Magdi Amin, Ragui Assaad, Nazar al-Baharna, Kemal Dervis, Raj M. Desai, Navtej S. Dhillon, Ahmed Galal, Hafez Ghanem, Carol Graham, and Daniel Kaufmann
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199924929
- eISBN:
- 9780199949427
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199924929.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
The Arab Spring constitutes perhaps the most far-reaching political and economic transition since the end of communism in Europe. For too long, the economic aspirations of the people in the region, ...
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The Arab Spring constitutes perhaps the most far-reaching political and economic transition since the end of communism in Europe. For too long, the economic aspirations of the people in the region, especially young people, have been ignored by leaders in Arab countries and abroad. Competing views as to how best to meet these aspirations are now being debated in the region. The outcome will shape Arab societies for generations to come. This book argues that significant economic reforms must accompany the major political transitions that are underway. Although each country has a different economic structure and history and must make its own way forward, there are spill-overs from trade and investment linkages, the contagion of news cycles, interaction of people and sharing of expectations that are too great to ignore. Some common foundation of the new Arab economies is needed. Towards that end, this volume addresses four central challenges of economic reform in the Arab world. First, with two-thirds of the population under the age of thirty, the disproportionate burdens of unemployment and poor education can no longer be heaped on youth. Second, while some government policies may have improved the living standards of Arab citizens in the past, they have also entrenched cronies, enriched a small elite, and become unaffordable. Third, if Arab economies are to compete in the 21st century they cannot depend solely on oil and gas money, remittances, and tourism, but will require active, independent private sectors. And finally, the relative isolation of Arab economies—both from each other and from the world—must end. Rather than providing specific lists of recommendations, this book sets forth a set of guidelines and priorities for reformers who will begin creating new opportunities for youth, rebuilding the institutions of the state, diversifying the private sector, and cooperating with each other and integrating with the world economy.Less
The Arab Spring constitutes perhaps the most far-reaching political and economic transition since the end of communism in Europe. For too long, the economic aspirations of the people in the region, especially young people, have been ignored by leaders in Arab countries and abroad. Competing views as to how best to meet these aspirations are now being debated in the region. The outcome will shape Arab societies for generations to come. This book argues that significant economic reforms must accompany the major political transitions that are underway. Although each country has a different economic structure and history and must make its own way forward, there are spill-overs from trade and investment linkages, the contagion of news cycles, interaction of people and sharing of expectations that are too great to ignore. Some common foundation of the new Arab economies is needed. Towards that end, this volume addresses four central challenges of economic reform in the Arab world. First, with two-thirds of the population under the age of thirty, the disproportionate burdens of unemployment and poor education can no longer be heaped on youth. Second, while some government policies may have improved the living standards of Arab citizens in the past, they have also entrenched cronies, enriched a small elite, and become unaffordable. Third, if Arab economies are to compete in the 21st century they cannot depend solely on oil and gas money, remittances, and tourism, but will require active, independent private sectors. And finally, the relative isolation of Arab economies—both from each other and from the world—must end. Rather than providing specific lists of recommendations, this book sets forth a set of guidelines and priorities for reformers who will begin creating new opportunities for youth, rebuilding the institutions of the state, diversifying the private sector, and cooperating with each other and integrating with the world economy.
Bruce K. Rutherford
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158044
- eISBN:
- 9781400846146
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158044.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Which way will Egypt go now that Husni Mubarak's authoritarian regime has been swept from power? Will it become an Islamic theocracy similar to Iran? Will it embrace Western-style liberalism and ...
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Which way will Egypt go now that Husni Mubarak's authoritarian regime has been swept from power? Will it become an Islamic theocracy similar to Iran? Will it embrace Western-style liberalism and democracy? This book reveals that Egypt's secularists and Islamists may yet navigate a middle path that results in a uniquely Islamic form of liberalism and, perhaps, democracy. The book draws on in-depth interviews with Egyptian judges, lawyers, Islamic activists, politicians, and businesspeople. It utilizes major court rulings, political documents of the Muslim Brotherhood, and the writings of Egypt's leading contemporary Islamic thinkers. The book demonstrates that, in post-Mubarak Egypt, progress toward liberalism and democracy is likely to be slow. Essential reading on a subject of global importance, this edition includes a new introduction that takes stock of the Arab Spring and the Muslim Brotherhood's victories in the 2011–2012 elections.Less
Which way will Egypt go now that Husni Mubarak's authoritarian regime has been swept from power? Will it become an Islamic theocracy similar to Iran? Will it embrace Western-style liberalism and democracy? This book reveals that Egypt's secularists and Islamists may yet navigate a middle path that results in a uniquely Islamic form of liberalism and, perhaps, democracy. The book draws on in-depth interviews with Egyptian judges, lawyers, Islamic activists, politicians, and businesspeople. It utilizes major court rulings, political documents of the Muslim Brotherhood, and the writings of Egypt's leading contemporary Islamic thinkers. The book demonstrates that, in post-Mubarak Egypt, progress toward liberalism and democracy is likely to be slow. Essential reading on a subject of global importance, this edition includes a new introduction that takes stock of the Arab Spring and the Muslim Brotherhood's victories in the 2011–2012 elections.
