheme for the rehabilitation of Europe; and concerning reparations, including his attempt to modify the draft Treaty.Less
From January to June 1919, Keynes was the principal British Treasury representative at the Paris Peace Conference (PPC). He was the Chancellor of the Exchequer’s representative on the Supreme Economic Council (SEC) from its creation in February, and a member of its Finance Section (FS), and of various other committees. This chapter deals with Keynes’s activities during the peace conference: concerning food supplies for Germany and Austria; seeking cancellation of war debts, and promoting a credit scheme for the rehabilitation of Europe; and concerning reparations, including his attempt to modify the draft Treaty.
Vincent Wright
Hussein Kassim, Anand Menon, and B. Guy Peters (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199248056
- eISBN:
- 9780191601545
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199248052.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book is the second of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which European Union (EU) member states co-ordinate their European policies, and investigates the structures, ...
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This book is the second of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which European Union (EU) member states co-ordinate their European policies, and investigates the structures, institutions and processes put in place by national governments in Brussels. The companion volume, published in 2000, examines the national co-ordination of EU policy at the domestic level. This second book offers a comprehensive, comparative analysis of national co-ordination at the European level. It investigates the way in which eleven member states—Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, and the United Kingdom—co-ordinate their European policy in Brussels. It examines their co-ordination ambitions, the value attached to co-ordination and their conception of it, and the strategies adopted by the member states for defining and defending a national position in EU policy-making. It looks in detail at the organization and operation of the permanent representations—the principal institution charged by governments with safeguarding the ‘national interest’ in Brussels—and at how, to what extent (indeed, whether) they succeed in reconciling their responsibilities as both agencies of the national government and part of the EU decision-making system. The book assesses the effectiveness of the various national arrangements in achieving their intended goals, and identifies the factors that influence or determine performance at the European level. The institutions, structures, and processes utilized by the member states in Brussels are compared with a view to discovering whether there is evidence of convergence around a common model or whether national differences persist. All of the chapters except for the Conclusion are extensively revised versions of papers presented at a workshop, held at Nuffield College, Oxford, on 13–14 May 1999.Less
This book is the second of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which European Union (EU) member states co-ordinate their European policies, and investigates the structures, institutions and processes put in place by national governments in Brussels. The companion volume, published in 2000, examines the national co-ordination of EU policy at the domestic level. This second book offers a comprehensive, comparative analysis of national co-ordination at the European level. It investigates the way in which eleven member states—Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, and the United Kingdom—co-ordinate their European policy in Brussels. It examines their co-ordination ambitions, the value attached to co-ordination and their conception of it, and the strategies adopted by the member states for defining and defending a national position in EU policy-making. It looks in detail at the organization and operation of the permanent representations—the principal institution charged by governments with safeguarding the ‘national interest’ in Brussels—and at how, to what extent (indeed, whether) they succeed in reconciling their responsibilities as both agencies of the national government and part of the EU decision-making system. The book assesses the effectiveness of the various national arrangements in achieving their intended goals, and identifies the factors that influence or determine performance at the European level. The institutions, structures, and processes utilized by the member states in Brussels are compared with a view to discovering whether there is evidence of convergence around a common model or whether national differences persist. All of the chapters except for the Conclusion are extensively revised versions of papers presented at a workshop, held at Nuffield College, Oxford, on 13–14 May 1999.
Hussein Kassim, Guy Peters, and Vincent Wright (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296645
- eISBN:
- 9780191599613
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296649.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book is the first of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which member states of the European Union (EU) co-ordinate their European policies. Rather than looking at the ...
