Youssef Cassis and Eric Bussière (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199269495
- eISBN:
- 9780191710162
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199269495.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Finance, Accounting, and Banking
London and Paris, the world's two leading financial centres in the 19th century, experienced differing fortunes during the 20th century. While London remained an international financial centre, ...
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London and Paris, the world's two leading financial centres in the 19th century, experienced differing fortunes during the 20th century. While London remained an international financial centre, Paris' influence declined. Yet over the last twenty years, deregulation, internationalization, and the advent of the single currency have reactivated their competition in ways reminiscent of their old rivalry before the First World War. This book provides a long-term perspective on the development of each centre, with special attention devoted to the pre-1914 years and to the last decades of the 20th century, and contrasts these two eras of globalization. The chapters include both archive-based and synthetic surveys. This comparison between Europe's two leading capital cities provides insights into two important subjects: the political economy of Britain and France in the 20th century and the history of two major international financial centres. As much as a comparison between London and Paris as international financial centres, this book is an Anglo-French comparison; in other words, it considers, through the prism of finance, several aspects of the two countries' economic, business, social, and political histories.Less
London and Paris, the world's two leading financial centres in the 19th century, experienced differing fortunes during the 20th century. While London remained an international financial centre, Paris' influence declined. Yet over the last twenty years, deregulation, internationalization, and the advent of the single currency have reactivated their competition in ways reminiscent of their old rivalry before the First World War. This book provides a long-term perspective on the development of each centre, with special attention devoted to the pre-1914 years and to the last decades of the 20th century, and contrasts these two eras of globalization. The chapters include both archive-based and synthetic surveys. This comparison between Europe's two leading capital cities provides insights into two important subjects: the political economy of Britain and France in the 20th century and the history of two major international financial centres. As much as a comparison between London and Paris as international financial centres, this book is an Anglo-French comparison; in other words, it considers, through the prism of finance, several aspects of the two countries' economic, business, social, and political histories.
Keith Jeffery
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199239672
- eISBN:
- 9780191719493
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239672.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, an Irishman who in June 1922 was assassinated on his doorstep in London by Irish republicans, was one of the most controversial British soldiers of that age. Before ...
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Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, an Irishman who in June 1922 was assassinated on his doorstep in London by Irish republicans, was one of the most controversial British soldiers of that age. Before 1914 he did much to secure the Anglo-French alliance and was responsible for the planning which saw the British Expeditionary Force successfully despatched to France after the outbreak of war with Germany. A passionate Irish unionist, he gained a reputation as an intensely ‘political’ soldier, especially during the ‘Curragh crisis’ of 1914 when some officers resigned their commissions rather than coerce Ulster unionists into a Home Rule Ireland. During the war he played a major role in Anglo-French liaison, and ended up as Chief of the Imperial General Staff, professional head of the army, a post he held until February 1922. After Wilson retired from the army, he became an MP and was chief security adviser to the new Northern Ireland government. As such, he became a target for nationalist Irish militants, being identified with the security policies of the Belfast regime, though wrongly with Protestant sectarian attacks on Catholics. He is remembered today in unionist Northern Ireland as a kind of founding martyr for the state. Wilson's reputation was ruined in 1927 with the publication of an official biography, which quoted extensively and injudiciously from his entertaining, indiscreet, and wildly opinionated diaries, giving the impression that he was some sort of Machiavellian monster.Less
Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, an Irishman who in June 1922 was assassinated on his doorstep in London by Irish republicans, was one of the most controversial British soldiers of that age. Before 1914 he did much to secure the Anglo-French alliance and was responsible for the planning which saw the British Expeditionary Force successfully despatched to France after the outbreak of war with Germany. A passionate Irish unionist, he gained a reputation as an intensely ‘political’ soldier, especially during the ‘Curragh crisis’ of 1914 when some officers resigned their commissions rather than coerce Ulster unionists into a Home Rule Ireland. During the war he played a major role in Anglo-French liaison, and ended up as Chief of the Imperial General Staff, professional head of the army, a post he held until February 1922. After Wilson retired from the army, he became an MP and was chief security adviser to the new Northern Ireland government. As such, he became a target for nationalist Irish militants, being identified with the security policies of the Belfast regime, though wrongly with Protestant sectarian attacks on Catholics. He is remembered today in unionist Northern Ireland as a kind of founding martyr for the state. Wilson's reputation was ruined in 1927 with the publication of an official biography, which quoted extensively and injudiciously from his entertaining, indiscreet, and wildly opinionated diaries, giving the impression that he was some sort of Machiavellian monster.
