Hal Klepak
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The central argument is that US power, once established as predominant in the hemisphere, has been nothing short of decisive in the founding, nature, and functioning of the regional multilateral ...
More
The central argument is that US power, once established as predominant in the hemisphere, has been nothing short of decisive in the founding, nature, and functioning of the regional multilateral institutions/organizations in the Americas in which it has taken part. The examples of the Pan American Union (PAU) Organization of American States (OAS) and of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) are used to show this state of affairs in play; the most attention is paid to the OAS because of the lessons that can be derived from the very long history of US membership of this organization. In another case, that of Mercado Comun del Sur (Mercosur, or the Common Market of the South), it is shown how, even where the US is not a member of a multilateral organization in the hemisphere, its weight is still felt in terms of the aims and behaviour of that body. At the same time, it is seen that such organizations may on occasion be useful for the smaller states in restraining to at least some extent US behaviour, although in general such a restraining role is reserved for moments when US vital interests tend not to be involved and where Latin American, or more recently Canadian, actions to limit US unilateralism do not negatively affect goals perceived to be key by Washington. The first section gives an overview of the US and the hemisphere over the more than two centuries of its diplomatic and related action therein, the next looks at the specific experience of the PAU and the OAS, and the following two at NAFTA and Mercosur.Less
The central argument is that US power, once established as predominant in the hemisphere, has been nothing short of decisive in the founding, nature, and functioning of the regional multilateral institutions/organizations in the Americas in which it has taken part. The examples of the Pan American Union (PAU) Organization of American States (OAS) and of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) are used to show this state of affairs in play; the most attention is paid to the OAS because of the lessons that can be derived from the very long history of US membership of this organization. In another case, that of Mercado Comun del Sur (Mercosur, or the Common Market of the South), it is shown how, even where the US is not a member of a multilateral organization in the hemisphere, its weight is still felt in terms of the aims and behaviour of that body. At the same time, it is seen that such organizations may on occasion be useful for the smaller states in restraining to at least some extent US behaviour, although in general such a restraining role is reserved for moments when US vital interests tend not to be involved and where Latin American, or more recently Canadian, actions to limit US unilateralism do not negatively affect goals perceived to be key by Washington. The first section gives an overview of the US and the hemisphere over the more than two centuries of its diplomatic and related action therein, the next looks at the specific experience of the PAU and the OAS, and the following two at NAFTA and Mercosur.
David Paul Nord
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195173116
- eISBN:
- 9780199835683
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195173112.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
This chapter describes the growth of the great national, non-profit religious publishing societies during the second and third decades of the 19th century. It focuses on the American Bible Society, ...
More
This chapter describes the growth of the great national, non-profit religious publishing societies during the second and third decades of the 19th century. It focuses on the American Bible Society, the American Tract Society, and the American Sunday School Union. These societies were innovators in modern printing technologies and distribution strategies, but remained true to the overriding goal of charity publishing.Less
This chapter describes the growth of the great national, non-profit religious publishing societies during the second and third decades of the 19th century. It focuses on the American Bible Society, the American Tract Society, and the American Sunday School Union. These societies were innovators in modern printing technologies and distribution strategies, but remained true to the overriding goal of charity publishing.
Lisa L. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195331684
- eISBN:
- 9780199867967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195331684.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The primary focus of this chapter is the relationship between group interests and the legislative policy process in Pennsylvania. In striking similarity to the situation in Congress, criminal justice ...
