MARIA LÚCIA G. PALLARES-BURKE
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780197265246
- eISBN:
- 9780191754197
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265246.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
The idea of Brazil as a ‘racial democracy’ and a mixture of peoples and cultures became a central part of its national identity following the publication of Gilberto Freyre's Casa-grande e senzala in ...
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The idea of Brazil as a ‘racial democracy’ and a mixture of peoples and cultures became a central part of its national identity following the publication of Gilberto Freyre's Casa-grande e senzala in 1933. This chapter argues that the idea of racial democracy cannot be understood without taking into account the dialogue, dating from much earlier than 1933, between Brazilians and North Americans, based (in the former case) on an emphasis on the mixture of black and white, and (in the latter) on the ‘one drop rule’ and the segregation that came with it.Less
The idea of Brazil as a ‘racial democracy’ and a mixture of peoples and cultures became a central part of its national identity following the publication of Gilberto Freyre's Casa-grande e senzala in 1933. This chapter argues that the idea of racial democracy cannot be understood without taking into account the dialogue, dating from much earlier than 1933, between Brazilians and North Americans, based (in the former case) on an emphasis on the mixture of black and white, and (in the latter) on the ‘one drop rule’ and the segregation that came with it.
John M. Coward
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040269
- eISBN:
- 9780252098529
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040269.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Native American Studies
In the second half of the nineteenth century, Americans swarmed to take in a raft of new illustrated journals and papers. Engravings and drawings of “buckskinned braves” and “Indian princesses” ...
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In the second half of the nineteenth century, Americans swarmed to take in a raft of new illustrated journals and papers. Engravings and drawings of “buckskinned braves” and “Indian princesses” proved an immensely popular attraction for consumers of publications like Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper and Harper's Weekly. This book charts a social and cultural history of Native American illustrations—romantic, violent, racist, peaceful, and otherwise—in the heyday of the American pictorial press. These woodblock engravings and ink drawings placed Native Americans into categories that drew from venerable “good” Indian and “bad” Indian stereotypes already threaded through the culture. The book's examples show how the genre cemented white ideas about how Indians should look and behave—ideas that diminished Native Americans' cultural values and political influence. The book's powerful analysis of themes and visual tropes unlock the racial codes and visual cues that whites used to represent, and marginalize, native cultures already engaged in a twilight struggle against inexorable westward expansion.Less
In the second half of the nineteenth century, Americans swarmed to take in a raft of new illustrated journals and papers. Engravings and drawings of “buckskinned braves” and “Indian princesses” proved an immensely popular attraction for consumers of publications like Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper and Harper's Weekly. This book charts a social and cultural history of Native American illustrations—romantic, violent, racist, peaceful, and otherwise—in the heyday of the American pictorial press. These woodblock engravings and ink drawings placed Native Americans into categories that drew from venerable “good” Indian and “bad” Indian stereotypes already threaded through the culture. The book's examples show how the genre cemented white ideas about how Indians should look and behave—ideas that diminished Native Americans' cultural values and political influence. The book's powerful analysis of themes and visual tropes unlock the racial codes and visual cues that whites used to represent, and marginalize, native cultures already engaged in a twilight struggle against inexorable westward expansion.
Beth Knobel
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780823279333
- eISBN:
- 9780823281404
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823279333.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
Perhaps no other function of a free press is as important as the watchdog role. It is easier for politicians to get away with abusing power, wasting public funds, and making poor decisions if the ...