Nigel Aston
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265383
- eISBN:
- 9780191760433
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265383.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
Jacques Necker progressively advocated political values for the French monarchy that were broadly in line with those operative within a British constitutional nexus. He came to see the value of a ...
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Jacques Necker progressively advocated political values for the French monarchy that were broadly in line with those operative within a British constitutional nexus. He came to see the value of a bicameral constitutional settlement that would allow ‘aristocracy’ in one chamber to act as a counterweight to ‘democracy’ in another. However, he was slow to acknowledge the core difference between the tightly defined British nobility — synonymous with the peerage — and the tensions that existed within the formal, juridical unity of the French Second Estate. Necker's view of what a publicly responsible nobility might undertake within a state had its origins in his (and his wife, Suzanne's) many conversations with David, Seventh Viscount Stormont, British Ambassador to France, 1772–78, whom they saw as the embodiment of aristocratic state service. With the failure of the proposal for a two-chamber National Assembly in the autumn of 1789, Necker was forced to admit that the majority of his countrymen had turned against British models just as he had decided to embrace them wholeheartedly.Less
Jacques Necker progressively advocated political values for the French monarchy that were broadly in line with those operative within a British constitutional nexus. He came to see the value of a bicameral constitutional settlement that would allow ‘aristocracy’ in one chamber to act as a counterweight to ‘democracy’ in another. However, he was slow to acknowledge the core difference between the tightly defined British nobility — synonymous with the peerage — and the tensions that existed within the formal, juridical unity of the French Second Estate. Necker's view of what a publicly responsible nobility might undertake within a state had its origins in his (and his wife, Suzanne's) many conversations with David, Seventh Viscount Stormont, British Ambassador to France, 1772–78, whom they saw as the embodiment of aristocratic state service. With the failure of the proposal for a two-chamber National Assembly in the autumn of 1789, Necker was forced to admit that the majority of his countrymen had turned against British models just as he had decided to embrace them wholeheartedly.
John Kent
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203025
- eISBN:
- 9780191675669
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203025.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This book offers a scholarly study of British and French policy in their West African colonies during World War II and its aftermath. It shows how the broader requirements of the Anglo-French ...
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This book offers a scholarly study of British and French policy in their West African colonies during World War II and its aftermath. It shows how the broader requirements of the Anglo-French relations in Europe and the wider world shaped the formulation and execution of the two colonial powers’ policy in Black Africa. It examines the guiding principles of the policy makers in Britain and France and the problems experienced by the colonial administrators themselves. This comparative study, grounded in both French and British archives, sheds light on the development of Anglo-French cooperation in colonial matters in this period.Less
This book offers a scholarly study of British and French policy in their West African colonies during World War II and its aftermath. It shows how the broader requirements of the Anglo-French relations in Europe and the wider world shaped the formulation and execution of the two colonial powers’ policy in Black Africa. It examines the guiding principles of the policy makers in Britain and France and the problems experienced by the colonial administrators themselves. This comparative study, grounded in both French and British archives, sheds light on the development of Anglo-French cooperation in colonial matters in this period.
Françoise Autrand
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202141
- eISBN:
- 9780191675188
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202141.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter examines the emergence of the so-called pontifical diplomacy in the context of the Anglo-French conflict in the 14th century. During this period, making peace in the midst of the ...
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This chapter examines the emergence of the so-called pontifical diplomacy in the context of the Anglo-French conflict in the 14th century. During this period, making peace in the midst of the omnipresent wars of western Christendom was the task of the Popes. They were the ones who negotiated truces, offered arbitration, and organized meetings between belligerent parties. One of their principal undertakings, and one in which they failed to make peace, was the Anglo-French War.Less
This chapter examines the emergence of the so-called pontifical diplomacy in the context of the Anglo-French conflict in the 14th century. During this period, making peace in the midst of the omnipresent wars of western Christendom was the task of the Popes. They were the ones who negotiated truces, offered arbitration, and organized meetings between belligerent parties. One of their principal undertakings, and one in which they failed to make peace, was the Anglo-French War.