More
The primary focus of this chapter is the relationship between group interests and the legislative policy process in Pennsylvania. In striking similarity to the situation in Congress, criminal justice agencies and a few prolific groups representing professional and single-issue citizen interests generally dominate. The citizen groups that appear are ones that specialize in the crime issue du jour—guns, sex offenses, crimes against children, or the death penalty. The share of hearings that includes citizen groups has increased, but a closer examination reveals that this is due to a dramatic increase in single-issue groups and a decline in groups with more diffuse interests. This picture of legislative crime hearings is confirmed by extensive interviews with state legislators, whose contact with citizen organizations is limited to a handful of high-profile, single-issue, and civil liberties groups such as the American Civil Liberties Union, Mothers Against Drunk Driving, and several statewide women's organizations. The ubiquity of prosecutors, law enforcement, and single-issue groups focused on women, children, and civil liberties leaves a glaring hole in policy debates about crime: the omission of the interests of the poor and urban minorities, many of whom face serious crime on a regular basis. This chapter also discusses the limitations of the American Civil Liberties Union as a group representing the broad interests of citizens at risk of crime and violence.Less
The primary focus of this chapter is the relationship between group interests and the legislative policy process in Pennsylvania. In striking similarity to the situation in Congress, criminal justice agencies and a few prolific groups representing professional and single-issue citizen interests generally dominate. The citizen groups that appear are ones that specialize in the crime issue du jour—guns, sex offenses, crimes against children, or the death penalty. The share of hearings that includes citizen groups has increased, but a closer examination reveals that this is due to a dramatic increase in single-issue groups and a decline in groups with more diffuse interests. This picture of legislative crime hearings is confirmed by extensive interviews with state legislators, whose contact with citizen organizations is limited to a handful of high-profile, single-issue, and civil liberties groups such as the American Civil Liberties Union, Mothers Against Drunk Driving, and several statewide women's organizations. The ubiquity of prosecutors, law enforcement, and single-issue groups focused on women, children, and civil liberties leaves a glaring hole in policy debates about crime: the omission of the interests of the poor and urban minorities, many of whom face serious crime on a regular basis. This chapter also discusses the limitations of the American Civil Liberties Union as a group representing the broad interests of citizens at risk of crime and violence.
Jonathan M. Schoenwald
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195157260
- eISBN:
- 9780199849390
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195157260.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
One month after Ronald Reagan's resounding victory in the California Republican primaries, Russell Kirk, perhaps conservatism's leading ideologue, posed the question “New Direction in the U.S.: ...
More
One month after Ronald Reagan's resounding victory in the California Republican primaries, Russell Kirk, perhaps conservatism's leading ideologue, posed the question “New Direction in the U.S.: Right?” in the New York Times Magazine. The period between 1968 and 1972 saw the maturation of a number of independent conservative organizations whose roots stretched back to the early 1960s. Specifically discussed are the Americans for Constitutional Action (ACA), Free Society Association (FSA), American Conservative Union (ACU) and Young Americans for Freedom (YAF). Conservatives entered the 1970s well prepared to take charge of American politics, and even with Watergate they managed to make gains throughout a decade that could have represented a complete disaster.Less
One month after Ronald Reagan's resounding victory in the California Republican primaries, Russell Kirk, perhaps conservatism's leading ideologue, posed the question “New Direction in the U.S.: Right?” in the New York Times Magazine. The period between 1968 and 1972 saw the maturation of a number of independent conservative organizations whose roots stretched back to the early 1960s. Specifically discussed are the Americans for Constitutional Action (ACA), Free Society Association (FSA), American Conservative Union (ACU) and Young Americans for Freedom (YAF). Conservatives entered the 1970s well prepared to take charge of American politics, and even with Watergate they managed to make gains throughout a decade that could have represented a complete disaster.
Donald W. Rogers
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780252043468
- eISBN:
- 9780252052347
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252043468.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work
This book contributes to legal and labor history by reinterpreting the U.S. Supreme Court’s Hague v. CIO (1939) decision, which upheld a federal district court injunction prohibiting Jersey City boss ...
