Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
Writing more than one hundred years ago, African American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois speculated that the great dilemma of the twentieth century would be the problem of “the color line.” Nowhere was the ...
More
Writing more than one hundred years ago, African American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois speculated that the great dilemma of the twentieth century would be the problem of “the color line.” Nowhere was the dilemma of racial discrimination more entrenched—and more complex—than South Africa. This book looks at South Africa’s freedom struggle in the years surrounding African decolonization, and it uses the global apartheid debate to explore the way new nation-states changed the international community during the mid-twentieth century. At the highpoint of decolonization, South Africa’s problems shaped a transnational conversation about nationhood. Arguments about racial justice, which crested as Europe relinquished imperial control of Africa and the Caribbean, elided a deeper contest over the meaning of sovereignty, territoriality, and development. This contest was influenced—and had an impact on—the United States. Initially hopeful that liberal international institutions would amicably resolve the color line problem, Washington lost confidence as postcolonial diplomats took control of the U.N. agenda. The result was not only America’s abandonment of the universalisms that propelled decolonization, but also the unravelling of the liberal order that remade politics during the twentieth century. Based on research in African, American, and European archives, this book advances a bold new interpretation about African decolonization’s relationship to American power. The book promises to shed light on U.S. foreign relations with the Third World and recast our understanding of liberal internationalism’s fate after World War II.Less
Writing more than one hundred years ago, African American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois speculated that the great dilemma of the twentieth century would be the problem of “the color line.” Nowhere was the dilemma of racial discrimination more entrenched—and more complex—than South Africa. This book looks at South Africa’s freedom struggle in the years surrounding African decolonization, and it uses the global apartheid debate to explore the way new nation-states changed the international community during the mid-twentieth century. At the highpoint of decolonization, South Africa’s problems shaped a transnational conversation about nationhood. Arguments about racial justice, which crested as Europe relinquished imperial control of Africa and the Caribbean, elided a deeper contest over the meaning of sovereignty, territoriality, and development. This contest was influenced—and had an impact on—the United States. Initially hopeful that liberal international institutions would amicably resolve the color line problem, Washington lost confidence as postcolonial diplomats took control of the U.N. agenda. The result was not only America’s abandonment of the universalisms that propelled decolonization, but also the unravelling of the liberal order that remade politics during the twentieth century. Based on research in African, American, and European archives, this book advances a bold new interpretation about African decolonization’s relationship to American power. The book promises to shed light on U.S. foreign relations with the Third World and recast our understanding of liberal internationalism’s fate after World War II.
Deborah Posel
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273349
- eISBN:
- 9780191684036
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273349.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book examines some of the crucial political processes and struggles which shaped the reciprocal development of Apartheid and capitalism in South Africa. The book's analysis debunks the orthodoxy ...
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This book examines some of the crucial political processes and struggles which shaped the reciprocal development of Apartheid and capitalism in South Africa. The book's analysis debunks the orthodoxy view, which presents apartheid as the product of a single ‘grand plan’, created by the State in response to the pressures of capital accumulation. Using as a case study influx control during the first phase of apartheid (1948–61), the book shows that apartheid arose from complex patterns of conflict and compromise within the State, in which white capitalists, the black working class, and popular movements exercised varying and uneven degrees of influence. This book integrates a detailed empirical analysis of the capitalist State and its relationship to class interests.Less
This book examines some of the crucial political processes and struggles which shaped the reciprocal development of Apartheid and capitalism in South Africa. The book's analysis debunks the orthodoxy view, which presents apartheid as the product of a single ‘grand plan’, created by the State in response to the pressures of capital accumulation. Using as a case study influx control during the first phase of apartheid (1948–61), the book shows that apartheid arose from complex patterns of conflict and compromise within the State, in which white capitalists, the black working class, and popular movements exercised varying and uneven degrees of influence. This book integrates a detailed empirical analysis of the capitalist State and its relationship to class interests.
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
This conclusion begins with a vignette of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in 1990. It then explores some aspects of the anti-apartheid movement that crested during the late 1980s, lingering on ...