M Evren Tok, Nancy Elbassiouny, Sofia Samper, and Mohammed Sayeed Showkath
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781447335702
- eISBN:
- 9781447335740
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447335702.003.0015
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter examines whether the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) provided a concrete background to illuminate the preludes to the Arab Spring by focusing on the experiences of Egypt, Syria, ...
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This chapter examines whether the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) provided a concrete background to illuminate the preludes to the Arab Spring by focusing on the experiences of Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen. It first considers the common features of the Arab Spring in Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen before discussing the implementation of the MDGs in those countries. It also assesses the effects of the Arab Spring on the MDG progress in each country with respect to indicators such as eradicating extreme poverty and hunger, achieving universal primary education, promoting general equality and empowering women, reducing child mortality, improving maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability. The chapter proceeds by analysing the impact of the Arab Spring on Arab civil society and concludes with an overview of prospects for the Arab world in the post-2015 era.Less
This chapter examines whether the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) provided a concrete background to illuminate the preludes to the Arab Spring by focusing on the experiences of Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen. It first considers the common features of the Arab Spring in Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen before discussing the implementation of the MDGs in those countries. It also assesses the effects of the Arab Spring on the MDG progress in each country with respect to indicators such as eradicating extreme poverty and hunger, achieving universal primary education, promoting general equality and empowering women, reducing child mortality, improving maternal health and ensuring environmental sustainability. The chapter proceeds by analysing the impact of the Arab Spring on Arab civil society and concludes with an overview of prospects for the Arab world in the post-2015 era.
Adam Roberts
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- December 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198749028
- eISBN:
- 9780191811630
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198749028.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This concluding chapter addresses general questions raised by the events from 2010 onwards in countries of the Middle East and North Africa. How unified, or diverse, were the phenomena covered by the ...
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This concluding chapter addresses general questions raised by the events from 2010 onwards in countries of the Middle East and North Africa. How unified, or diverse, were the phenomena covered by the term ‘the Arab Spring’? How did power politics, within and beyond the region, affect outcomes? Why was democratization so difficult to achieve in so many of these postcolonial societies? Did civil resistance constitute a serious challenge to those advocating resort to political violence and terrorism? Did the Arab Spring contribute unintentionally to a revival of authoritarian ideas and practices in the region and elsewhere? What lessons can be learned about the possibilities of political change, and the capacity of civil resistance to achieve it?Less
This concluding chapter addresses general questions raised by the events from 2010 onwards in countries of the Middle East and North Africa. How unified, or diverse, were the phenomena covered by the term ‘the Arab Spring’? How did power politics, within and beyond the region, affect outcomes? Why was democratization so difficult to achieve in so many of these postcolonial societies? Did civil resistance constitute a serious challenge to those advocating resort to political violence and terrorism? Did the Arab Spring contribute unintentionally to a revival of authoritarian ideas and practices in the region and elsewhere? What lessons can be learned about the possibilities of political change, and the capacity of civil resistance to achieve it?
George Naufal, Ismail Genc, and Carlos Vargas-Silva
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190608873
- eISBN:
- 9780190848484
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190608873.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
The purpose of this chapter is to present new empirical research on the Arab Spring and, specifically, to focus on the attitudes of residents of one country in the Middle East towards the Arab ...
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The purpose of this chapter is to present new empirical research on the Arab Spring and, specifically, to focus on the attitudes of residents of one country in the Middle East towards the Arab Spring. This research was conducted in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which has been one of the main migrant destinations in the world for the last two decades. This allows for comparisons regarding attitudes towards the Arab Spring across individuals from different regions of origin such as GCC, South Asia, and Western countries. The attitudes of university students are important because the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has experienced a substantial increase in the 17 to 23 years of age population. Existing reports suggest that, by far, those involved in Arab Spring protests were young individuals. The analysis places particular emphasis on the correlation of attitudes towards the Arab Spring with three key aspects: religiousness, attachment to the GCC countries, and attachment to country of origin.Less
The purpose of this chapter is to present new empirical research on the Arab Spring and, specifically, to focus on the attitudes of residents of one country in the Middle East towards the Arab Spring. This research was conducted in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which has been one of the main migrant destinations in the world for the last two decades. This allows for comparisons regarding attitudes towards the Arab Spring across individuals from different regions of origin such as GCC, South Asia, and Western countries. The attitudes of university students are important because the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has experienced a substantial increase in the 17 to 23 years of age population. Existing reports suggest that, by far, those involved in Arab Spring protests were young individuals. The analysis places particular emphasis on the correlation of attitudes towards the Arab Spring with three key aspects: religiousness, attachment to the GCC countries, and attachment to country of origin.
Muzammil M. Hussain and Philip N. Howard
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199941599
- eISBN:
- 9780199349517
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199941599.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Democratization
Digital media have allowed spatially distant communities to realize shared grievances and political goals in many nondemocratic countries. It is also through digital media that citizens document, and ...