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This book is the first of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which member states of the European Union (EU) co-ordinate their European policies. Rather than looking at the ‘Europeanization’ problematic within which the issue is usually addressed, it adopts a broader, more inclusive approach, examining domestic processes and investigating co-ordination in ten member states ––Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain and the United Kingdom –– looking at co-ordinating ambitions, the actors involved in EU policy-making, and the structures and processes by which policy is made. These particular countries were selected to cover the most important dimensions of variation among member states. From a comparative perspective, the book identifies and assesses the impact of the influences that have shaped systems of national co-ordination – the demands exerted by Union membership, the institutional structure of the national polity, the pre-existing balance between domestic institutions, administrative norms and values, and attitudes, both popular and elite, to European integration. It assesses the extent to which there has been a convergent response to the administrative challenges posed by membership on the part of the member states or whether a pattern of divergence emerges. The effectiveness of member states in influencing policy outcomes at the European level is also addressed. All the chapters except for that on Portugal and the Conclusion are substantially revised versions of papers presented at a workshop on co-ordinating EU policy held at Oxford in June 1998. The companion volume answers similar questions about national administrations in Brussels and looks at twelve member states; it is the first systematic examination of the role played by Permanent Representations in national EU policy-making.Less
This book is the first of two volumes in which leading scholars examine the way in which member states of the European Union (EU) co-ordinate their European policies. Rather than looking at the ‘Europeanization’ problematic within which the issue is usually addressed, it adopts a broader, more inclusive approach, examining domestic processes and investigating co-ordination in ten member states ––Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain and the United Kingdom –– looking at co-ordinating ambitions, the actors involved in EU policy-making, and the structures and processes by which policy is made. These particular countries were selected to cover the most important dimensions of variation among member states. From a comparative perspective, the book identifies and assesses the impact of the influences that have shaped systems of national co-ordination – the demands exerted by Union membership, the institutional structure of the national polity, the pre-existing balance between domestic institutions, administrative norms and values, and attitudes, both popular and elite, to European integration. It assesses the extent to which there has been a convergent response to the administrative challenges posed by membership on the part of the member states or whether a pattern of divergence emerges. The effectiveness of member states in influencing policy outcomes at the European level is also addressed. All the chapters except for that on Portugal and the Conclusion are substantially revised versions of papers presented at a workshop on co-ordinating EU policy held at Oxford in June 1998. The companion volume answers similar questions about national administrations in Brussels and looks at twelve member states; it is the first systematic examination of the role played by Permanent Representations in national EU policy-making.
Robert Elgie (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and ...
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Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixed‐term president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decision‐making process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi‐presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semi‐presidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semi‐presidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semi‐presidential studies is considered.Less
Semi‐presidentialism is an increasingly popular form of constitutional government. Semi‐presidential regimes can now be found in Western Europe, in Austria, Finland, France, Iceland, Ireland, and Portugal, in Central and Eastern Europe, including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, and Ukraine; in Asia, in places such as Mongolia, South Korea, and Sri Lanka; and elsewhere in, e.g. Guyana, Haiti, Angola, and Namibia. By definition, all of these countries share a similar set of basic constitutional features, namely, a directly elected fixed‐term president and a prime minister who is responsible to parliament. However, the main observation to be made about them is that the exercise of political power varies greatly from one to another. For example, in some countries (particularly France), the president is usually the dominant political actor; in other countries (such as Finland), there is a sometimes uneasy balance of power between the president and prime minister; in yet others (notably Ukraine), the president and parliament share powers; and finally, in others still (including Austria, Iceland, and Ireland), the president is merely a figurehead and the prime minister dominates the decision‐making process. Because of the very varied forms of political leadership that occur across these institutionally similar countries, some writers have dismissed the concept of semi‐presidentialism, but in fact, though, it provides a perfect opportunity to study the general question of why political systems function in the way they do and to examine the relationship between particular constitutional arrangements and different forms of political practice. This book examines the politics of semi‐presidentialism in 12 European countries (all those listed above except for Portugal), and the constitutional powers of political leaders, the role of political parties, and the importance of past precedent. Ch. 1 provides a background to the study of the concept and a framework for the analysis of semi‐presidential regimes. This framework is then applied to the politics of individual European countries in the following chapters. In the conclusion, the lessons of these chapters are reviewed and the future of semi‐presidential studies is considered.
Margit Tavits
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199553327
- eISBN:
- 9780191721007
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199553327.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter continues to evaluate the effect of selection methods on presidential activism with a thorough investigation of countries employing indirect (Estonia, Hungary, Germany) or direct ...