More
This book contributes to legal and labor history by reinterpreting the U.S. Supreme Court’s Hague v. CIO (1939) decision, which upheld a federal district court injunction prohibiting Jersey City boss Frank Hague from obstructing workers from the Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO) and allies in the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) from meeting in urban public places. The case involved speech and assembly freedoms, rights essential for CIO workers’ organizing efforts, but, as the book shows, these rights were submerged under municipal police powers to preserve public order until the court brought them under federal protection of the Fourteenth Amendment in Hague. Revising the conventional view, the book argues that Hague was more than simply a civil liberties victory for workers over a dictatorial, antilabor city boss. Drawing on new evidence in city archives, CIO records, trial transcripts, newspaper reports, and Jersey City court filings, as well as traditional sources in ACLU records and anti-Hague literature, the book demonstrates that the Hague-versus-CIO controversy emanated more from shifts in the labor movement from craft to industrial unionism, in municipal law, in urban police practices, in the politics of anticommunism and antifascism, and especially in the Supreme Court’s “civil liberties revolution.” With women and African Americans on the periphery, the book concludes, male CIO workers initiated the case, but Hague ultimately benefitted outdoor protests more than it benefitted labor speech.Less
This book contributes to legal and labor history by reinterpreting the U.S. Supreme Court’s Hague v. CIO (1939) decision, which upheld a federal district court injunction prohibiting Jersey City boss Frank Hague from obstructing workers from the Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO) and allies in the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) from meeting in urban public places. The case involved speech and assembly freedoms, rights essential for CIO workers’ organizing efforts, but, as the book shows, these rights were submerged under municipal police powers to preserve public order until the court brought them under federal protection of the Fourteenth Amendment in Hague. Revising the conventional view, the book argues that Hague was more than simply a civil liberties victory for workers over a dictatorial, antilabor city boss. Drawing on new evidence in city archives, CIO records, trial transcripts, newspaper reports, and Jersey City court filings, as well as traditional sources in ACLU records and anti-Hague literature, the book demonstrates that the Hague-versus-CIO controversy emanated more from shifts in the labor movement from craft to industrial unionism, in municipal law, in urban police practices, in the politics of anticommunism and antifascism, and especially in the Supreme Court’s “civil liberties revolution.” With women and African Americans on the periphery, the book concludes, male CIO workers initiated the case, but Hague ultimately benefitted outdoor protests more than it benefitted labor speech.
Adam M. Howard
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252041464
- eISBN:
- 9780252050060
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041464.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The 1939 McDonald White Paper proved calamitous for European Jews as it severely limited immigration to Palestine. This led the AFL and the recently formed CIO to pressure the British government to ...
More
The 1939 McDonald White Paper proved calamitous for European Jews as it severely limited immigration to Palestine. This led the AFL and the recently formed CIO to pressure the British government to allow Jewish immigration to Palestine. The American Trade Union Council for Labor Palestine (AJTUCP) formed in 1944 so the American labor movement could speak with one voice on Palestine. Led by Max Zaritsky, the AJTUCP rallied the leadership of AFL and CIO unions as well as the leadership of both federations. By July 1945, trade union leaders hoped for relief from the White Paper’s immigration restrictions with the British Labour Party’s stunning election victory that month. However, the new government and its foreign minister, Ernest Bevin, maintained the restrictions of the predecessor Conservative government, greatly irritating U.S. labor leaders. This refusal to change course led to tremendous protests from American labor, including communist organizations such as the American Jewish Labor Council (AJLC). The International Fur and Leather Workers’ Union’s leadership, a communist led union, played a vital role in the AJLC, which protested British actions vigorously between 1946 and 1948. Ultimately, the United Nations created a special committee to investigate solutions in Palestine (UNSCOP), which led to its recommendation for the partition of Palestine in 1947. That November, the U.N. General Assembly voted for the partition of Palestine into separate Jewish and Arab states.Less
The 1939 McDonald White Paper proved calamitous for European Jews as it severely limited immigration to Palestine. This led the AFL and the recently formed CIO to pressure the British government to allow Jewish immigration to Palestine. The American Trade Union Council for Labor Palestine (AJTUCP) formed in 1944 so the American labor movement could speak with one voice on Palestine. Led by Max Zaritsky, the AJTUCP rallied the leadership of AFL and CIO unions as well as the leadership of both federations. By July 1945, trade union leaders hoped for relief from the White Paper’s immigration restrictions with the British Labour Party’s stunning election victory that month. However, the new government and its foreign minister, Ernest Bevin, maintained the restrictions of the predecessor Conservative government, greatly irritating U.S. labor leaders. This refusal to change course led to tremendous protests from American labor, including communist organizations such as the American Jewish Labor Council (AJLC). The International Fur and Leather Workers’ Union’s leadership, a communist led union, played a vital role in the AJLC, which protested British actions vigorously between 1946 and 1948. Ultimately, the United Nations created a special committee to investigate solutions in Palestine (UNSCOP), which led to its recommendation for the partition of Palestine in 1947. That November, the U.N. General Assembly voted for the partition of Palestine into separate Jewish and Arab states.