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Digital media have allowed spatially distant communities to realize shared grievances and political goals in many nondemocratic countries. It is also through digital media that citizens document, and sometimes test, the weaknesses and limits of state power. Information and communication technologies (ICTs) have extended the capacity of societal actors in many cases, but are not as effectively used by states to improve governance. Thus, the condition of limited statehood had made many Arab regimes surprisingly brittle, especially during the mass mobilizations of the Arab Spring. Over the course of a year, popular movements for democracy cascaded across the Middle East and North Africa. Weighing multiple political, economic, and cultural conditions, we find that information infrastructure—especially mobile phone use—consistently appears as one of the key ingredients in parsimonious models for the conjoined combinations of causes behind regime fragility.Less
Digital media have allowed spatially distant communities to realize shared grievances and political goals in many nondemocratic countries. It is also through digital media that citizens document, and sometimes test, the weaknesses and limits of state power. Information and communication technologies (ICTs) have extended the capacity of societal actors in many cases, but are not as effectively used by states to improve governance. Thus, the condition of limited statehood had made many Arab regimes surprisingly brittle, especially during the mass mobilizations of the Arab Spring. Over the course of a year, popular movements for democracy cascaded across the Middle East and North Africa. Weighing multiple political, economic, and cultural conditions, we find that information infrastructure—especially mobile phone use—consistently appears as one of the key ingredients in parsimonious models for the conjoined combinations of causes behind regime fragility.
Philip N. Howard and Muzammil M. Hussain
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199936953
- eISBN:
- 9780199333080
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199936953.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Democratization
In 2011, four of the world’s most recalcitrant dictators—Zine el Abadine Ben Ali of Tunisia, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Muammar el-Gaddafi of Libya, and Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen—fell after decades in ...
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In 2011, four of the world’s most recalcitrant dictators—Zine el Abadine Ben Ali of Tunisia, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Muammar el-Gaddafi of Libya, and Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen—fell after decades in power. Social protests cascaded across North Africa and the Middle East in an “Arab Spring.” Each popular uprising was unique in some ways, and digital media was relevant in different ways in each case. Communities used social media to understand their shared grievances and learn about each other’s strategies. Inspiring stories of risk and success cascaded digitally between cities, and across borders. Digital networks activated for protest with immense impact. Comparing systems of political communication across the region, we find that the use of digital media by domestic and transnational political actors helps explain why some regimes were durable, and others fragile. Moreover, patterns in technology use also help explain why some political uprisings were successful, and others not. The long-term outcomes of this latest wave of anti-authoritarian sentiment are difficult to predict. But it is no longer possible to understand political communication or social movements in the region without investigating the impact of digital media on cultural, economic and political institutions.Less
In 2011, four of the world’s most recalcitrant dictators—Zine el Abadine Ben Ali of Tunisia, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, Muammar el-Gaddafi of Libya, and Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen—fell after decades in power. Social protests cascaded across North Africa and the Middle East in an “Arab Spring.” Each popular uprising was unique in some ways, and digital media was relevant in different ways in each case. Communities used social media to understand their shared grievances and learn about each other’s strategies. Inspiring stories of risk and success cascaded digitally between cities, and across borders. Digital networks activated for protest with immense impact. Comparing systems of political communication across the region, we find that the use of digital media by domestic and transnational political actors helps explain why some regimes were durable, and others fragile. Moreover, patterns in technology use also help explain why some political uprisings were successful, and others not. The long-term outcomes of this latest wave of anti-authoritarian sentiment are difficult to predict. But it is no longer possible to understand political communication or social movements in the region without investigating the impact of digital media on cultural, economic and political institutions.
Bahgat Korany
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9789774166587
- eISBN:
- 9781617975912
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774166587.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
The central message of this book is that change leading to empowerment must start at the highest level of government decision-making. Empowerment requires resisting authoritarianism and achieving a ...
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The central message of this book is that change leading to empowerment must start at the highest level of government decision-making. Empowerment requires resisting authoritarianism and achieving a balanced relationship between citizens and the ruling power. Regimes' obsession with military security has come at the expense of legitimacy, public services, and wider human security. This has led to the deterioration of already inadequate living standards and social conditions. For some regimes this policy failure has led to state failure. Yet democratization waves are spreading through the region. Though the core tenets of democracy are the same everywhere, the Arab world must develop its own mode of democratic governance based on the primacy of social justice. In an institution-based society, everyone must adhere to practices of transparent decision-making, with oversight and accountability at all levels. While the Arab Spring marked a start toward democratization, the path remains difficult. This book proposes that democratization begin with establishing a stable and peaceful means for transferring power in a state ruled by law and with codified, objective standards for decision-making. Toward this end, states must pursue transparency, balanced media reporting, effective conflict management, and support for communal and individual identity.Less
The central message of this book is that change leading to empowerment must start at the highest level of government decision-making. Empowerment requires resisting authoritarianism and achieving a balanced relationship between citizens and the ruling power. Regimes' obsession with military security has come at the expense of legitimacy, public services, and wider human security. This has led to the deterioration of already inadequate living standards and social conditions. For some regimes this policy failure has led to state failure. Yet democratization waves are spreading through the region. Though the core tenets of democracy are the same everywhere, the Arab world must develop its own mode of democratic governance based on the primacy of social justice. In an institution-based society, everyone must adhere to practices of transparent decision-making, with oversight and accountability at all levels. While the Arab Spring marked a start toward democratization, the path remains difficult. This book proposes that democratization begin with establishing a stable and peaceful means for transferring power in a state ruled by law and with codified, objective standards for decision-making. Toward this end, states must pursue transparency, balanced media reporting, effective conflict management, and support for communal and individual identity.