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This conclusion begins with a vignette of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in 1990. It then explores some aspects of the anti-apartheid movement that crested during the late 1980s, lingering on campaigns in Great Britain, Sweden, and the United States. The road between the postapartheid and postcolonial moments, however, was neither straight nor straightforward. The conclusion explicates some of the differences between the apartheid question in the 1980s and 1960s, and then reviews Gordian Knot’s central findings and restates its main arguments.Less
This conclusion begins with a vignette of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in 1990. It then explores some aspects of the anti-apartheid movement that crested during the late 1980s, lingering on campaigns in Great Britain, Sweden, and the United States. The road between the postapartheid and postcolonial moments, however, was neither straight nor straightforward. The conclusion explicates some of the differences between the apartheid question in the 1980s and 1960s, and then reviews Gordian Knot’s central findings and restates its main arguments.
David Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474430210
- eISBN:
- 9781474481151
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474430210.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
Dreaming of Freedom in South Africa examines for the first time the many different texts imagining the future after the end of apartheid. Focused on well-known and obscure literary texts from the ...
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Dreaming of Freedom in South Africa examines for the first time the many different texts imagining the future after the end of apartheid. Focused on well-known and obscure literary texts from the 1880s to the 1970s, as well as the many manifestos and programmes setting out visions of the future, this book charts the dreams of freedom of five major traditions of anti-colonial and anti-apartheid resistance: the African National Congress (ANC), the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU), the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA), the Non-European Unity Movement (NEUM) and the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC). The works of a number of South African literary figures are discussed, including Olive Schreiner, S. E. K. Mqhayi, Alan Paton, Karel Schoeman, Jordan Ngubane, Winnifred Holtby, Ethelreda Lewis, Dora Taylor, Livingstone Mqotsi, Peter Abrahams, Richard Rive, Lauretta Ngcobo and Bessie Head. Political thinkers analysed include Nelson Mandela, R. F. A. Hoernlé, Albert Luthuli, Clements Kadalie, A. W. G. Champion, Edward Roux, James La Guma, Alfred Nzula, I. B. Tabata, Ben Kies, Anton Lembede, A. P. Mda and Robert Sobukwe. The theoretical dimensions of the study are orientated in relation to major Marxist critics of utopianism like Marx, Friedrich Engels, Leon Trotsky and Ernst Bloch, as well as to thinkers like Hannah Arendt, Immanuel Wallerstein, James C. Scott and Jay Winter. More than an exercise in historical excavation, Dreaming of Freedom in South Africa raises challenging questions for the post-apartheid present.Less
Dreaming of Freedom in South Africa examines for the first time the many different texts imagining the future after the end of apartheid. Focused on well-known and obscure literary texts from the 1880s to the 1970s, as well as the many manifestos and programmes setting out visions of the future, this book charts the dreams of freedom of five major traditions of anti-colonial and anti-apartheid resistance: the African National Congress (ANC), the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU), the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA), the Non-European Unity Movement (NEUM) and the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC). The works of a number of South African literary figures are discussed, including Olive Schreiner, S. E. K. Mqhayi, Alan Paton, Karel Schoeman, Jordan Ngubane, Winnifred Holtby, Ethelreda Lewis, Dora Taylor, Livingstone Mqotsi, Peter Abrahams, Richard Rive, Lauretta Ngcobo and Bessie Head. Political thinkers analysed include Nelson Mandela, R. F. A. Hoernlé, Albert Luthuli, Clements Kadalie, A. W. G. Champion, Edward Roux, James La Guma, Alfred Nzula, I. B. Tabata, Ben Kies, Anton Lembede, A. P. Mda and Robert Sobukwe. The theoretical dimensions of the study are orientated in relation to major Marxist critics of utopianism like Marx, Friedrich Engels, Leon Trotsky and Ernst Bloch, as well as to thinkers like Hannah Arendt, Immanuel Wallerstein, James C. Scott and Jay Winter. More than an exercise in historical excavation, Dreaming of Freedom in South Africa raises challenging questions for the post-apartheid present.
Charlotte A. Quinn and Frederick Quinn
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195063868
- eISBN:
- 9780199834587
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195063864.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
South Africa's unique location helped shape the distinct character of Islam there, principally through contact with Asia, Egypt, Iran, and the Arabian Peninsula, allowing beleaguered South African ...