Malcolm Vale
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206200
- eISBN:
- 9780191677014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206200.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History, Military History
It is generally agreed by historians that the Anglo-French treaty concluded between Henry III and Louis IX at Paris, France, in 1259 lay behind many of the problems from which subsequent Anglo-French ...
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It is generally agreed by historians that the Anglo-French treaty concluded between Henry III and Louis IX at Paris, France, in 1259 lay behind many of the problems from which subsequent Anglo-French tensions stemmed. To understand the nature of relations between the two kingdoms between 1250 and 1340 it is important to consider the manner in which the treaty was made, and the implications of its clauses. The treaty can be divided into four main parts. Firstly, Henry III of England took the somewhat unwise step of renouncing his fiefs in Normandy, Anjou, Touraine, Maine, and Poitou. Henry and Louis had in effect entered upon a private treaty of peace, against the wishes of many of their most powerful subjects.Less
It is generally agreed by historians that the Anglo-French treaty concluded between Henry III and Louis IX at Paris, France, in 1259 lay behind many of the problems from which subsequent Anglo-French tensions stemmed. To understand the nature of relations between the two kingdoms between 1250 and 1340 it is important to consider the manner in which the treaty was made, and the implications of its clauses. The treaty can be divided into four main parts. Firstly, Henry III of England took the somewhat unwise step of renouncing his fiefs in Normandy, Anjou, Touraine, Maine, and Poitou. Henry and Louis had in effect entered upon a private treaty of peace, against the wishes of many of their most powerful subjects.
Anne Curry
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199608638
- eISBN:
- 9780191731754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199608638.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The Hundred Years War offers an opportunity to consider strategy in the context of medieval European warfare in general, while also considering the specifics of the Anglo‐French conflict of the ...
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The Hundred Years War offers an opportunity to consider strategy in the context of medieval European warfare in general, while also considering the specifics of the Anglo‐French conflict of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Between 1337 and 1453, English armies invaded and occupied France with the ostensible aim of enforcing the English kings' claim to the French throne. In Chapter 4, Anne Curry explains why certain strategies were chosen at particular points, noting that strategic decisions in medieval warfare often appeared to result from personal choices by kings and princes at particular moments in time, with little attention to theory or to ‘lessons of history’. Throughout the period, rulers and commanders viewed warfare not simply as action against armies, with the ultimate goal of prevailing in battle. Instead, they also sought to demoralize the population, reduce economic sustainability, and weaken political authority through shifting alliances with continental rulers.Less
The Hundred Years War offers an opportunity to consider strategy in the context of medieval European warfare in general, while also considering the specifics of the Anglo‐French conflict of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Between 1337 and 1453, English armies invaded and occupied France with the ostensible aim of enforcing the English kings' claim to the French throne. In Chapter 4, Anne Curry explains why certain strategies were chosen at particular points, noting that strategic decisions in medieval warfare often appeared to result from personal choices by kings and princes at particular moments in time, with little attention to theory or to ‘lessons of history’. Throughout the period, rulers and commanders viewed warfare not simply as action against armies, with the ultimate goal of prevailing in battle. Instead, they also sought to demoralize the population, reduce economic sustainability, and weaken political authority through shifting alliances with continental rulers.
Alexander Bitis
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263273
- eISBN:
- 9780191734700
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263273.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter outlines the strategic implications of Russia's support of the Porte during the Mohammed Ali crisis and, following the formation of an anti-Russian Anglo-French coalition, Nicholas l's ...