Jesse Ferris
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691155142
- eISBN:
- 9781400845231
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691155142.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This book draws on declassified documents from six countries and original material in Arabic, German, Hebrew, and Russian to present a new understanding of Egypt's disastrous five-year intervention ...
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This book draws on declassified documents from six countries and original material in Arabic, German, Hebrew, and Russian to present a new understanding of Egypt's disastrous five-year intervention in Yemen, which Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser later referred to as “my Vietnam.” The book argues that Nasser's attempt to export the Egyptian revolution to Yemen played a decisive role in destabilizing Egypt's relations with the Cold War powers, tarnishing its image in the Arab world, ruining its economy, and driving its rulers to instigate the fatal series of missteps that led to war with Israel in 1967. Viewing the Six Day War as an unintended consequence of the Saudi–Egyptian struggle over Yemen, the book demonstrates that the most important Cold War conflict in the Middle East was not the clash between Israel and its neighbors. It was the inter-Arab struggle between monarchies and republics over power and legitimacy. Egypt's defeat in the “Arab Cold War” set the stage for the rise of Saudi Arabia and political Islam. Bold and provocative, this book brings to life a critical phase in the modern history of the Middle East. Its compelling analysis of Egypt's fall from power in the 1960s offers new insights into the decline of Arab nationalism, exposing the deep historical roots of the Arab Spring of 2011.Less
This book draws on declassified documents from six countries and original material in Arabic, German, Hebrew, and Russian to present a new understanding of Egypt's disastrous five-year intervention in Yemen, which Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser later referred to as “my Vietnam.” The book argues that Nasser's attempt to export the Egyptian revolution to Yemen played a decisive role in destabilizing Egypt's relations with the Cold War powers, tarnishing its image in the Arab world, ruining its economy, and driving its rulers to instigate the fatal series of missteps that led to war with Israel in 1967. Viewing the Six Day War as an unintended consequence of the Saudi–Egyptian struggle over Yemen, the book demonstrates that the most important Cold War conflict in the Middle East was not the clash between Israel and its neighbors. It was the inter-Arab struggle between monarchies and republics over power and legitimacy. Egypt's defeat in the “Arab Cold War” set the stage for the rise of Saudi Arabia and political Islam. Bold and provocative, this book brings to life a critical phase in the modern history of the Middle East. Its compelling analysis of Egypt's fall from power in the 1960s offers new insights into the decline of Arab nationalism, exposing the deep historical roots of the Arab Spring of 2011.
J.N.C. Hill
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781474408974
- eISBN:
- 9781474427067
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474408974.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
Drawing on Levitsky and Way’s model, this chapter offers a sophisticated assessment of Tunisia’s political liberalisation. Of all the region’s countries, it alone emerged from the Arab Spring ...
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Drawing on Levitsky and Way’s model, this chapter offers a sophisticated assessment of Tunisia’s political liberalisation. Of all the region’s countries, it alone emerged from the Arab Spring significantly more democratic than when the protests began. Ostensibly, Levitsky and Way’s model can account for this outcome. Not only did does Tunisia have high linkage to the EU and US, but the West has high leverage over it. In such circumstances, the Ben Ali regime’s high organisational power is of secondary importance. Yet this being the case, why did he remain in office for so long? The chapter argues that the EU and US consistently failed to put as much democratising pressure on him as they could have done, and that the regime’s organisational strength was not as great as it seemed owing to the persistent alienation of the country’s armed forces.Less
Drawing on Levitsky and Way’s model, this chapter offers a sophisticated assessment of Tunisia’s political liberalisation. Of all the region’s countries, it alone emerged from the Arab Spring significantly more democratic than when the protests began. Ostensibly, Levitsky and Way’s model can account for this outcome. Not only did does Tunisia have high linkage to the EU and US, but the West has high leverage over it. In such circumstances, the Ben Ali regime’s high organisational power is of secondary importance. Yet this being the case, why did he remain in office for so long? The chapter argues that the EU and US consistently failed to put as much democratising pressure on him as they could have done, and that the regime’s organisational strength was not as great as it seemed owing to the persistent alienation of the country’s armed forces.
Asaad Al-Saleh
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231163187
- eISBN:
- 9780231538589
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231163187.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the Arab Spring—the series of revolts that swept through the Arab world during the spring of 2011. This phenomenon rolled specifically through five ...
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This introductory chapter provides an overview of the Arab Spring—the series of revolts that swept through the Arab world during the spring of 2011. This phenomenon rolled specifically through five different countries—Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Syria—either toppling the government (as in Tunisia and Egypt) or ending in a bloody conflict (as in Libya, Yemen, and Syria). The organizing force behind this string of revolutions was primarily young Arabs who were technologically savvy, politically deprived, and unmoved by the antiquated rhetoric of their rulers masquerading as tribunes for the people. As the personal accounts of revolutionaries in this volume reveal, these revolts were not random; rather, the Arab people started to resist when the security states slowly began to show their true face, targeting dissenters and buying loyalty through cronyism, nepotism, and brutality.Less
This introductory chapter provides an overview of the Arab Spring—the series of revolts that swept through the Arab world during the spring of 2011. This phenomenon rolled specifically through five different countries—Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Syria—either toppling the government (as in Tunisia and Egypt) or ending in a bloody conflict (as in Libya, Yemen, and Syria). The organizing force behind this string of revolutions was primarily young Arabs who were technologically savvy, politically deprived, and unmoved by the antiquated rhetoric of their rulers masquerading as tribunes for the people. As the personal accounts of revolutionaries in this volume reveal, these revolts were not random; rather, the Arab people started to resist when the security states slowly began to show their true face, targeting dissenters and buying loyalty through cronyism, nepotism, and brutality.