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South Africa's unique location helped shape the distinct character of Islam there, principally through contact with Asia, Egypt, Iran, and the Arabian Peninsula, allowing beleaguered South African Muslims to look beyond their borders for support. As early as 1626, Shaykh Yusuf, a Sufi saint brought from Indonesia by the Dutch East Indian Company, founded an active Muslim community. Later, Muslims from India came to Natal and the Transvaal, and differences between the communities remained pronounced over such issues as political activism, the place of women, and the use of Arabic. In recent times, Imam Abdullah Haron emerged as a martyr following his death at the hands of police in 1969. Extremist groups like Achmat Cassien's Qiblah and People Against Gangsters and Drugs (PAGAD) resorted to terrorism under the guise of Islam. Muslim numbers remain among the lowest in any country in Africa, and the historic split between ancients and moderns, conservatives and progressives, remains undiminished.Less
South Africa's unique location helped shape the distinct character of Islam there, principally through contact with Asia, Egypt, Iran, and the Arabian Peninsula, allowing beleaguered South African Muslims to look beyond their borders for support. As early as 1626, Shaykh Yusuf, a Sufi saint brought from Indonesia by the Dutch East Indian Company, founded an active Muslim community. Later, Muslims from India came to Natal and the Transvaal, and differences between the communities remained pronounced over such issues as political activism, the place of women, and the use of Arabic. In recent times, Imam Abdullah Haron emerged as a martyr following his death at the hands of police in 1969. Extremist groups like Achmat Cassien's Qiblah and People Against Gangsters and Drugs (PAGAD) resorted to terrorism under the guise of Islam. Muslim numbers remain among the lowest in any country in Africa, and the historic split between ancients and moderns, conservatives and progressives, remains undiminished.
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.003.0000
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
This introduction frames the major themes of this book. It begins with a vignette from the Bandung conference that highlights apartheid’s importance to the decolonization project. The introduction ...
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This introduction frames the major themes of this book. It begins with a vignette from the Bandung conference that highlights apartheid’s importance to the decolonization project. The introduction then explains the book’s conceptual framework and outlines the motives that drove the major players, before concluding with two arguments relevant to African and American international historians: namely that Africa’s independence fundamentally remade world affairs and America’s approach toward global governance. The book is a history of the postcolonial nation-state—its arrival in the Black Atlantic and impact on the rest of the international community—that uses the debate about South Africa as a political and intellectual microcosm.Less
This introduction frames the major themes of this book. It begins with a vignette from the Bandung conference that highlights apartheid’s importance to the decolonization project. The introduction then explains the book’s conceptual framework and outlines the motives that drove the major players, before concluding with two arguments relevant to African and American international historians: namely that Africa’s independence fundamentally remade world affairs and America’s approach toward global governance. The book is a history of the postcolonial nation-state—its arrival in the Black Atlantic and impact on the rest of the international community—that uses the debate about South Africa as a political and intellectual microcosm.
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
This chapter is about the origins of the global apartheid debate. It opens with a section about Harold Macmillan’s famous 1960 ‘Wind of Change’ speech in Cape Town—in which the British Prime Minister ...
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This chapter is about the origins of the global apartheid debate. It opens with a section about Harold Macmillan’s famous 1960 ‘Wind of Change’ speech in Cape Town—in which the British Prime Minister celebrated the arrival of African nationalism and warned that Afrikaner leaders needed to abandon apartheid—and then shifts attention to the history of apartheid and African nationalism in South Africa. The first section explains the country’s place in the British empire, the intellectual rationale of ‘separate development,’ and the political infighting between apartheid pragmatists and apartheid theorists before 1960. The second section highlights the nonwhite community’s efforts to overcome racial discrimination in South Africa, lingering on the tensions between cosmopolitan liberalism—embodied by the African National Congress (ANC)—and African nationalism of Anton Lembede and later Robert Sobukwe. These two parallel stories came together only one month after Macmillan’s visit to South Africa in the form of the Sharpeville Massacre.Less
This chapter is about the origins of the global apartheid debate. It opens with a section about Harold Macmillan’s famous 1960 ‘Wind of Change’ speech in Cape Town—in which the British Prime Minister celebrated the arrival of African nationalism and warned that Afrikaner leaders needed to abandon apartheid—and then shifts attention to the history of apartheid and African nationalism in South Africa. The first section explains the country’s place in the British empire, the intellectual rationale of ‘separate development,’ and the political infighting between apartheid pragmatists and apartheid theorists before 1960. The second section highlights the nonwhite community’s efforts to overcome racial discrimination in South Africa, lingering on the tensions between cosmopolitan liberalism—embodied by the African National Congress (ANC)—and African nationalism of Anton Lembede and later Robert Sobukwe. These two parallel stories came together only one month after Macmillan’s visit to South Africa in the form of the Sharpeville Massacre.