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This chapter continues to evaluate the effect of selection methods on presidential activism with a thorough investigation of countries employing indirect (Estonia, Hungary, Germany) or direct (Austria, Ireland, Poland) presidential elections. Case study analysis allows for the consideration of other aspects of activism in addition to the president's role in cabinet formation, including the use of veto, appointment, and legislative powers; initiation of public debates; and intervention in international affairs. The study of presidential behavior in all six countries reveals significant amount of variance in how actively presidents use these powers among countries with similar election method. The latter, therefore, cannot account for the observed variance. Presidents selected through different processes can either be active or passive depending on whether other institutions provide incentives and opportunities conducive to their activism.Less
This chapter continues to evaluate the effect of selection methods on presidential activism with a thorough investigation of countries employing indirect (Estonia, Hungary, Germany) or direct (Austria, Ireland, Poland) presidential elections. Case study analysis allows for the consideration of other aspects of activism in addition to the president's role in cabinet formation, including the use of veto, appointment, and legislative powers; initiation of public debates; and intervention in international affairs. The study of presidential behavior in all six countries reveals significant amount of variance in how actively presidents use these powers among countries with similar election method. The latter, therefore, cannot account for the observed variance. Presidents selected through different processes can either be active or passive depending on whether other institutions provide incentives and opportunities conducive to their activism.
Anton Hemerijck, Brigitte Unger, and Jelle Visser
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240920
- eISBN:
- 9780191600180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240922.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Although Austria, the Netherlands, and Belgium are so seemingly alike in their tightly coupled, consociational, and corporatist democratic structures and in the “Bismarckian” origin of their welfare ...
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Although Austria, the Netherlands, and Belgium are so seemingly alike in their tightly coupled, consociational, and corporatist democratic structures and in the “Bismarckian” origin of their welfare states, they have had radically different experiences since the 1970s. While the Netherlands, which appeared in the 1970s and early 1980s to be afflicted with a terminal ‘Dutch disease’, has seemingly been cured, Belgium, with a similar initial profile, has been malingering and Austria has managed to avoid the crises from which the others are recovering. Since all three countries have internationally exposed and hence vulnerable economies as well as policymaking structures with plural veto positions, the success or failure of adjustment policies did depend on the ability of actors to adopt action orientations that emphasize common, rather than separate, interests. The Austrian social partners succeeded in maintaining this ‘encompassing’ perspective throughout the period under study; the Dutch had to relearn it after dismal failures; and in Belgium, the increasing salience of linguistic cleavages added to the difficulty of achieving, and acting on, convergent perceptions and interest definitions.Less
Although Austria, the Netherlands, and Belgium are so seemingly alike in their tightly coupled, consociational, and corporatist democratic structures and in the “Bismarckian” origin of their welfare states, they have had radically different experiences since the 1970s. While the Netherlands, which appeared in the 1970s and early 1980s to be afflicted with a terminal ‘Dutch disease’, has seemingly been cured, Belgium, with a similar initial profile, has been malingering and Austria has managed to avoid the crises from which the others are recovering. Since all three countries have internationally exposed and hence vulnerable economies as well as policymaking structures with plural veto positions, the success or failure of adjustment policies did depend on the ability of actors to adopt action orientations that emphasize common, rather than separate, interests. The Austrian social partners succeeded in maintaining this ‘encompassing’ perspective throughout the period under study; the Dutch had to relearn it after dismal failures; and in Belgium, the increasing salience of linguistic cleavages added to the difficulty of achieving, and acting on, convergent perceptions and interest definitions.
Regina Köpl
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The author describes three policy debates in Austria: initial legalization in the early 1970s, the defeat of an anti‐abortion referendum initiative in 1978, and the authorization of Mifegyne—the ...
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The author describes three policy debates in Austria: initial legalization in the early 1970s, the defeat of an anti‐abortion referendum initiative in 1978, and the authorization of Mifegyne—the ‘abortion pill’—in the late 1990s. The women's movement has been very influential in all abortion debates through their activism in the left‐wing Austrian Social Democratic party and the long‐term commitment of that party to women's right to self‐determination. In all debates as well, the women's policy agencies acted for the movement inside the state policy‐making processes. Austrian abortion politics is an example of movement success in part through state feminism.Less
The author describes three policy debates in Austria: initial legalization in the early 1970s, the defeat of an anti‐abortion referendum initiative in 1978, and the authorization of Mifegyne—the ‘abortion pill’—in the late 1990s. The women's movement has been very influential in all abortion debates through their activism in the left‐wing Austrian Social Democratic party and the long‐term commitment of that party to women's right to self‐determination. In all debates as well, the women's policy agencies acted for the movement inside the state policy‐making processes. Austrian abortion politics is an example of movement success in part through state feminism.
Wolfgang C. Müller
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Since the constitutional reform of 1929, Austria comes under the rubric of semi‐presidentialism as defined in this volume: alongside the chancellor (prime minister), who is fully responsible to ...