Kristian Coates Ulrichsen
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- December 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780190210977
- eISBN:
- 9780190235710
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190210977.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This book provides a full examination of Qatar’s startling rise to regional and international prominence and describes how its distinct policy stance toward the Arab Spring emerged. In only a decade, ...
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This book provides a full examination of Qatar’s startling rise to regional and international prominence and describes how its distinct policy stance toward the Arab Spring emerged. In only a decade, Qatari policy-makers—led by the Emir, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani and the Prime Minister, Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim Al-Thani—catapulted Qatar from a sleepy backwater to a regional power with truly international reach. In addition to pursuing an aggressive state-branding strategy with its successful bid for the 2022 FIFA World Cup, Qatar forged a reputation for diplomatic mediation that combined intensely personalised engagement with financial backing and favourable media coverage through Al Jazeera. These factors converged in early 2011 with the outbreak of the Arab Spring revolts in North Africa and the Levant. Qatari leaders saw the uprisings as an opportunity to seal their regional and international influence rather than as a challenge to their authority. This guided their support of the rebellions against the Gaddafi and Assad regimes in Libya and Syria, an integral part of a highly assertive policy toward the Arab Spring. From the peaking of Qatari influence after the toppling of Gaddafi to the policy overreach in Syria and the subsequent regional backlash against Qatar’s perceived interventions in states affected by the uprisings, the book analyzes the causes and effects of Qatari policies as the tiny state sought to shape the transitions unfolding in the Arab world.Less
This book provides a full examination of Qatar’s startling rise to regional and international prominence and describes how its distinct policy stance toward the Arab Spring emerged. In only a decade, Qatari policy-makers—led by the Emir, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-Thani and the Prime Minister, Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim Al-Thani—catapulted Qatar from a sleepy backwater to a regional power with truly international reach. In addition to pursuing an aggressive state-branding strategy with its successful bid for the 2022 FIFA World Cup, Qatar forged a reputation for diplomatic mediation that combined intensely personalised engagement with financial backing and favourable media coverage through Al Jazeera. These factors converged in early 2011 with the outbreak of the Arab Spring revolts in North Africa and the Levant. Qatari leaders saw the uprisings as an opportunity to seal their regional and international influence rather than as a challenge to their authority. This guided their support of the rebellions against the Gaddafi and Assad regimes in Libya and Syria, an integral part of a highly assertive policy toward the Arab Spring. From the peaking of Qatari influence after the toppling of Gaddafi to the policy overreach in Syria and the subsequent regional backlash against Qatar’s perceived interventions in states affected by the uprisings, the book analyzes the causes and effects of Qatari policies as the tiny state sought to shape the transitions unfolding in the Arab world.
Lise Storm
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474415286
- eISBN:
- 9781474438551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415286.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter examines parties and party system change across the MENA countries since December 2010. The discussion begins with a brief overview of party systems in the region on the eve of the Arab ...
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This chapter examines parties and party system change across the MENA countries since December 2010. The discussion begins with a brief overview of party systems in the region on the eve of the Arab Spring, thereby providing a quick introduction to the selected cases as well as a benchmark against which to measure change. Party system change is determined via indicators such as the effective number of parties, party system fragmentation, electoral volatility and the entry of new parties into the system. The analysis of the indicators of party system change is coupled with a discussion of empirical data on the political environment during and in the immediate aftermath of the elections, including issues such as regime classification, rotation of power, coalition structures, prohibited parties, and societal cleavages. The author explains how - despite the fact that some old regimes fell and elections were held - the traditionally dominant or hegemonic political parties stayed preeminent in a number of MENA countries. Finally, this chapter shows what party system change tells us about the prospects for democracy some five years after the outbreak of the Arab Spring.Less
This chapter examines parties and party system change across the MENA countries since December 2010. The discussion begins with a brief overview of party systems in the region on the eve of the Arab Spring, thereby providing a quick introduction to the selected cases as well as a benchmark against which to measure change. Party system change is determined via indicators such as the effective number of parties, party system fragmentation, electoral volatility and the entry of new parties into the system. The analysis of the indicators of party system change is coupled with a discussion of empirical data on the political environment during and in the immediate aftermath of the elections, including issues such as regime classification, rotation of power, coalition structures, prohibited parties, and societal cleavages. The author explains how - despite the fact that some old regimes fell and elections were held - the traditionally dominant or hegemonic political parties stayed preeminent in a number of MENA countries. Finally, this chapter shows what party system change tells us about the prospects for democracy some five years after the outbreak of the Arab Spring.