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
This chapter examines the contours of the apartheid debate during the early 1960s. It begins with an overview of the tensions between the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress ...
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This chapter examines the contours of the apartheid debate during the early 1960s. It begins with an overview of the tensions between the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), and then explains how both organizations fared in exile after the Sharpeville Massacre. The PAC’s message resonated in 1960 as African nationalists everywhere embraced the anti-apartheid issue—especially at the U.N. General Assembly where the newly formed African Group spearheaded a sanctions campaign against South Africa. Pretoria took this threat seriously. Fearful of revolution at home and divestment abroad, South Africa’s white leaders clamped down on critics and initiated a campaign of political suasion in Washington and London. When placed alongside each other, these duelling efforts hinted at two models of nationhood—specifically racial equality’s conceptual relationship to economic development and territorial autonomy—as well as two different visions of where power was located in the “international community.”Less
This chapter examines the contours of the apartheid debate during the early 1960s. It begins with an overview of the tensions between the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), and then explains how both organizations fared in exile after the Sharpeville Massacre. The PAC’s message resonated in 1960 as African nationalists everywhere embraced the anti-apartheid issue—especially at the U.N. General Assembly where the newly formed African Group spearheaded a sanctions campaign against South Africa. Pretoria took this threat seriously. Fearful of revolution at home and divestment abroad, South Africa’s white leaders clamped down on critics and initiated a campaign of political suasion in Washington and London. When placed alongside each other, these duelling efforts hinted at two models of nationhood—specifically racial equality’s conceptual relationship to economic development and territorial autonomy—as well as two different visions of where power was located in the “international community.”
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
Divided into three sections, this chapter explains how the apartheid debate changed during the late 1960s. The first section opens by looking at the murder of South African Prime Minister Hendrik ...
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Divided into three sections, this chapter explains how the apartheid debate changed during the late 1960s. The first section opens by looking at the murder of South African Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd, and explains how new Prime Minister John Vorster implemented his “outward policy” of building economic relations with moderate African leaders. The second section turns attention to the Richard Nixon administration and highlights the way his White House eliminated African expectations at the United Nations. The third section then shifts to the African National Congress and unpacks how it rehabilitated its role as the voice of nonwhite South Africa through diplomacy in the Third World and among nongovernmental organizations in Europe and the United States. These three changes reflected the new dynamics of the 1970s—an era marked by individualistic cynicism rather than postcolonial optimism—and pointed toward a fundamentally different type of anti-apartheid movement.Less
Divided into three sections, this chapter explains how the apartheid debate changed during the late 1960s. The first section opens by looking at the murder of South African Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd, and explains how new Prime Minister John Vorster implemented his “outward policy” of building economic relations with moderate African leaders. The second section turns attention to the Richard Nixon administration and highlights the way his White House eliminated African expectations at the United Nations. The third section then shifts to the African National Congress and unpacks how it rehabilitated its role as the voice of nonwhite South Africa through diplomacy in the Third World and among nongovernmental organizations in Europe and the United States. These three changes reflected the new dynamics of the 1970s—an era marked by individualistic cynicism rather than postcolonial optimism—and pointed toward a fundamentally different type of anti-apartheid movement.
Lucy Valerie Graham
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199796373
- eISBN:
- 9780199933327
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199796373.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature, Women's Literature
Chapter Three considers the transition from segregation to apartheid, outlining the ways in which an obsessive focus on either “black” or “white peril” maybe read as a symptom of a melancholy ...
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Chapter Three considers the transition from segregation to apartheid, outlining the ways in which an obsessive focus on either “black” or “white peril” maybe read as a symptom of a melancholy inability to imagine interracial love. Beginning with the work of Sol Plaatje, a writer who is able to imagine the possibility of harmonious interracial relationships, the chapter examines his The Mote and the Beam as a transnational “sex tract” that explores the dilemmas around interracial sex. After an examination of some of the work of Sarah Gertrude Millin, the chapter examines the differences between the American and British/South African editions of Daphne Rooke’s novel, Mittee. It is argued that, despite an inclination at times to draw on racist stereotypes, Rooke is the only major white writer of the apartheid era to draw attention to intraracial, rather than interracial, sexual violence.Less
Chapter Three considers the transition from segregation to apartheid, outlining the ways in which an obsessive focus on either “black” or “white peril” maybe read as a symptom of a melancholy inability to imagine interracial love. Beginning with the work of Sol Plaatje, a writer who is able to imagine the possibility of harmonious interracial relationships, the chapter examines his The Mote and the Beam as a transnational “sex tract” that explores the dilemmas around interracial sex. After an examination of some of the work of Sarah Gertrude Millin, the chapter examines the differences between the American and British/South African editions of Daphne Rooke’s novel, Mittee. It is argued that, despite an inclination at times to draw on racist stereotypes, Rooke is the only major white writer of the apartheid era to draw attention to intraracial, rather than interracial, sexual violence.