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This chapter outlines the strategic implications of Russia's support of the Porte during the Mohammed Ali crisis and, following the formation of an anti-Russian Anglo-French coalition, Nicholas l's attempts to solve the army's manpower problems. The great event challenging Russia's somewhat guarded commitment to the preservation of the Ottoman Empire came in 1832–3 with the onset of the Mohammed Ali crisis. The ambitious Pasha of Egypt dreamed of conquering the Middle East to create an Arab empire and, like Mustafa, sought as his allies Muslims discontented by the Sultan's reforms. With France supporting Mohammed, the Sultan had little choice but to turn to Russia. The chapter also considers the Russian response and the Treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi and its consequences.Less
This chapter outlines the strategic implications of Russia's support of the Porte during the Mohammed Ali crisis and, following the formation of an anti-Russian Anglo-French coalition, Nicholas l's attempts to solve the army's manpower problems. The great event challenging Russia's somewhat guarded commitment to the preservation of the Ottoman Empire came in 1832–3 with the onset of the Mohammed Ali crisis. The ambitious Pasha of Egypt dreamed of conquering the Middle East to create an Arab empire and, like Mustafa, sought as his allies Muslims discontented by the Sultan's reforms. With France supporting Mohammed, the Sultan had little choice but to turn to Russia. The chapter also considers the Russian response and the Treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi and its consequences.
Charles R. Geisst
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195130867
- eISBN:
- 9780199871155
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195130863.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History, Financial Economics
The money trust and the development of the Federal Reserve. The central role of Wall Street power brokers in the country and the increasing sophistication of the exchanges. The Pecora hearings in ...
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The money trust and the development of the Federal Reserve. The central role of Wall Street power brokers in the country and the increasing sophistication of the exchanges. The Pecora hearings in Congress, revealing the inner workings of the money trust, the death of Pierpont Morgan, World War I financing, Liberty Bonds, and the role of bankers again as central figures in the power structure of the country.Less
The money trust and the development of the Federal Reserve. The central role of Wall Street power brokers in the country and the increasing sophistication of the exchanges. The Pecora hearings in Congress, revealing the inner workings of the money trust, the death of Pierpont Morgan, World War I financing, Liberty Bonds, and the role of bankers again as central figures in the power structure of the country.
Malcolm Vale
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206200
- eISBN:
- 9780191677014
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206200.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History, Military History
In this study of Anglo-French relations in the century before the Hundred Years War, the text examines the legacy of continental rule bequeathed by the Angevin kings of England to their Plantagenet ...
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In this study of Anglo-French relations in the century before the Hundred Years War, the text examines the legacy of continental rule bequeathed by the Angevin kings of England to their Plantagenet successors. The book explores the sources of Anglo-French tension which ultimately led to the breakdown of feudal and diplomatic relations between the two greatest powers in western Europe.Less
In this study of Anglo-French relations in the century before the Hundred Years War, the text examines the legacy of continental rule bequeathed by the Angevin kings of England to their Plantagenet successors. The book explores the sources of Anglo-French tension which ultimately led to the breakdown of feudal and diplomatic relations between the two greatest powers in western Europe.
Ardis Butterfield
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199574865
- eISBN:
- 9780191722127
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199574865.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Early and Medieval Literature, European Literature
The Familiar Enemy re‐examines the linguistic, literary, and cultural identities of England and France within the context of the Hundred Years War. During this war, two highly ...