Daniel Philpott
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190908188
- eISBN:
- 9780190908218
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190908188.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter looks at the Arab Uprisings that began in early 2011 and spread across the Arab world. It argues that just as the Arab Uprisings were by and large a failure for democratic aspirations, ...
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This chapter looks at the Arab Uprisings that began in early 2011 and spread across the Arab world. It argues that just as the Arab Uprisings were by and large a failure for democratic aspirations, so, too, the Uprisings were a failure for religious freedom, with the exception of Tunisia. Then, it draws upon the regime types of the previous chapters (religiously free, secular repressive, and religiously repressive states) to argue that religious freedom—its predominant absence, the reasons for its absence, and its rare presence—explains much about both the general failure and the isolated success of these uprisings.Less
This chapter looks at the Arab Uprisings that began in early 2011 and spread across the Arab world. It argues that just as the Arab Uprisings were by and large a failure for democratic aspirations, so, too, the Uprisings were a failure for religious freedom, with the exception of Tunisia. Then, it draws upon the regime types of the previous chapters (religiously free, secular repressive, and religiously repressive states) to argue that religious freedom—its predominant absence, the reasons for its absence, and its rare presence—explains much about both the general failure and the isolated success of these uprisings.
Ellen Anne McLarney
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158488
- eISBN:
- 9781400866441
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158488.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Research and Statistics
In the decades leading up to the Arab Spring in 2011, when Hosni Mubarak's authoritarian regime was swept from power in Egypt, Muslim women took a leading role in developing a robust Islamist ...
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In the decades leading up to the Arab Spring in 2011, when Hosni Mubarak's authoritarian regime was swept from power in Egypt, Muslim women took a leading role in developing a robust Islamist presence in the country's public sphere. This book examines the writings and activism of these women—including scholars, preachers, journalists, critics, actors, and public intellectuals—who envisioned an Islamic awakening in which women's rights and the family, equality, and emancipation were at the center. Challenging Western conceptions of Muslim women as being oppressed by Islam, this book shows how women used “soft force”—a women's jihad characterized by nonviolent protest—to oppose secular dictatorship and articulate a public sphere that was both Islamic and democratic. The book draws on memoirs, political essays, sermons, newspaper articles, and other writings to explore how these women imagined the home and the family as sites of the free practice of religion in a climate where Islamists were under siege by the secular state. While they seem to reinforce women's traditional roles in a male-dominated society, these Islamist writers also reoriented Islamist politics in domains coded as feminine, putting women at the very forefront in imagining an Islamic polity. The book transforms our understanding of women's rights, women's liberation, and women's equality in Egypt's Islamic revival.Less
In the decades leading up to the Arab Spring in 2011, when Hosni Mubarak's authoritarian regime was swept from power in Egypt, Muslim women took a leading role in developing a robust Islamist presence in the country's public sphere. This book examines the writings and activism of these women—including scholars, preachers, journalists, critics, actors, and public intellectuals—who envisioned an Islamic awakening in which women's rights and the family, equality, and emancipation were at the center. Challenging Western conceptions of Muslim women as being oppressed by Islam, this book shows how women used “soft force”—a women's jihad characterized by nonviolent protest—to oppose secular dictatorship and articulate a public sphere that was both Islamic and democratic. The book draws on memoirs, political essays, sermons, newspaper articles, and other writings to explore how these women imagined the home and the family as sites of the free practice of religion in a climate where Islamists were under siege by the secular state. While they seem to reinforce women's traditional roles in a male-dominated society, these Islamist writers also reoriented Islamist politics in domains coded as feminine, putting women at the very forefront in imagining an Islamic polity. The book transforms our understanding of women's rights, women's liberation, and women's equality in Egypt's Islamic revival.
Mehran Kamrava (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- December 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199384419
- eISBN:
- 9780190235666
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199384419.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The 2011 Arab uprisings represented the collapse of old ruling bargains across the Arab world and the manifestation of demands for new premises of rule. The book is divided into two parts. The first ...
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The 2011 Arab uprisings represented the collapse of old ruling bargains across the Arab world and the manifestation of demands for new premises of rule. The book is divided into two parts. The first part is designed to contextualize the Arab Spring, while the second focuses on individual case studies. Part 1 begins with a chapter that traces the rise and fall of ruling bargains in the Middle East and the growing primacy of only one of the elements of the ruling bargain, namely fear, as the main tool of governance across the Middle East and especially the Arab world, a process which began in the 1960s and 1970s and lasted into the 2000s. Part 2 begins with Nader Hashemi’s analysis of Iran’s 2009 Green Movement, which is not generally considered to be part of the Arab Spring. But the Green Movement did represent a popular, mass-based effort to reformulate the ruling bargain that had evolved under the Iranian Islamic Republic over the preceding thirty years. It then examines Egypt’s Tahrir Square revolution, the region’s monarchies and their resilience to revolution. The book ends by considering Islamist groups, the situation in Syria, and Libya’s future.Less
The 2011 Arab uprisings represented the collapse of old ruling bargains across the Arab world and the manifestation of demands for new premises of rule. The book is divided into two parts. The first part is designed to contextualize the Arab Spring, while the second focuses on individual case studies. Part 1 begins with a chapter that traces the rise and fall of ruling bargains in the Middle East and the growing primacy of only one of the elements of the ruling bargain, namely fear, as the main tool of governance across the Middle East and especially the Arab world, a process which began in the 1960s and 1970s and lasted into the 2000s. Part 2 begins with Nader Hashemi’s analysis of Iran’s 2009 Green Movement, which is not generally considered to be part of the Arab Spring. But the Green Movement did represent a popular, mass-based effort to reformulate the ruling bargain that had evolved under the Iranian Islamic Republic over the preceding thirty years. It then examines Egypt’s Tahrir Square revolution, the region’s monarchies and their resilience to revolution. The book ends by considering Islamist groups, the situation in Syria, and Libya’s future.