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Since the constitutional reform of 1929, Austria comes under the rubric of semi‐presidentialism as defined in this volume: alongside the chancellor (prime minister), who is fully responsible to parliament, there is a directly elected president, who appoints the government and can dismiss it, although in practical terms the president has very little accountability. Nevertheless, Austria is generally considered as a parliamentary system by leading comparativists, and indeed it is parliamentary elections rather than presidential elections that decide the distribution of power. This chapter concentrates on the post‐war period, although the interwar years are also important for understanding the gap between the large constitutional powers and limited role that presidents have actually played. It draws on the literature on the Austrian presidency, original archival work, and interviews with political actors. The different sections of the chapter are: The Historical Legacy of Introducing Semi‐Presidentialism; Constitutional Powers and Their Practical Relevance; The Presidency and Party Politics; and Conclusion.Less
Since the constitutional reform of 1929, Austria comes under the rubric of semi‐presidentialism as defined in this volume: alongside the chancellor (prime minister), who is fully responsible to parliament, there is a directly elected president, who appoints the government and can dismiss it, although in practical terms the president has very little accountability. Nevertheless, Austria is generally considered as a parliamentary system by leading comparativists, and indeed it is parliamentary elections rather than presidential elections that decide the distribution of power. This chapter concentrates on the post‐war period, although the interwar years are also important for understanding the gap between the large constitutional powers and limited role that presidents have actually played. It draws on the literature on the Austrian presidency, original archival work, and interviews with political actors. The different sections of the chapter are: The Historical Legacy of Introducing Semi‐Presidentialism; Constitutional Powers and Their Practical Relevance; The Presidency and Party Politics; and Conclusion.
Wolfgang C. Müller
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199248056
- eISBN:
- 9780191601545
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199248052.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Although this chapter touches on the long-term development of the Austrian permanent representation at Brussels (which dates back to the mid-1950s, when Austria had a mission for handling relations ...
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Although this chapter touches on the long-term development of the Austrian permanent representation at Brussels (which dates back to the mid-1950s, when Austria had a mission for handling relations with the European Coal and Steel Community), it concentrates on the time since Austria has been a member of the European Union (1995). The first two sections deal with the organization and personnel of the permanent representation. The following section locates the permanent representation in the policy co-ordination process. A discussion follows of the limits to co-ordination that are inherent in the set-up of the Austrian institutions, and there is also a brief discussion of activities and strategies. The conclusion attempts to situate the empirical findings in the context of models of government.Less
Although this chapter touches on the long-term development of the Austrian permanent representation at Brussels (which dates back to the mid-1950s, when Austria had a mission for handling relations with the European Coal and Steel Community), it concentrates on the time since Austria has been a member of the European Union (1995). The first two sections deal with the organization and personnel of the permanent representation. The following section locates the permanent representation in the policy co-ordination process. A discussion follows of the limits to co-ordination that are inherent in the set-up of the Austrian institutions, and there is also a brief discussion of activities and strategies. The conclusion attempts to situate the empirical findings in the context of models of government.
Wolfgang C. Müller
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296645
- eISBN:
- 9780191599613
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296649.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter on the national co-ordination of European Union (EU) policy in Austria starts by discussing the challenge of co-ordination, and outlining the policy changes and reforms in the lead-up to ...
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This chapter on the national co-ordination of European Union (EU) policy in Austria starts by discussing the challenge of co-ordination, and outlining the policy changes and reforms in the lead-up to membership of the EU. The strategy employed has resulted in high ambitions concerning EU co-ordination, and this co-ordination ambition is supported by a policy-making culture that values co-ordination and integration, and is based on the country’s long tradition of wide consultation, grand coalition government, parliamentary consensus seeking, and corporatism. The remainder of the chapter looks at the various actors involved individually, briefly pointing out in which way membership of the EU constitutes a challenge, mapping out the respective actor’s formal role in the co-ordination process, and evaluating the actor’s impact on Austria’s position- taking in the EU. The five sets of actors examined are: the central players ( the cabinet and the central administration); Parliament; the President; the Länder; and interest groups (corporatism). The conclusion aims at an overall evaluation of the EU co-ordination process from a political power perspective.Less
This chapter on the national co-ordination of European Union (EU) policy in Austria starts by discussing the challenge of co-ordination, and outlining the policy changes and reforms in the lead-up to membership of the EU. The strategy employed has resulted in high ambitions concerning EU co-ordination, and this co-ordination ambition is supported by a policy-making culture that values co-ordination and integration, and is based on the country’s long tradition of wide consultation, grand coalition government, parliamentary consensus seeking, and corporatism. The remainder of the chapter looks at the various actors involved individually, briefly pointing out in which way membership of the EU constitutes a challenge, mapping out the respective actor’s formal role in the co-ordination process, and evaluating the actor’s impact on Austria’s position- taking in the EU. The five sets of actors examined are: the central players ( the cabinet and the central administration); Parliament; the President; the Länder; and interest groups (corporatism). The conclusion aims at an overall evaluation of the EU co-ordination process from a political power perspective.