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Perhaps no other function of a free press is as important as the watchdog role. It is easier for politicians to get away with abusing power, wasting public funds, and making poor decisions if the press is not shining its light with what is termed “accountability reporting.” This need has become especially clear as the American press has come under direct attack for carrying out its watchdog duties. This book presents a study of how this most important form of journalism came of age in the digital era at American newspapers. The book examines the front pages of nine newspapers, located across the United States, for clues on how papers addressed the watchdog role as the advent of the Internet transformed journalism. It shows how papers of varying sizes and ownership structures around the country marshaled resources for accountability reporting despite significant financial and technological challenges. Although the American newspaper industry contracted significantly during the 1990s and 2000s due to the digital transformation, the data collected in this book shows that the papers held fast to the watchdog role. The newspapers all endured budget and staff cuts during the 20 years studied as paid circulation and advertising dropped, but the amount of deep watchdog reporting on their front pages generally increased over this time. The book contains interviews with editors of the newspapers studied, who explain why they are staking their papers' futures on the one thing that American newspapers still do better than any other segment of the media—watchdog and investigative reporting.Less
Perhaps no other function of a free press is as important as the watchdog role. It is easier for politicians to get away with abusing power, wasting public funds, and making poor decisions if the press is not shining its light with what is termed “accountability reporting.” This need has become especially clear as the American press has come under direct attack for carrying out its watchdog duties. This book presents a study of how this most important form of journalism came of age in the digital era at American newspapers. The book examines the front pages of nine newspapers, located across the United States, for clues on how papers addressed the watchdog role as the advent of the Internet transformed journalism. It shows how papers of varying sizes and ownership structures around the country marshaled resources for accountability reporting despite significant financial and technological challenges. Although the American newspaper industry contracted significantly during the 1990s and 2000s due to the digital transformation, the data collected in this book shows that the papers held fast to the watchdog role. The newspapers all endured budget and staff cuts during the 20 years studied as paid circulation and advertising dropped, but the amount of deep watchdog reporting on their front pages generally increased over this time. The book contains interviews with editors of the newspapers studied, who explain why they are staking their papers' futures on the one thing that American newspapers still do better than any other segment of the media—watchdog and investigative reporting.
Larry A. Greene
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604737844
- eISBN:
- 9781604737851
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604737844.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
America’s decision to enter World War II further highlighted the contradictions between the nation’s democratic rhetoric and the reality of its segregated society. These contradictions that gave rise ...
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America’s decision to enter World War II further highlighted the contradictions between the nation’s democratic rhetoric and the reality of its segregated society. These contradictions that gave rise to the modern African American civil rights movement led by an African American press. Because of its transition to fascism and anti-Semitism, the positive image that many African Americans held of Germany turned into a decidedly negative one. The racist Nuremberg Laws of the Third Reich were soon compared with the Jim Crow laws of the southern United States, a comparison that began to proliferate throughout the African American press in the 1930s. This chapter examines how the African American press incorporated this analogy into a sustained campaign for civil rights in the mid-1930s and accelerated with the outbreak of World War II into the postwar period. It looks at the “Double V” campaign initiated by the Pittsburgh Courier in February 1942 and joined by African American newspapers all across the country, arguing that this was the beginning of the modern civil rights movement.Less
America’s decision to enter World War II further highlighted the contradictions between the nation’s democratic rhetoric and the reality of its segregated society. These contradictions that gave rise to the modern African American civil rights movement led by an African American press. Because of its transition to fascism and anti-Semitism, the positive image that many African Americans held of Germany turned into a decidedly negative one. The racist Nuremberg Laws of the Third Reich were soon compared with the Jim Crow laws of the southern United States, a comparison that began to proliferate throughout the African American press in the 1930s. This chapter examines how the African American press incorporated this analogy into a sustained campaign for civil rights in the mid-1930s and accelerated with the outbreak of World War II into the postwar period. It looks at the “Double V” campaign initiated by the Pittsburgh Courier in February 1942 and joined by African American newspapers all across the country, arguing that this was the beginning of the modern civil rights movement.
Peter G. Vellon
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814788486
- eISBN:
- 9780814788493
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814788486.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter investigates how the Italian American press negotiated and digested the American racial system by examining its discussion of Italian and African American issues. In response to American ...
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This chapter investigates how the Italian American press negotiated and digested the American racial system by examining its discussion of Italian and African American issues. In response to American violence against Italian immigrants, especially lynching, mainstream newspapers such as Il Progresso resorted to the experience of African Americans as a frame of reference to understand their own racialization. These newspapers stridently criticized self-appointed standard-bearers of white America who claimed ancestry from Anglo-Saxon or Nordic racial stock for questioning the Italian race while hypocritically oppressing African Americans as a consequence of skin color and African ancestry. In addition, empathetic news stories about issues such as segregation and race riots were ubiquitous within the Italian American press alongside sympathetic commentary.Less
This chapter investigates how the Italian American press negotiated and digested the American racial system by examining its discussion of Italian and African American issues. In response to American violence against Italian immigrants, especially lynching, mainstream newspapers such as Il Progresso resorted to the experience of African Americans as a frame of reference to understand their own racialization. These newspapers stridently criticized self-appointed standard-bearers of white America who claimed ancestry from Anglo-Saxon or Nordic racial stock for questioning the Italian race while hypocritically oppressing African Americans as a consequence of skin color and African ancestry. In addition, empathetic news stories about issues such as segregation and race riots were ubiquitous within the Italian American press alongside sympathetic commentary.