Inmaculada Szmolka
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474415286
- eISBN:
- 9781474438551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415286.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter reflects on the existence or not of a new wave of democratisation in the wake of the Arab Spring. It is true that simultaneity, contagion, diffusion and emulation do feature in the ...
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This chapter reflects on the existence or not of a new wave of democratisation in the wake of the Arab Spring. It is true that simultaneity, contagion, diffusion and emulation do feature in the political dynamics of change following the Arab Spring. However, rather than a democratic tsunami, there were ebbs and flows of a ‘wave of political change’ that has involved differing transformative processes in each country. Secondly, the author offers a typology of political regimes as well as a classification of MENA regimes prior to the Arab Spring, in order to identify the starting point of political change. Thirdly, different types of political change processes are defined and categorised: two general processes of political change (democratisation and autocratisation); and, five specific processes of political change affecting democracies (democratic regression, democratic deepening and consolidation of democracy) or authoritarianisms (political liberalisation and authoritarian progression). And finally, the author presents the methodological framework used in this book to study political change in the MENA countries. This change is analysed with reference to three dimensions: pluralism and political competition (party/representation systems and electoral integrity); government (constitutional reforms, government and state powers, and good governance; and public rights and liberties (political rights, civil rights, rule of law, and civil society).Less
This chapter reflects on the existence or not of a new wave of democratisation in the wake of the Arab Spring. It is true that simultaneity, contagion, diffusion and emulation do feature in the political dynamics of change following the Arab Spring. However, rather than a democratic tsunami, there were ebbs and flows of a ‘wave of political change’ that has involved differing transformative processes in each country. Secondly, the author offers a typology of political regimes as well as a classification of MENA regimes prior to the Arab Spring, in order to identify the starting point of political change. Thirdly, different types of political change processes are defined and categorised: two general processes of political change (democratisation and autocratisation); and, five specific processes of political change affecting democracies (democratic regression, democratic deepening and consolidation of democracy) or authoritarianisms (political liberalisation and authoritarian progression). And finally, the author presents the methodological framework used in this book to study political change in the MENA countries. This change is analysed with reference to three dimensions: pluralism and political competition (party/representation systems and electoral integrity); government (constitutional reforms, government and state powers, and good governance; and public rights and liberties (political rights, civil rights, rule of law, and civil society).
Rafael Bustos
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474415286
- eISBN:
- 9781474438551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415286.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
This chapter analyses what the political transformations following the Arab Spring mean from the perspective of different International Relations theories: neo-realism, institutionalism, social ...
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This chapter analyses what the political transformations following the Arab Spring mean from the perspective of different International Relations theories: neo-realism, institutionalism, social constructivism and critical theories.
The chapter first points to the direct effects of foreign policy intervention in transitions to democracy worldwide, including the MENA region, notwithstanding the traditional support some non-democratic or aggressive regimes have received from consolidated democracies.
Second, the chapter reviews the work of a number of prestigious International Relations’ scholars on the Arab Spring and reviews how leading International Relations journals of different theoretical leaning have treated the Arab Spring in the period 2011-15. The chapter illustrates how similar topics are treated in each theory in rather inverted ways. While neo-realists do not focus on the Arab Spring itself but rather on the possible threats that derive from it and their consequences, critical theorists reverse the analysis and locate it in the economic causes and implications of armed interventions as well as the excessive processes of vigilance and control. If liberals engage in a debate on the defence of the R2P doctrine, constructivists are more aware of the contradictory effects of democratic diffusion and cognitive uncertainty.
Finally, the chapter concludes on the prospects and need within International Relations for further theoretical development on the Arab Spring.Less
This chapter analyses what the political transformations following the Arab Spring mean from the perspective of different International Relations theories: neo-realism, institutionalism, social constructivism and critical theories.
The chapter first points to the direct effects of foreign policy intervention in transitions to democracy worldwide, including the MENA region, notwithstanding the traditional support some non-democratic or aggressive regimes have received from consolidated democracies.
Second, the chapter reviews the work of a number of prestigious International Relations’ scholars on the Arab Spring and reviews how leading International Relations journals of different theoretical leaning have treated the Arab Spring in the period 2011-15. The chapter illustrates how similar topics are treated in each theory in rather inverted ways. While neo-realists do not focus on the Arab Spring itself but rather on the possible threats that derive from it and their consequences, critical theorists reverse the analysis and locate it in the economic causes and implications of armed interventions as well as the excessive processes of vigilance and control. If liberals engage in a debate on the defence of the R2P doctrine, constructivists are more aware of the contradictory effects of democratic diffusion and cognitive uncertainty.