Donald W. Rogers
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780252043468
- eISBN:
- 9780252052347
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252043468.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work
This chapter traces the political and media battle that unfolded 1937-38 over Jersey City’s denial of public speaking permits to the Committee for Industrial Organization, the American Civil ...
More
This chapter traces the political and media battle that unfolded 1937-38 over Jersey City’s denial of public speaking permits to the Committee for Industrial Organization, the American Civil Liberties Union, and supporters, including a few women. It shows how the media dominated popular understanding of the controversy by projecting rival discourses of democracy versus dictatorship and law and order versus subversive communism, temporarily obscuring legal questions about municipal police powers, labor law, and free speech that federal courts were on the verge of deciding. The chapter illustrates how the struggle intensified. Mayor Hague staged extravagant anticommunist “Americanism” rallies against the CIO with broad local support, while an outside pro-CIO left-labor coalition denounced Hague as a dictator in Popular Front language of antifascism and working-class Americanism.Less
This chapter traces the political and media battle that unfolded 1937-38 over Jersey City’s denial of public speaking permits to the Committee for Industrial Organization, the American Civil Liberties Union, and supporters, including a few women. It shows how the media dominated popular understanding of the controversy by projecting rival discourses of democracy versus dictatorship and law and order versus subversive communism, temporarily obscuring legal questions about municipal police powers, labor law, and free speech that federal courts were on the verge of deciding. The chapter illustrates how the struggle intensified. Mayor Hague staged extravagant anticommunist “Americanism” rallies against the CIO with broad local support, while an outside pro-CIO left-labor coalition denounced Hague as a dictator in Popular Front language of antifascism and working-class Americanism.
Katherine K. Preston
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780252043420
- eISBN:
- 9780252052309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252043420.003.0009
- Subject:
- Music, History, American
Bristow’s stature in New York as a composer, conductor, and organist was unrivaled during the 1870s. He continued to perform with the two orchestras and to conduct several society choirs. The number ...
More
Bristow’s stature in New York as a composer, conductor, and organist was unrivaled during the 1870s. He continued to perform with the two orchestras and to conduct several society choirs. The number of new compositions slowed during the 1870s, but his significant works included Great Republic: Ode to the American Union (1870-1876), Pioneer: A Grand Cantata (1872), and his programmatic Arcadian Symphony (1872). An increasingly number of his compositions were performed during the decade, including a revival (unsuccessful) of Rip Van Winkle. He enjoyed a third Grand Testimonial Concert and the performance of his Arcadian Symphony in a Baltimore concert of American music (both 1875).Less
Bristow’s stature in New York as a composer, conductor, and organist was unrivaled during the 1870s. He continued to perform with the two orchestras and to conduct several society choirs. The number of new compositions slowed during the 1870s, but his significant works included Great Republic: Ode to the American Union (1870-1876), Pioneer: A Grand Cantata (1872), and his programmatic Arcadian Symphony (1872). An increasingly number of his compositions were performed during the decade, including a revival (unsuccessful) of Rip Van Winkle. He enjoyed a third Grand Testimonial Concert and the performance of his Arcadian Symphony in a Baltimore concert of American music (both 1875).
Lila Barrera-Hernández
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199645039
- eISBN:
- 9780191738647
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199645039.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Environmental and Energy Law, Public International Law
This chapter highlights regional arrangements in South America that advance energy integration in the region. Three significant multi-state agreements have the potential to provide the framework for ...