Lucy Valerie Graham
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199796373
- eISBN:
- 9780199933327
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199796373.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature, Women's Literature
Chapter Four focuses on ways in which black writers in the apartheid years rescripted previously white-authored narratives about rape. Arthur Maimane’s Victims is pivotal here as he mimics and ...
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Chapter Four focuses on ways in which black writers in the apartheid years rescripted previously white-authored narratives about rape. Arthur Maimane’s Victims is pivotal here as he mimics and destabilises the idea that “natives have a rape-utation”. The chapter argues that the novel engages with the fear at the heart of classic “black peril” phenomena, the anxiety over white women’s bodies and particularly black authorship about white women’s bodies. The chapter then considers the way in which black authors, such as Lauretta Ngcobo and Farida Karodia, have rewritten “white peril” narratives, previously the domain of white women writers such as Schreiner, Bancroft and Millin. The chapter concludes with examination of intraracial rape in short stories of the late apartheid era, including Njabulo Ndebele’s Fools, Ngcina Mhlope’s “Nokulunga’s Wedding” and Baleka Kgositsile’s “In the Night”.Less
Chapter Four focuses on ways in which black writers in the apartheid years rescripted previously white-authored narratives about rape. Arthur Maimane’s Victims is pivotal here as he mimics and destabilises the idea that “natives have a rape-utation”. The chapter argues that the novel engages with the fear at the heart of classic “black peril” phenomena, the anxiety over white women’s bodies and particularly black authorship about white women’s bodies. The chapter then considers the way in which black authors, such as Lauretta Ngcobo and Farida Karodia, have rewritten “white peril” narratives, previously the domain of white women writers such as Schreiner, Bancroft and Millin. The chapter concludes with examination of intraracial rape in short stories of the late apartheid era, including Njabulo Ndebele’s Fools, Ngcina Mhlope’s “Nokulunga’s Wedding” and Baleka Kgositsile’s “In the Night”.
Lucy Valerie Graham
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199796373
- eISBN:
- 9780199933327
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199796373.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature, Women's Literature
Chapter Five scrutinises the relevant literature of the post-apartheid transition and beyond - a context where gender rights are entrenched in law, but where sexual violence remains a persistent ...
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Chapter Five scrutinises the relevant literature of the post-apartheid transition and beyond - a context where gender rights are entrenched in law, but where sexual violence remains a persistent hangover from a violent, racially divided and patriarchal past. Starting with an analysis of J. M. Coetzee’s famous novel, Disgrace, I demonstrate the ways in which this text brings disturbingly into focus a history of representation in which rape and issues of race are dangerously enmeshed. The chapter also examines the theme of unspeakable violation in Achmat Dangor’s Bitter Fruit and Zoe Wicomb’s David’s Story, both of which engage with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The chapter also considers the ways in the works of Mark Behr and K. Sello Duiker challenge the myths that rape only happens to women and that male rape is homosexual. The chapter concludes with discussion of Lara Foot-Newton’s drama about the horrific rape of a baby, Tshepang.Less
Chapter Five scrutinises the relevant literature of the post-apartheid transition and beyond - a context where gender rights are entrenched in law, but where sexual violence remains a persistent hangover from a violent, racially divided and patriarchal past. Starting with an analysis of J. M. Coetzee’s famous novel, Disgrace, I demonstrate the ways in which this text brings disturbingly into focus a history of representation in which rape and issues of race are dangerously enmeshed. The chapter also examines the theme of unspeakable violation in Achmat Dangor’s Bitter Fruit and Zoe Wicomb’s David’s Story, both of which engage with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The chapter also considers the ways in the works of Mark Behr and K. Sello Duiker challenge the myths that rape only happens to women and that male rape is homosexual. The chapter concludes with discussion of Lara Foot-Newton’s drama about the horrific rape of a baby, Tshepang.