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The Familiar Enemy re‐examines the linguistic, literary, and cultural identities of England and France within the context of the Hundred Years War. During this war, two highly intertwined peoples developed complex strategies for expressing their aggressively intimate relationship. The special connection between the English and the French has endured into the modern period as a model for Western nationhood. This book reassesses the concept of ‘nation’ in this period through a wide‐ranging discussion of writing produced in war, truce or exile from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century, concluding with reflections on the retrospective views of this time of war created by the trials of Jeanne d'Arc and by Shakespeare's Henry V. It considers works and authors writing in French, ‘Anglo‐Norman’, and in English, in England and on the continent, with attention to the tradition of comic Anglo‐French jargon (a kind of medieval franglais), to Machaut, Deschamps, Froissart, Chaucer, Gower, Charles d'Orléans and many lesser‐known or anonymous works. Chaucer traditionally has been seen as a quintessentially English author. This book argues that he needs to be resituated within the deeply francophone context, not only of England but the wider multilingual cultural geography of medieval Europe. It thus argues that a modern understanding of what ‘English’ might have meant in the fourteenth century cannot be separated from ‘French’, and that this has far‐reaching implications both for our understanding of English and the English, and of French and the French.Less
The Familiar Enemy re‐examines the linguistic, literary, and cultural identities of England and France within the context of the Hundred Years War. During this war, two highly intertwined peoples developed complex strategies for expressing their aggressively intimate relationship. The special connection between the English and the French has endured into the modern period as a model for Western nationhood. This book reassesses the concept of ‘nation’ in this period through a wide‐ranging discussion of writing produced in war, truce or exile from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century, concluding with reflections on the retrospective views of this time of war created by the trials of Jeanne d'Arc and by Shakespeare's Henry V. It considers works and authors writing in French, ‘Anglo‐Norman’, and in English, in England and on the continent, with attention to the tradition of comic Anglo‐French jargon (a kind of medieval franglais), to Machaut, Deschamps, Froissart, Chaucer, Gower, Charles d'Orléans and many lesser‐known or anonymous works. Chaucer traditionally has been seen as a quintessentially English author. This book argues that he needs to be resituated within the deeply francophone context, not only of England but the wider multilingual cultural geography of medieval Europe. It thus argues that a modern understanding of what ‘English’ might have meant in the fourteenth century cannot be separated from ‘French’, and that this has far‐reaching implications both for our understanding of English and the English, and of French and the French.
Peter J. Yearwood
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199226733
- eISBN:
- 9780191710308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226733.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The success of the League was widely seen as depending on its formulating a scheme for international disarmament. Lloyd George had this in the back of his mind when offering a security treaty to ...
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The success of the League was widely seen as depending on its formulating a scheme for international disarmament. Lloyd George had this in the back of his mind when offering a security treaty to Paris. Lord Esher, his man on the League's Temporary Mixed Commission, was pushed aside by Cecil, whose appointment had been arranged by H. A. L. Fisher, the British representative on the Council. Cecil hoped to repair Anglo‐French relations, which had rapidly deteriorated after Poincaré came to power, by agreeing with the French representatives a plan which would formally link security and disarmament. Once this had been adopted at Geneva, Cecil hoped to impose it on the British government, which he had himself joined when Stanley Baldwin became Prime Minister in May 1923. However, he was on bad terms with Curzon, who remained Foreign Secretary. The league did not endorse the Draft Treaty of Mutual Assistance, and the consensus in the Conservative Cabinet was strongly against it.Less
The success of the League was widely seen as depending on its formulating a scheme for international disarmament. Lloyd George had this in the back of his mind when offering a security treaty to Paris. Lord Esher, his man on the League's Temporary Mixed Commission, was pushed aside by Cecil, whose appointment had been arranged by H. A. L. Fisher, the British representative on the Council. Cecil hoped to repair Anglo‐French relations, which had rapidly deteriorated after Poincaré came to power, by agreeing with the French representatives a plan which would formally link security and disarmament. Once this had been adopted at Geneva, Cecil hoped to impose it on the British government, which he had himself joined when Stanley Baldwin became Prime Minister in May 1923. However, he was on bad terms with Curzon, who remained Foreign Secretary. The league did not endorse the Draft Treaty of Mutual Assistance, and the consensus in the Conservative Cabinet was strongly against it.
Donald Read
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207689
- eISBN:
- 9780191677779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207689.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History, British and Irish Modern History
At the coming of peace in 1945, the reputation of Reuters as a general news agency stood high. In the succeeding decades, the task of Reuter journalists and managers was to maintain and to develop ...