Edward O. Frantz
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813036533
- eISBN:
- 9780813038452
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813036533.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
How did the political party of Abraham Lincoln—of emancipation—become the party of the South and of white resentment? How did Jefferson Davis's old party become the preferred choice for most southern ...
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How did the political party of Abraham Lincoln—of emancipation—become the party of the South and of white resentment? How did Jefferson Davis's old party become the preferred choice for most southern blacks? Most scholars date these transformations to the administrations of Presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower, Richard Nixon, and Ronald Reagan. This book challenges this myopic view by closely examining the complex and often contradictory rhetoric and symbolism utilized by Republicans between 1877 and 1933. Presidential journeys throughout the South were public rituals that provided a platform for the issues of race, religion, and Republicanism for both white and black southerners. The book notes the common themes and questions scrutinized during this time and finely crafts comparisons between the presidents' speeches and strategies, while they debated the power dynamics that underlay their society. It brings new voices to the forefront by utilizing the rich resources of the African American press during the administrations of Presidents Rutherford B. Hayes, Benjamin Harrison, William McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, and Herbert Hoover. Although these Republicans ultimately failed to build lasting coalitions in the states of the former Confederacy, their tours provided the background for future GOP victories.Less
How did the political party of Abraham Lincoln—of emancipation—become the party of the South and of white resentment? How did Jefferson Davis's old party become the preferred choice for most southern blacks? Most scholars date these transformations to the administrations of Presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower, Richard Nixon, and Ronald Reagan. This book challenges this myopic view by closely examining the complex and often contradictory rhetoric and symbolism utilized by Republicans between 1877 and 1933. Presidential journeys throughout the South were public rituals that provided a platform for the issues of race, religion, and Republicanism for both white and black southerners. The book notes the common themes and questions scrutinized during this time and finely crafts comparisons between the presidents' speeches and strategies, while they debated the power dynamics that underlay their society. It brings new voices to the forefront by utilizing the rich resources of the African American press during the administrations of Presidents Rutherford B. Hayes, Benjamin Harrison, William McKinley, Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, and Herbert Hoover. Although these Republicans ultimately failed to build lasting coalitions in the states of the former Confederacy, their tours provided the background for future GOP victories.
Marcella Bencivenni
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814791035
- eISBN:
- 9780814723180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814791035.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
Surveying more than fifty Italian radical newspapers, ranging from anarchist to socialist, communist, and anti-fascist, this chapter provides an overview of the press and a discussion of the main ...
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Surveying more than fifty Italian radical newspapers, ranging from anarchist to socialist, communist, and anti-fascist, this chapter provides an overview of the press and a discussion of the main themes, programs, and debates contained in its pages. L'Anarchico was the first of nearly 200 radical Italian-language newspapers produced in the United States from the late nineteenth century through the World War II period. Italian radical papers followed the layout of traditional newspapers of the early twentieth century, with four to eight pages and a large folio size of weekly, sixteen pages or more with a smaller format of monthly magazines. Art played a significant role in defining radical papers. Graphic logos, revolutionary slogans, and drawings helped to give newspapers an easily recognizable meaning for their working-class readers. Radical papers also covered similar themes and were concerned with similar issues. All, for example, aimed at educating, informing, and emancipating the immigrants.Less
Surveying more than fifty Italian radical newspapers, ranging from anarchist to socialist, communist, and anti-fascist, this chapter provides an overview of the press and a discussion of the main themes, programs, and debates contained in its pages. L'Anarchico was the first of nearly 200 radical Italian-language newspapers produced in the United States from the late nineteenth century through the World War II period. Italian radical papers followed the layout of traditional newspapers of the early twentieth century, with four to eight pages and a large folio size of weekly, sixteen pages or more with a smaller format of monthly magazines. Art played a significant role in defining radical papers. Graphic logos, revolutionary slogans, and drawings helped to give newspapers an easily recognizable meaning for their working-class readers. Radical papers also covered similar themes and were concerned with similar issues. All, for example, aimed at educating, informing, and emancipating the immigrants.
Melissa R. Klapper
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814748947
- eISBN:
- 9780814749463
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814748947.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter traces Jewish women's suffrage activism from the creation of National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) in 1890 through the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 and ...