Finally, the chapter concludes on the prospects and need within International Relations for further theoretical development on the Arab Spring.
Inmaculada Szmolka (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474415286
- eISBN:
- 9781474438551
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415286.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
The aim of the book is to closely study regime responses and the principal transformations that have occurred in the MENA countries and in the region overall as a result of the Arab Spring, with the ...
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The aim of the book is to closely study regime responses and the principal transformations that have occurred in the MENA countries and in the region overall as a result of the Arab Spring, with the purpose of assessing whether the nature of power and power relations has changed since 2011.Thus, this book analyses comparatively the consequences of the political changes that have taken place following the Arab Spring in MENA countries, not only at national level (within political regimes), but also at regional and international level (the MENA region and western policies towards MENA countries).
The monograph opts for a horizontal comparative analysis by theme: parties and political groups, elections, constitutional frameworks, power relations, governance, civil society, rights and freedoms, regional powers, security issues and foreign policies.
In order to complement this comparative analysis, this book also employs a typology to study change processes undertaken in specific countries in the MENA region: democratisation, autocratisation, political liberalisation, authoritarian progression and the breakdown of state authority. Thus, political change can and often does take different directions, not all of which necessarily have to lead to regime change. Transitions may occur from authoritarianism toward democracy, but may also give rise to a reconfiguration of authoritarianism. Authoritarian rulers can undertake political reforms without democratic motivations. Thus, the broad concept of ‘political change’ is used in this monograph not only in the sense of provoking democratic developments, but also as an element in reshaping authoritarian regimes.Less
The aim of the book is to closely study regime responses and the principal transformations that have occurred in the MENA countries and in the region overall as a result of the Arab Spring, with the purpose of assessing whether the nature of power and power relations has changed since 2011.Thus, this book analyses comparatively the consequences of the political changes that have taken place following the Arab Spring in MENA countries, not only at national level (within political regimes), but also at regional and international level (the MENA region and western policies towards MENA countries).
The monograph opts for a horizontal comparative analysis by theme: parties and political groups, elections, constitutional frameworks, power relations, governance, civil society, rights and freedoms, regional powers, security issues and foreign policies.
In order to complement this comparative analysis, this book also employs a typology to study change processes undertaken in specific countries in the MENA region: democratisation, autocratisation, political liberalisation, authoritarian progression and the breakdown of state authority. Thus, political change can and often does take different directions, not all of which necessarily have to lead to regime change. Transitions may occur from authoritarianism toward democracy, but may also give rise to a reconfiguration of authoritarianism. Authoritarian rulers can undertake political reforms without democratic motivations. Thus, the broad concept of ‘political change’ is used in this monograph not only in the sense of provoking democratic developments, but also as an element in reshaping authoritarian regimes.
Rolf Schwarz
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813037929
- eISBN:
- 9780813042138
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813037929.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This book addresses the strengths and weaknesses of the authoritarian-regime governments commonly found in the Middle East, particularly among oil-rich countries. In this region, war has interacted ...
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This book addresses the strengths and weaknesses of the authoritarian-regime governments commonly found in the Middle East, particularly among oil-rich countries. In this region, war has interacted with processes of state making in ways that fundamentally differ from the European experience. In short, unlike in Europe, wars do not make states in the Middle East; they destroy them. According to economic theory, most oil-rich countries are rentier states; that is, they rely upon the extraction of a natural resource to generate revenue and authority for the central government. As a result, there is little reliance upon domestic taxation and a general lack of political accountability and transparency. By examining how such governments wage war, the book turns the prevailing wisdom of modern state building on its head. It closely analyzes the real-world experiences of the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, and Iraq to show how rentierism leads to internal weaknesses when it comes to governing. The book's comparative approach allows it to demonstrate how varying levels of reliance upon external-resource rents are reflected in the structure of the regime. By highlighting the perils of funding wars through the sale of natural resources, fighting with imported weaponry, and accepting peace settlements negotiated and guaranteed by foreign powers, it offers insights into post-conflict peace building, state failure, and the potential for democratic rule in the region.Less
This book addresses the strengths and weaknesses of the authoritarian-regime governments commonly found in the Middle East, particularly among oil-rich countries. In this region, war has interacted with processes of state making in ways that fundamentally differ from the European experience. In short, unlike in Europe, wars do not make states in the Middle East; they destroy them. According to economic theory, most oil-rich countries are rentier states; that is, they rely upon the extraction of a natural resource to generate revenue and authority for the central government. As a result, there is little reliance upon domestic taxation and a general lack of political accountability and transparency. By examining how such governments wage war, the book turns the prevailing wisdom of modern state building on its head. It closely analyzes the real-world experiences of the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, and Iraq to show how rentierism leads to internal weaknesses when it comes to governing. The book's comparative approach allows it to demonstrate how varying levels of reliance upon external-resource rents are reflected in the structure of the regime. By highlighting the perils of funding wars through the sale of natural resources, fighting with imported weaponry, and accepting peace settlements negotiated and guaranteed by foreign powers, it offers insights into post-conflict peace building, state failure, and the potential for democratic rule in the region.