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At the coming of peace in 1945, the reputation of Reuters as a general news agency stood high. In the succeeding decades, the task of Reuter journalists and managers was to maintain and to develop that reputation. The Second World War had been easy to report on as it was usually obvious which were the big war stories to follow, whereas in peacetime correspondents required much more effort to seek out unanticipated and preferably exclusive stones. The way Reuters reported the Anglo-French landings in the Suez Canal zone demonstrated strikingly to the world that, after a century as a national and imperial institution, the old agency was ceasing to be the news agency of the British Empire. Its Suez reporting showed that Reuters no longer wanted to be a channel for writing the news from the British point of view and instead it was developing a supranational attitude.Less
At the coming of peace in 1945, the reputation of Reuters as a general news agency stood high. In the succeeding decades, the task of Reuter journalists and managers was to maintain and to develop that reputation. The Second World War had been easy to report on as it was usually obvious which were the big war stories to follow, whereas in peacetime correspondents required much more effort to seek out unanticipated and preferably exclusive stones. The way Reuters reported the Anglo-French landings in the Suez Canal zone demonstrated strikingly to the world that, after a century as a national and imperial institution, the old agency was ceasing to be the news agency of the British Empire. Its Suez reporting showed that Reuters no longer wanted to be a channel for writing the news from the British point of view and instead it was developing a supranational attitude.
Helen Small
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198184911
- eISBN:
- 9780191674396
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198184911.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
The themes of love-madness and war were clearly coming together in fiction of the early 1810s, albeit often in little more than an attempt to enliven otherwise jaded material. Lady Charlotte Bury's ...
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The themes of love-madness and war were clearly coming together in fiction of the early 1810s, albeit often in little more than an attempt to enliven otherwise jaded material. Lady Charlotte Bury's Self-Indulgence: A Tale of the Nineteenth Century and Louis Sidney Stanhope's Madelina: A Tale, Founded on Facts (1814) both fended off evident anxieties about the freshness of the convention by placing their love-mad women against the background of contemporary Anglo–French politics. The desire both to entertain and to disown the spectacle of rebellion is evident in the most notorious novel of the 1810s, showing interest in the madwoman as a symbol of Irish rebellion. Lady Caroline Lamb's Glenarvon was a kiss-and-tell account of her affair with Lord Byron. Meanwhile, Ivanhoe overturns the determining features of the love-madness convention, rewriting them in colours of violence.Less
The themes of love-madness and war were clearly coming together in fiction of the early 1810s, albeit often in little more than an attempt to enliven otherwise jaded material. Lady Charlotte Bury's Self-Indulgence: A Tale of the Nineteenth Century and Louis Sidney Stanhope's Madelina: A Tale, Founded on Facts (1814) both fended off evident anxieties about the freshness of the convention by placing their love-mad women against the background of contemporary Anglo–French politics. The desire both to entertain and to disown the spectacle of rebellion is evident in the most notorious novel of the 1810s, showing interest in the madwoman as a symbol of Irish rebellion. Lady Caroline Lamb's Glenarvon was a kiss-and-tell account of her affair with Lord Byron. Meanwhile, Ivanhoe overturns the determining features of the love-madness convention, rewriting them in colours of violence.
John Kent
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203025
- eISBN:
- 9780191675669
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203025.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
The visiting mission was to have a major impact on Anglo-French efforts to resolve the colonial aspects of the Ewe problem without any damage to respective imperial interests and prestige or to ...
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The visiting mission was to have a major impact on Anglo-French efforts to resolve the colonial aspects of the Ewe problem without any damage to respective imperial interests and prestige or to Anglo-French relations in general. The visit of the Trusteeship Council delegation encouraged a new round of petitioning from all parts of the Trust Territories. One petition from the Aflao Ewes called for the unification of Togo under the administering authority of the Trusteeship Council, and petitions from southern British Togo supported Togoland unification. In the French territory, petitions from the south north also called for Togoland unification, but Sylvanus Olympio and the All-Ewe Conference supporters were still adamant in demanding a unified Eweland, and the mission noted that the majority of the Ewes were in favour of such an outcome. The most important consequence of the visiting mission was its formal recognition of the political dimensions of the Ewe problem.Less
The visiting mission was to have a major impact on Anglo-French efforts to resolve the colonial aspects of the Ewe problem without any damage to respective imperial interests and prestige or to Anglo-French relations in general. The visit of the Trusteeship Council delegation encouraged a new round of petitioning from all parts of the Trust Territories. One petition from the Aflao Ewes called for the unification of Togo under the administering authority of the Trusteeship Council, and petitions from southern British Togo supported Togoland unification. In the French territory, petitions from the south north also called for Togoland unification, but Sylvanus Olympio and the All-Ewe Conference supporters were still adamant in demanding a unified Eweland, and the mission noted that the majority of the Ewes were in favour of such an outcome. The most important consequence of the visiting mission was its formal recognition of the political dimensions of the Ewe problem.