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This chapter traces Jewish women's suffrage activism from the creation of National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) in 1890 through the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 and its aftermath. Jewish women primarily worked for suffrage as individuals, though intense debate flourished among Jewish women's groups. The American Jewish press also devoted time and space to suffrage, and rabbis aired the issue within the community. Once the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified in August 1920, Jewish women moved to apply their new rights to their sense of Jewish communal status as well as American citizenship. Indeed, immediately after winning the vote, the members of the sisterhood of The Temple in Atlanta successfully demanded representation on the synagogue board.Less
This chapter traces Jewish women's suffrage activism from the creation of National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) in 1890 through the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 and its aftermath. Jewish women primarily worked for suffrage as individuals, though intense debate flourished among Jewish women's groups. The American Jewish press also devoted time and space to suffrage, and rabbis aired the issue within the community. Once the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified in August 1920, Jewish women moved to apply their new rights to their sense of Jewish communal status as well as American citizenship. Indeed, immediately after winning the vote, the members of the sisterhood of The Temple in Atlanta successfully demanded representation on the synagogue board.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226075334
- eISBN:
- 9780226075303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226075303.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
This chapter elaborates on the connection between the Philippines and American empire by exploring how the American press depicted the Philippines as an Oriental nation devoid of civilization—a site ...
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This chapter elaborates on the connection between the Philippines and American empire by exploring how the American press depicted the Philippines as an Oriental nation devoid of civilization—a site waiting for American prayers as manifest in the pretense of colonization. Through a close reading of popular media sources, it asks how Americans, in the context of their own homes, visually consumed the spectacle of America's new colony. Two New York-based newspapers, William Randolph Hearst's New York Evening Journal and Joseph Pulitzer's the World, and two national magazines, Harper's Weekly and McClure's, each represented the Philippines as an exoticized location with an Oriental nature. The American media, controlled by individuals such as Hearst and Pulitzer, helped sell the war along with countless magazines and newspapers.Less
This chapter elaborates on the connection between the Philippines and American empire by exploring how the American press depicted the Philippines as an Oriental nation devoid of civilization—a site waiting for American prayers as manifest in the pretense of colonization. Through a close reading of popular media sources, it asks how Americans, in the context of their own homes, visually consumed the spectacle of America's new colony. Two New York-based newspapers, William Randolph Hearst's New York Evening Journal and Joseph Pulitzer's the World, and two national magazines, Harper's Weekly and McClure's, each represented the Philippines as an exoticized location with an Oriental nature. The American media, controlled by individuals such as Hearst and Pulitzer, helped sell the war along with countless magazines and newspapers.
Anna D. Jaroszyńska-Kirchmann
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252039096
- eISBN:
- 9780252097072
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252039096.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter looks at the expanding business of Paryski Publishing at the time of significant changes in both American and Polish American press and publishing. As Paryski's empire prospered, its ...
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This chapter looks at the expanding business of Paryski Publishing at the time of significant changes in both American and Polish American press and publishing. As Paryski's empire prospered, its owner found himself torn between his idealism and the principles of American capitalism, which he wholeheartedly embraced. When faced with difficult choices, Paryski acted like a business owner: he crushed his sales agents' attempt at establishing a labor union. He also tried to discredit and break the strike of his typesetters, condemned strikes in general, and irrevocably distanced himself from socialism. In the context of World War I, he also spied on the immigrant workers for the institution that was a precursor of the FBI to protect his own newspaper.Less
This chapter looks at the expanding business of Paryski Publishing at the time of significant changes in both American and Polish American press and publishing. As Paryski's empire prospered, its owner found himself torn between his idealism and the principles of American capitalism, which he wholeheartedly embraced. When faced with difficult choices, Paryski acted like a business owner: he crushed his sales agents' attempt at establishing a labor union. He also tried to discredit and break the strike of his typesetters, condemned strikes in general, and irrevocably distanced himself from socialism. In the context of World War I, he also spied on the immigrant workers for the institution that was a precursor of the FBI to protect his own newspaper.
Kenyon Zimmer
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252039386
- eISBN:
- 9780252097430
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252039386.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Migration Studies (including Refugee Studies)
This chapter looks at how anarchist groups throughout the country maintained their functionality, with International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU) organizer Anna Sosnovsky noting “a general ...