Piero Ignazi
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198293255
- eISBN:
- 9780191601903
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293259.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter focuses on the transformation Austria’s FPO political party from a ‘liberalist’ into a right extremist. The party is placed much closer to right extremism rather than ...
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This chapter focuses on the transformation Austria’s FPO political party from a ‘liberalist’ into a right extremist. The party is placed much closer to right extremism rather than liberal-conservatism due to a number of factors. These include its constant de-legitimising of representative democratic institutions, disdain for liberal democratic procedures, distrust for the idea of equality of man, and the appeal to natural community and ethnicity against citizens’ rights.Less
This chapter focuses on the transformation Austria’s FPO political party from a ‘liberalist’ into a right extremist. The party is placed much closer to right extremism rather than liberal-conservatism due to a number of factors. These include its constant de-legitimising of representative democratic institutions, disdain for liberal democratic procedures, distrust for the idea of equality of man, and the appeal to natural community and ethnicity against citizens’ rights.
Barbara Liegl and Wolfgang C. Müller
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294467
- eISBN:
- 9780191600067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294468.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
First provides an overview of the formal structure of the civil service in post‐war Austria and the position of senior officials within it. Includes a discussion of recent changes aimed at making the ...
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First provides an overview of the formal structure of the civil service in post‐war Austria and the position of senior officials within it. Includes a discussion of recent changes aimed at making the civil service more flexible and effective and their impact on the top layer of the permanent bureaucracy. The following two main sections look at the incumbents in these positions, and provide information on the demographic and educational background and career patterns (duration in office and inter‐ministerial mobility) of the top civil servants and members of the cabinets ministériels who served in the 1970–1995 period. The next section turns to the political role of senior officials, and the penultimate section discusses the impact of party politics on the civil service. The concluding section summarizes the main points of the chapter.Less
First provides an overview of the formal structure of the civil service in post‐war Austria and the position of senior officials within it. Includes a discussion of recent changes aimed at making the civil service more flexible and effective and their impact on the top layer of the permanent bureaucracy. The following two main sections look at the incumbents in these positions, and provide information on the demographic and educational background and career patterns (duration in office and inter‐ministerial mobility) of the top civil servants and members of the cabinets ministériels who served in the 1970–1995 period. The next section turns to the political role of senior officials, and the penultimate section discusses the impact of party politics on the civil service. The concluding section summarizes the main points of the chapter.
Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266685
- eISBN:
- 9780191601057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266689.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Discusses the expansion of the cooperation established between the US and Western Europe in the period 1950–1962, and analyses the Atlantic community, Germany's role in the relationship, and Western ...