John Kent
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203025
- eISBN:
- 9780191675669
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203025.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
When World War II broke out in 1939, it was clear that new initiatives had been made which were to influence the future development of Britain’s colonial policy in Black Africa. The public commitment ...
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When World War II broke out in 1939, it was clear that new initiatives had been made which were to influence the future development of Britain’s colonial policy in Black Africa. The public commitment by the British Colonial Secretary, Malcolm MacDonald, to the long-term goal of self-government, and the accompanying acceptance of a policy of colonial development financed by the British Treasury, formed an important stage in the history of colonial policy in Africa. This had both short-term and long-term implications, and it can be seen as the initial stage on the road towards independence along which Britain and, more reluctantly, France were destined to travel. Consequently, the history of Anglo-French relations in Africa proved to be something more than a history of colonial policy-makers attempting to co-operate in order to maximize the impact of economic development, technical progress, and constitutional change.Less
When World War II broke out in 1939, it was clear that new initiatives had been made which were to influence the future development of Britain’s colonial policy in Black Africa. The public commitment by the British Colonial Secretary, Malcolm MacDonald, to the long-term goal of self-government, and the accompanying acceptance of a policy of colonial development financed by the British Treasury, formed an important stage in the history of colonial policy in Africa. This had both short-term and long-term implications, and it can be seen as the initial stage on the road towards independence along which Britain and, more reluctantly, France were destined to travel. Consequently, the history of Anglo-French relations in Africa proved to be something more than a history of colonial policy-makers attempting to co-operate in order to maximize the impact of economic development, technical progress, and constitutional change.
Malcolm Vale
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206200
- eISBN:
- 9780191677014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206200.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History, Military History
Between 20 June 1294 and 24 March 1298 England and France were formally and publicly at war. Historians have been more than usually censorious about the nature and upshot of this war. If the ...
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Between 20 June 1294 and 24 March 1298 England and France were formally and publicly at war. Historians have been more than usually censorious about the nature and upshot of this war. If the Anglo-French war of 1294–8 proved anything, it was that neither side could hope to emerge victorious from a conflict fought exclusively in the duchy of Aquitaine. The war of 1294–8 was to break out over almost exclusively Gascon issues. These negotiations ultimately failed and the secret treaty was never honoured. With some justification Edmund of Lancaster believed himself misled and duped by the French. He had perhaps relied too much upon his own connections at the court of France. The first French attempt to confiscate the duchy of Aquitaine by judicial means ran into deep and troubled waters because of procedural incompetence, or perhaps arrogance. It is clear, however, that the maritime conflict between the Bayonnais and their rivals formed only one link in the chain of events which led to the Anglo-French war of 1294.Less
Between 20 June 1294 and 24 March 1298 England and France were formally and publicly at war. Historians have been more than usually censorious about the nature and upshot of this war. If the Anglo-French war of 1294–8 proved anything, it was that neither side could hope to emerge victorious from a conflict fought exclusively in the duchy of Aquitaine. The war of 1294–8 was to break out over almost exclusively Gascon issues. These negotiations ultimately failed and the secret treaty was never honoured. With some justification Edmund of Lancaster believed himself misled and duped by the French. He had perhaps relied too much upon his own connections at the court of France. The first French attempt to confiscate the duchy of Aquitaine by judicial means ran into deep and troubled waters because of procedural incompetence, or perhaps arrogance. It is clear, however, that the maritime conflict between the Bayonnais and their rivals formed only one link in the chain of events which led to the Anglo-French war of 1294.
Malcolm Vale
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206200
- eISBN:
- 9780191677014
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206200.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History, Military History
The Anglo-French war of 1294–8 marked a watershed in relations between the two powers. Although the family relationship between the ruling houses was renewed, trust and cordiality were never fully ...