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This chapter looks at how anarchist groups throughout the country maintained their functionality, with International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU) organizer Anna Sosnovsky noting “a general revival amongst the Comrades.” By 1933, one anarchist newspaper counted seventy-five anarchist groups across the country, while a U.S. military intelligence agent reported a keen revival of anarchistic activities on the East Coast. This modest resurgence is reflected in available circulation figures from the era, which shows that the American anarchist press retained approximately three-quarters of its prewar readership. The spread of multiethnic, English-speaking international groups led to the unprecedented growth of the English-language anarchist press, while Italian-language anarchist periodicals maintained a higher combined circulation between 1925 and 1933.Less
This chapter looks at how anarchist groups throughout the country maintained their functionality, with International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU) organizer Anna Sosnovsky noting “a general revival amongst the Comrades.” By 1933, one anarchist newspaper counted seventy-five anarchist groups across the country, while a U.S. military intelligence agent reported a keen revival of anarchistic activities on the East Coast. This modest resurgence is reflected in available circulation figures from the era, which shows that the American anarchist press retained approximately three-quarters of its prewar readership. The spread of multiethnic, English-speaking international groups led to the unprecedented growth of the English-language anarchist press, while Italian-language anarchist periodicals maintained a higher combined circulation between 1925 and 1933.
Aniko Bodroghkozy
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036682
- eISBN:
- 9780252093784
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036682.003.0006
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Television
This chapter examines television news' reporting of the Selma campaign for voting rights that led directly to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Television cameras present on the Edmund ...
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This chapter examines television news' reporting of the Selma campaign for voting rights that led directly to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Television cameras present on the Edmund Pettus Bridge on Sunday March 7, 1965, were able to capture the beating, gassing, and brutalizing suffered by voting rights demonstrators as they attempted to march to Montgomery. The uproar generated by that footage generated more support, volunteers, and moral clout for the civil rights movement. This chapter considers how one news program, The CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkite, presented the Selma campaign as an ongoing nightly news story, with particular emphasis on its coverage of the campaign's three martyrs: Jimmie Lee Jackson, Rev. James Reeb, and Viola Liuzzo. It also discusses the response of white Selmians in the “glaring light of television” and the commentary in the African American press regarding the television coverage of the campaign.Less
This chapter examines television news' reporting of the Selma campaign for voting rights that led directly to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Television cameras present on the Edmund Pettus Bridge on Sunday March 7, 1965, were able to capture the beating, gassing, and brutalizing suffered by voting rights demonstrators as they attempted to march to Montgomery. The uproar generated by that footage generated more support, volunteers, and moral clout for the civil rights movement. This chapter considers how one news program, The CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkite, presented the Selma campaign as an ongoing nightly news story, with particular emphasis on its coverage of the campaign's three martyrs: Jimmie Lee Jackson, Rev. James Reeb, and Viola Liuzzo. It also discusses the response of white Selmians in the “glaring light of television” and the commentary in the African American press regarding the television coverage of the campaign.
Aniko Bodroghkozy
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036682
- eISBN:
- 9780252093784
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036682.003.0005
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Television
This chapter examines how television networks handled the coverage of the March on Washington on August 28, 1963 to a national audience of millions. The March on Washington drew a quarter of a ...
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This chapter examines how television networks handled the coverage of the March on Washington on August 28, 1963 to a national audience of millions. The March on Washington drew a quarter of a million civil rights activists who converged on the nation's capital to press for “jobs and freedom.” Television cameras and reporters focused on the demonstrators' placards and signs. All three networks broadcast the event live. With the exception of presidential inaugurations and nominating conventions, no single event had ever commanded such extensive television coverage. This chapter first considers how the CBS news team framed and packaged the March on Washington as a news story, and particularly Martin Luther King Jr.'s “I Have a Dream” speech, before discussing various responses to the television news reporting of the march in the African American press. It suggests that the March on Washington functioned as a paean of “black and white together,” as the networks invited viewers to share in a utopian taste of achieved equality.Less
This chapter examines how television networks handled the coverage of the March on Washington on August 28, 1963 to a national audience of millions. The March on Washington drew a quarter of a million civil rights activists who converged on the nation's capital to press for “jobs and freedom.” Television cameras and reporters focused on the demonstrators' placards and signs. All three networks broadcast the event live. With the exception of presidential inaugurations and nominating conventions, no single event had ever commanded such extensive television coverage. This chapter first considers how the CBS news team framed and packaged the March on Washington as a news story, and particularly Martin Luther King Jr.'s “I Have a Dream” speech, before discussing various responses to the television news reporting of the march in the African American press. It suggests that the March on Washington functioned as a paean of “black and white together,” as the networks invited viewers to share in a utopian taste of achieved equality.