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Discusses the expansion of the cooperation established between the US and Western Europe in the period 1950–1962, and analyses the Atlantic community, Germany's role in the relationship, and Western European integration. The first section looks at the dominant status that America had achieved in Europe by 1950, and at Europe's centrality to American–European cooperation—the shared assumption that Europe was the area of the world that mattered most, and that the struggle between East and West was primarily a struggle over Europe. The second section discusses the (North) Atlantic community in terms of balance of power (notably the threat of Soviet communism), the domestic threat from communists and other anti‐democratic groups, and from Germany, and the third discusses European integration in relation to this Atlantic framework. The fourth and fifth sections examine the motives for America's support of European integration, and the European economic challenge to the Atlantic framework. The sixth section analyses the development of the ‘special relationships’ formed between the US and various European countries, notably Britain, but also West Germany, Norway, Switzerland, Austria, Ireland, Sweden, Finland, and Yugoslavia. The last section looks at some of the concessions that the US had to make, and some of its defeats, in its relationship with Western Europe.Less
Discusses the expansion of the cooperation established between the US and Western Europe in the period 1950–1962, and analyses the Atlantic community, Germany's role in the relationship, and Western European integration. The first section looks at the dominant status that America had achieved in Europe by 1950, and at Europe's centrality to American–European cooperation—the shared assumption that Europe was the area of the world that mattered most, and that the struggle between East and West was primarily a struggle over Europe. The second section discusses the (North) Atlantic community in terms of balance of power (notably the threat of Soviet communism), the domestic threat from communists and other anti‐democratic groups, and from Germany, and the third discusses European integration in relation to this Atlantic framework. The fourth and fifth sections examine the motives for America's support of European integration, and the European economic challenge to the Atlantic framework. The sixth section analyses the development of the ‘special relationships’ formed between the US and various European countries, notably Britain, but also West Germany, Norway, Switzerland, Austria, Ireland, Sweden, Finland, and Yugoslavia. The last section looks at some of the concessions that the US had to make, and some of its defeats, in its relationship with Western Europe.
Frank Aarebrot, Sten Berglund, and Thomas Weninger
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294764
- eISBN:
- 9780191600005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829476X.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines public opinion regarding European Community integration in the five small but comparatively prosperous countries in the European Free Trade Association (EFTA). The evidence ...
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This chapter examines public opinion regarding European Community integration in the five small but comparatively prosperous countries in the European Free Trade Association (EFTA). The evidence reveals a split. On the one hand, there is the positive endorsement expressed in Austria, Finland and Sweden; on the other, there is the negative assessment expressed in Norway and Switzerland. This ambivalence confirms that the impact of centre‐periphery location is complex. Moreover, as the Norwegian and Swiss cases indicate, the centre‐periphery cleavage within countries is as relevant as that between countries to an understanding of support for internationalized governance.Less
This chapter examines public opinion regarding European Community integration in the five small but comparatively prosperous countries in the European Free Trade Association (EFTA). The evidence reveals a split. On the one hand, there is the positive endorsement expressed in Austria, Finland and Sweden; on the other, there is the negative assessment expressed in Norway and Switzerland. This ambivalence confirms that the impact of centre‐periphery location is complex. Moreover, as the Norwegian and Swiss cases indicate, the centre‐periphery cleavage within countries is as relevant as that between countries to an understanding of support for internationalized governance.
Susan Groag Bell
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520234109
- eISBN:
- 9780520928787
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520234109.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
Like a particularly good detective story, this richly textured book follows tantalizing clues in its hunt for a group of missing artistic masterpieces. It opens a new window on the lives of ...
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Like a particularly good detective story, this richly textured book follows tantalizing clues in its hunt for a group of missing artistic masterpieces. It opens a new window on the lives of noblewomen in the Renaissance, the brilliantly colored tapestries that were the ultimate artistic luxury of the day, and the popular and influential fourteenth-century writer Christine de Pizan. The tapestries around which this story revolves are linked to de Pizan's Book of the City of Ladies, originally published 600 years ago in 1405. The book is aT tribute to women that honors 200 female warriors, scientists, queens, philosophers, and builders of cities. Though twenty-five manuscripts of the City of Ladies still exist, references to tapestries based on the book are elusive. The book takes us along as it tracks down records of six sets of tapestries whose owners included Elizabeth I of England; Margaret of Austria; and Anne of Brittany, Queen of France. It examines the intriguing details of these women's lives—their arranged marriages, their power, their affairs of state—asking what interest they had in owning these particular tapestries. Could the tapestries have represented their thinking? As it reveals the historical, linguistic, and cultural aspects of this unique story, the book also gives a fascinating account of medieval and early-Renaissance tapestry production and of de Pizan's remarkable life and legacy.Less
Like a particularly good detective story, this richly textured book follows tantalizing clues in its hunt for a group of missing artistic masterpieces. It opens a new window on the lives of noblewomen in the Renaissance, the brilliantly colored tapestries that were the ultimate artistic luxury of the day, and the popular and influential fourteenth-century writer Christine de Pizan. The tapestries around which this story revolves are linked to de Pizan's Book of the City of Ladies, originally published 600 years ago in 1405. The book is aT tribute to women that honors 200 female warriors, scientists, queens, philosophers, and builders of cities. Though twenty-five manuscripts of the City of Ladies still exist, references to tapestries based on the book are elusive. The book takes us along as it tracks down records of six sets of tapestries whose owners included Elizabeth I of England; Margaret of Austria; and Anne of Brittany, Queen of France. It examines the intriguing details of these women's lives—their arranged marriages, their power, their affairs of state—asking what interest they had in owning these particular tapestries. Could the tapestries have represented their thinking? As it reveals the historical, linguistic, and cultural aspects of this unique story, the book also gives a fascinating account of medieval and early-Renaissance tapestry production and of de Pizan's remarkable life and legacy.