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The Anglo-French war of 1294–8 marked a watershed in relations between the two powers. Although the family relationship between the ruling houses was renewed, trust and cordiality were never fully re-established. The unforeseen aftermath of Edward I's arbitration of Angevin–Aragonese affairs had proved destructive of Anglo-French peace. Reparations, compensations, and restitution of lands and possessions lost on both sides during the war of 1294–8 continued to concern the Anglo-French negotiators. The first outbreak of conflict which was to involve the Plantagenet regime actively in hostilities came in April 1323.Less
The Anglo-French war of 1294–8 marked a watershed in relations between the two powers. Although the family relationship between the ruling houses was renewed, trust and cordiality were never fully re-established. The unforeseen aftermath of Edward I's arbitration of Angevin–Aragonese affairs had proved destructive of Anglo-French peace. Reparations, compensations, and restitution of lands and possessions lost on both sides during the war of 1294–8 continued to concern the Anglo-French negotiators. The first outbreak of conflict which was to involve the Plantagenet regime actively in hostilities came in April 1323.
Gábor Bátonyi
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207481
- eISBN:
- 9780191677687
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207481.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
The anomaly in the British attitude towards the Treaty of Trianon was ignored by Admiral Horthy and his entourage. The Foreign Office was not ...
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The anomaly in the British attitude towards the Treaty of Trianon was ignored by Admiral Horthy and his entourage. The Foreign Office was not too harsh in criticising the Hungarian regime, particularly after an unexpected French challenge to British primacy in Budapest during 1920. The sudden ‘reconciliation trend’ in French policy towards Hungary resulted in swift diplomatic measures in both Paris and Budapest. The project aimed at hindering similar British schemes around Vienna, and was thus the first distinct sign of rivalry between France and Britain for the political and economic domination of the Danubian Basin. By the end of 1921 the growing aloofness in the diplomatic relations between Britain and France culminated in a controversy over Hungary’s application to enter the League of Nations. By early 1922, the Danubian region was divided into two camps, politically and economically.Less
The anomaly in the British attitude towards the Treaty of Trianon was ignored by Admiral Horthy and his entourage. The Foreign Office was not too harsh in criticising the Hungarian regime, particularly after an unexpected French challenge to British primacy in Budapest during 1920. The sudden ‘reconciliation trend’ in French policy towards Hungary resulted in swift diplomatic measures in both Paris and Budapest. The project aimed at hindering similar British schemes around Vienna, and was thus the first distinct sign of rivalry between France and Britain for the political and economic domination of the Danubian Basin. By the end of 1921 the growing aloofness in the diplomatic relations between Britain and France culminated in a controversy over Hungary’s application to enter the League of Nations. By early 1922, the Danubian region was divided into two camps, politically and economically.
Gábor Bátonyi
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207481
- eISBN:
- 9780191677687
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207481.003.0018
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
At the end of the First World War, British politicians played a key role in the termination of Austria–Hungary and the creation of the ...
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At the end of the First World War, British politicians played a key role in the termination of Austria–Hungary and the creation of the Successor States. In 1919, the Foreign Office assumed an active role in Austria, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia prompted mainly by nightmare visions of a Bolshevik or German-dominated Central Europe. British withdrawal from Vienna, Budapest, and Prague was clearly a politically motivated process. This book has suggested that the major shift in British policy towards Central Europe occurred gradually between 1919 and 1932, more than half a decade prior to the Munich agreement, largely because of the failure to reconstruct a Danubian league of states and promote free trade in the region. Anglo–French rivalry highlighted the political and economic divisions in the region and facilitated future German expansion. By the end of the Second World War, the idea of Danubian integration was buried.Less
At the end of the First World War, British politicians played a key role in the termination of Austria–Hungary and the creation of the Successor States. In 1919, the Foreign Office assumed an active role in Austria, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia prompted mainly by nightmare visions of a Bolshevik or German-dominated Central Europe. British withdrawal from Vienna, Budapest, and Prague was clearly a politically motivated process. This book has suggested that the major shift in British policy towards Central Europe occurred gradually between 1919 and 1932, more than half a decade prior to the Munich agreement, largely because of the failure to reconstruct a Danubian league of states and promote free trade in the region. Anglo–French rivalry highlighted the political and economic divisions in the region and facilitated future German expansion. By the end of the Second World War, the idea of Danubian integration was buried.