Philip E. Muehlenbeck
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195396096
- eISBN:
- 9780199932672
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195396096.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century, World Modern History
Viewed from Pretoria, Kennedy looked to be apartheid’s worst enemy. Not only was the young American president strengthening US relations with black Africa both economically and morally, but he also ...
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Viewed from Pretoria, Kennedy looked to be apartheid’s worst enemy. Not only was the young American president strengthening US relations with black Africa both economically and morally, but he also took a stand against minority rule in southern Africa and in support of civil rights for African Americans in the United States. In reality, the specter of the New Frontier in Africa turned out not to be as bad as the South African government initially feared. Kennedy’s opposition to apartheid remained largely rhetorical as he rationalized that taking a tough line against the South African government would not convince it to change its racial policies but would only serve to militarize the conflict between the white minority and African majority. As a result, Kennedy refrained from taking stern action against Pretoria and did not send aid to the African National Congress as he had done for the Angolan nationalist movement.Less
Viewed from Pretoria, Kennedy looked to be apartheid’s worst enemy. Not only was the young American president strengthening US relations with black Africa both economically and morally, but he also took a stand against minority rule in southern Africa and in support of civil rights for African Americans in the United States. In reality, the specter of the New Frontier in Africa turned out not to be as bad as the South African government initially feared. Kennedy’s opposition to apartheid remained largely rhetorical as he rationalized that taking a tough line against the South African government would not convince it to change its racial policies but would only serve to militarize the conflict between the white minority and African majority. As a result, Kennedy refrained from taking stern action against Pretoria and did not send aid to the African National Congress as he had done for the Angolan nationalist movement.
Deborah Posel
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273349
- eISBN:
- 9780191684036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273349.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book has emphasized the key role played by various capitalist groupings in shaping Apartheid. It has shown that this impact was not uniform, and cannot be understood without simultaneously ...
More
This book has emphasized the key role played by various capitalist groupings in shaping Apartheid. It has shown that this impact was not uniform, and cannot be understood without simultaneously taking account of the effects of various forms of African resistance and the course of conflict within the state. This concluding chapter draws together the various strands of the struggle and accommodation identified in the book and produces a composite picture of the processes whereby the influx control, as a central pillar of the Apartheid system, was constructed during the 1950s. It then summarises the main historiographical and theoretical conclusions of this study.Less
This book has emphasized the key role played by various capitalist groupings in shaping Apartheid. It has shown that this impact was not uniform, and cannot be understood without simultaneously taking account of the effects of various forms of African resistance and the course of conflict within the state. This concluding chapter draws together the various strands of the struggle and accommodation identified in the book and produces a composite picture of the processes whereby the influx control, as a central pillar of the Apartheid system, was constructed during the 1950s. It then summarises the main historiographical and theoretical conclusions of this study.
Deborah Posel
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273349
- eISBN:
- 9780191684036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273349.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The Nationalist Party (NP) government built Apartheid into a monstrously labyrinthine system which grew to dominate every facet of life in South Africa. This book examines the processes whereby a ...
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The Nationalist Party (NP) government built Apartheid into a monstrously labyrinthine system which grew to dominate every facet of life in South Africa. This book examines the processes whereby a particular set of Apartheid policies was made, implemented, and contested. It focuses on the period of between 1948 and 1961, the first phase of Apartheid. It also studies the influx control policy and its role within the Apartheid system. An examination of the design and implementation of influx control in the 1950s and its restructuring during the 1960s reveals much about the objectives and methods of the Apartheid system more generally during this period.Less
The Nationalist Party (NP) government built Apartheid into a monstrously labyrinthine system which grew to dominate every facet of life in South Africa. This book examines the processes whereby a particular set of Apartheid policies was made, implemented, and contested. It focuses on the period of between 1948 and 1961, the first phase of Apartheid. It also studies the influx control policy and its role within the Apartheid system. An examination of the design and implementation of influx control in the 1950s and its restructuring during the 1960s reveals much about the objectives and methods of the Apartheid system more generally during this period.
Deborah Posel
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273349
- eISBN:
- 9780191684036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273349.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The Nationalist Party took office in 1948 with attention focused squarely on the attendant dilemmas and dangers of African urbanisation. Throughout the 1950s, the prospect of reconciling economic ...