Kevin C. Karnes
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195368666
- eISBN:
- 9780199867547
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195368666.003.0007
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
This chapter considers the nationalist underpinnings of late-century musicology by examining the diverse and even contradictory cultural associations that Adler forged through the medium of his work. ...
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This chapter considers the nationalist underpinnings of late-century musicology by examining the diverse and even contradictory cultural associations that Adler forged through the medium of his work. In his publications on the medieval origins of harmony, Adler distanced himself from attempts to claim exclusively Germanic origins for polyphonic phenomena. But in essays on Bach, Handel, and Mozart, penned in the mid-1880s, he indulged a brand of cultural chauvinism associated with Wagner and his followers. In his work on the Monuments of Music in Austria series of editions, Adler embraced a supranational vision of Austrian cultural identity endorsed by Habsburg officialdom, yet in his 1904 monograph on Wagner he declined to engage the composer's most inflammatory statements on race and identity. Each of these cases illuminates Adler's response to a specific crisis that shook his society, and together they testify to the difficulties of defining the German in the late-century musicological discourse.Less
This chapter considers the nationalist underpinnings of late-century musicology by examining the diverse and even contradictory cultural associations that Adler forged through the medium of his work. In his publications on the medieval origins of harmony, Adler distanced himself from attempts to claim exclusively Germanic origins for polyphonic phenomena. But in essays on Bach, Handel, and Mozart, penned in the mid-1880s, he indulged a brand of cultural chauvinism associated with Wagner and his followers. In his work on the Monuments of Music in Austria series of editions, Adler embraced a supranational vision of Austrian cultural identity endorsed by Habsburg officialdom, yet in his 1904 monograph on Wagner he declined to engage the composer's most inflammatory statements on race and identity. Each of these cases illuminates Adler's response to a specific crisis that shook his society, and together they testify to the difficulties of defining the German in the late-century musicological discourse.
Regina Pörtner
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199246151
- eISBN:
- 9780191715228
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199246151.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History
Ferdinand II successfully terminated a Counter-Reformation campaign that had received its first impetus from the meeting of Habsburg and Wittelsbach princes in Munich in October 1579, but which had ...
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Ferdinand II successfully terminated a Counter-Reformation campaign that had received its first impetus from the meeting of Habsburg and Wittelsbach princes in Munich in October 1579, but which had failed to achieve its main objectives in the reign of Karl II. This chapter assesses the achievements and shortcomings of the Ferdinandean Counter-Reformation by looking at the confessional development from the general expulsion in 1628 to the abolition of religious persecution in 1780–1781. Particular attention is given to the activity of the protagonists of the process of confessional consolidation which roughly spanned the century from the Inner Austrian edict of emigration to the resumption of systematic persecution in 1731. The imperfections of the Catholic achievement are discussed as part of an analysis of the governmental and ecclesiastical response to the problem of crypto-Protestantism in the Austrian lands and Bohemia in the 18th century.Less
Ferdinand II successfully terminated a Counter-Reformation campaign that had received its first impetus from the meeting of Habsburg and Wittelsbach princes in Munich in October 1579, but which had failed to achieve its main objectives in the reign of Karl II. This chapter assesses the achievements and shortcomings of the Ferdinandean Counter-Reformation by looking at the confessional development from the general expulsion in 1628 to the abolition of religious persecution in 1780–1781. Particular attention is given to the activity of the protagonists of the process of confessional consolidation which roughly spanned the century from the Inner Austrian edict of emigration to the resumption of systematic persecution in 1731. The imperfections of the Catholic achievement are discussed as part of an analysis of the governmental and ecclesiastical response to the problem of crypto-Protestantism in the Austrian lands and Bohemia in the 18th century.