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The Nationalist Party took office in 1948 with attention focused squarely on the attendant dilemmas and dangers of African urbanisation. Throughout the 1950s, the prospect of reconciling economic integration and political segregation remained a source of division and controversy within the Nationalist ranks. This chapter discusses the Native Affairs Department's conception of Apartheid which emerged within the design of state policy during the 1950s, and then it explains the influx control strategy which issued from it.Less
The Nationalist Party took office in 1948 with attention focused squarely on the attendant dilemmas and dangers of African urbanisation. Throughout the 1950s, the prospect of reconciling economic integration and political segregation remained a source of division and controversy within the Nationalist ranks. This chapter discusses the Native Affairs Department's conception of Apartheid which emerged within the design of state policy during the 1950s, and then it explains the influx control strategy which issued from it.
Deborah Posel
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273349
- eISBN:
- 9780191684036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273349.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The legislative foundations of the influx control policy during the first phase of Apartheid were laid during the Nationalist government's first term of office, between 1948 and 1953. This chapter ...
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The legislative foundations of the influx control policy during the first phase of Apartheid were laid during the Nationalist government's first term of office, between 1948 and 1953. This chapter examines the substance and passage of the Native Laws Amendment Bill and the Urban Areas Amendment Bill. It considers the relationship between the 1952 influx control legislation and each of the twin prongs of the Native Affairs Department's influx control strategy — the labour canalisation programme and the plan to curb African urbanisation — in turn. In each case, it is shown that the political powers of various capitalist interest, African resistance, and white parliamentary opposition to the Nationalist Party, played major roles in determining the extent to which the NAD's objectives gained the status of law.Less
The legislative foundations of the influx control policy during the first phase of Apartheid were laid during the Nationalist government's first term of office, between 1948 and 1953. This chapter examines the substance and passage of the Native Laws Amendment Bill and the Urban Areas Amendment Bill. It considers the relationship between the 1952 influx control legislation and each of the twin prongs of the Native Affairs Department's influx control strategy — the labour canalisation programme and the plan to curb African urbanisation — in turn. In each case, it is shown that the political powers of various capitalist interest, African resistance, and white parliamentary opposition to the Nationalist Party, played major roles in determining the extent to which the NAD's objectives gained the status of law.
Deborah Posel
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273349
- eISBN:
- 9780191684036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273349.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter shows that between 1959 and 1961, Apartheid and the influx control policy shifted gear into a discrete second phase. The second phase of Apartheid inaugurated a series of new premises, ...
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This chapter shows that between 1959 and 1961, Apartheid and the influx control policy shifted gear into a discrete second phase. The second phase of Apartheid inaugurated a series of new premises, objectives, and ideological tenets to remedy the perceived failures of existing urban policies. During the 1950s Apartheid was designed to accommodate the growing urban demand for African labour. However, during the following decade, the policy makers of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development (BAD) proposed that the state intervene in the process of economic integration. It rejected its previous tenet, that detribalisation had to be incorporated into the design of Apartheid, by allowing detribalised Africans the residential right to live in white urban areas unconditionally. By 1960, the BAD had embarked on more drastic methods to reduce the urbanised African population, which included various assaults on the very principle of residential rights.Less
This chapter shows that between 1959 and 1961, Apartheid and the influx control policy shifted gear into a discrete second phase. The second phase of Apartheid inaugurated a series of new premises, objectives, and ideological tenets to remedy the perceived failures of existing urban policies. During the 1950s Apartheid was designed to accommodate the growing urban demand for African labour. However, during the following decade, the policy makers of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development (BAD) proposed that the state intervene in the process of economic integration. It rejected its previous tenet, that detribalisation had to be incorporated into the design of Apartheid, by allowing detribalised Africans the residential right to live in white urban areas unconditionally. By 1960, the BAD had embarked on more drastic methods to reduce the urbanised African population, which included various assaults on the very principle of residential rights.
Fiona Vernal
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199843404
- eISBN:
- 9780199950546
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199843404.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
This book recounts the history of Farmerfield, an African Christian community on South Africa’s troubled Eastern Cape frontier, forged in the secular world of war, violence, and colonial ...
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This book recounts the history of Farmerfield, an African Christian community on South Africa’s troubled Eastern Cape frontier, forged in the secular world of war, violence, and colonial dispossession and subjected to grand evangelical aspirations and social engineering. Farmerfield’s heterogeneous mix of former slaves and displaced Africans found themselves at the cusp of contentious debates about how best to address the social, cultural, economic, and political dislocation colonialism had wrought on African societies. Farmerfield was at once a space, a place, and an idea that Africans, Methodist missionaries, whites, and colonial authorities competed to mold according to their own visions of governance, evangelicalism, and economic development. Farmerfield’s successive cohort of residents from 1838 to 2008 shaped the meaning and content of a civilized, Christianized lifestyle, deploying a range of tactics from negotiation and dissimulation, to deference and defiance. In the process, they vernacularized Christianity, endured the ravages of colonialism and apartheid, used their historical connections to the Methodist Church and South Africa’s land reform legislation to regain land and resurrected the Farmerfield experiment amid new debates about the meaning of post-apartheid land access and citizenship. Farmerfield’s propitious rise, protracted, frustrating decline and fledgling reincarnation reflect epochal chapters in South Africa’s colonial, apartheid, and post-apartheid history as Africans attempted to define the terms of their cultural autonomy, faith, and economic independence.Less
This book recounts the history of Farmerfield, an African Christian community on South Africa’s troubled Eastern Cape frontier, forged in the secular world of war, violence, and colonial dispossession and subjected to grand evangelical aspirations and social engineering. Farmerfield’s heterogeneous mix of former slaves and displaced Africans found themselves at the cusp of contentious debates about how best to address the social, cultural, economic, and political dislocation colonialism had wrought on African societies. Farmerfield was at once a space, a place, and an idea that Africans, Methodist missionaries, whites, and colonial authorities competed to mold according to their own visions of governance, evangelicalism, and economic development. Farmerfield’s successive cohort of residents from 1838 to 2008 shaped the meaning and content of a civilized, Christianized lifestyle, deploying a range of tactics from negotiation and dissimulation, to deference and defiance. In the process, they vernacularized Christianity, endured the ravages of colonialism and apartheid, used their historical connections to the Methodist Church and South Africa’s land reform legislation to regain land and resurrected the Farmerfield experiment amid new debates about the meaning of post-apartheid land access and citizenship. Farmerfield’s propitious rise, protracted, frustrating decline and fledgling reincarnation reflect epochal chapters in South Africa’s colonial, apartheid, and post-apartheid history as Africans attempted to define the terms of their cultural autonomy, faith, and economic independence.
Nicholas Grant
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469635286
- eISBN:
- 9781469635293
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635286.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
In this transnational account of black protest, Nicholas Grant examines how African Americans engaged with, supported, and were inspired by the South African anti-apartheid movement. Bringing black ...
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In this transnational account of black protest, Nicholas Grant examines how African Americans engaged with, supported, and were inspired by the South African anti-apartheid movement. Bringing black activism into conversation with the foreign policy of both the U.S. and South African governments, this study questions the dominant perception that U.S.-centered anticommunism decimated black international activism. Instead, by tracing the considerable amount of time, money, and effort the state invested into responding to black international criticism, Grant outlines the extent to which the U.S. and South African governments were forced to reshape and occasionally reconsider their racial policies in the Cold War world. This study shows how African Americans and black South Africans navigated transnationally organized state repression in ways that challenged white supremacy on both sides of the Atlantic. The political and cultural ties that they forged during the 1940s and 1950s are testament to the insistence of black activists in both countries that the struggle against apartheid and Jim Crow were intimately interconnected.Less
In this transnational account of black protest, Nicholas Grant examines how African Americans engaged with, supported, and were inspired by the South African anti-apartheid movement. Bringing black activism into conversation with the foreign policy of both the U.S. and South African governments, this study questions the dominant perception that U.S.-centered anticommunism decimated black international activism. Instead, by tracing the considerable amount of time, money, and effort the state invested into responding to black international criticism, Grant outlines the extent to which the U.S. and South African governments were forced to reshape and occasionally reconsider their racial policies in the Cold War world. This study shows how African Americans and black South Africans navigated transnationally organized state repression in ways that challenged white supremacy on both sides of the Atlantic. The political and cultural ties that they forged during the 1940s and 1950s are testament to the insistence of black activists in both countries that the struggle against apartheid and Jim Crow were intimately interconnected.