More
This chapter highlights regional arrangements in South America that advance energy integration in the region. Three significant multi-state agreements have the potential to provide the framework for moving energy from source to end user in South American nations. These are the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR), and the Community of Andean Nations (CAN). Can those regional agreements supply an adequate legal platform for multinational energy networks to develop and operate successfully in South America? What are their strengths and weaknesses? These are the questions that the chapter attempts to answer.Less
This chapter highlights regional arrangements in South America that advance energy integration in the region. Three significant multi-state agreements have the potential to provide the framework for moving energy from source to end user in South American nations. These are the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR), and the Community of Andean Nations (CAN). Can those regional agreements supply an adequate legal platform for multinational energy networks to develop and operate successfully in South America? What are their strengths and weaknesses? These are the questions that the chapter attempts to answer.
David Sim
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451843
- eISBN:
- 9780801469688
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451843.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter looks at Irish political leader Daniel O'Connell's transatlantic campaign for the repeal of the Act of Union between Britain and Ireland in the 1840s. O'Connell's campaign received ...
More
This chapter looks at Irish political leader Daniel O'Connell's transatlantic campaign for the repeal of the Act of Union between Britain and Ireland in the 1840s. O'Connell's campaign received significant American support and had an important impact on U.S. domestic politics in the early years of that decade. British statesmen were alarmed by what they perceived as the unnecessarily aggressive expressionism of the United States, and many Americans feared that British foreign policy was driven by antislavery zealots who wished to see the end of the institution in the United States. In this interpretation of global competition, Britain sought to promote abolition as a means of fracturing the American Union. Ultimately, the repeal movement resulted in debates about transatlantic abolition, American disunionism, and the threat of British imperial power.Less
This chapter looks at Irish political leader Daniel O'Connell's transatlantic campaign for the repeal of the Act of Union between Britain and Ireland in the 1840s. O'Connell's campaign received significant American support and had an important impact on U.S. domestic politics in the early years of that decade. British statesmen were alarmed by what they perceived as the unnecessarily aggressive expressionism of the United States, and many Americans feared that British foreign policy was driven by antislavery zealots who wished to see the end of the institution in the United States. In this interpretation of global competition, Britain sought to promote abolition as a means of fracturing the American Union. Ultimately, the repeal movement resulted in debates about transatlantic abolition, American disunionism, and the threat of British imperial power.
Andrew Johnstone
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801453250
- eISBN:
- 9780801454738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453250.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter focuses on the American Union for Concerted Peace Efforts (AUCPE) and its campaign for neutrality revision. The AUCPE was formed on March 15, 1939, coincidentally on the day of the ...
More
This chapter focuses on the American Union for Concerted Peace Efforts (AUCPE) and its campaign for neutrality revision. The AUCPE was formed on March 15, 1939, coincidentally on the day of the German advance into Czechoslovakia. The group was organized to campaign for international cooperation and collective security, and it had three stated aims: “to oppose aggression, to promote justice between nations, to develop adequate peace machinery.” The AUCPE worked in two ways. First, it worked to educate and mobilize public opinion behind the immediate concern of neutrality revision and the broader need for a more active foreign policy. It did this through traditional channels of the media, mass meetings, and literature. In this area, the AUCPE had a limited amount of success in establishing itself as a group of national prominence. Second, it cultivated close connections in Washington in an attempt to influence the Roosevelt administration. In this respect it was rather more successful, if only because the connections made and its willingness to work with the administration laid the groundwork for future cooperation.Less
This chapter focuses on the American Union for Concerted Peace Efforts (AUCPE) and its campaign for neutrality revision. The AUCPE was formed on March 15, 1939, coincidentally on the day of the German advance into Czechoslovakia. The group was organized to campaign for international cooperation and collective security, and it had three stated aims: “to oppose aggression, to promote justice between nations, to develop adequate peace machinery.” The AUCPE worked in two ways. First, it worked to educate and mobilize public opinion behind the immediate concern of neutrality revision and the broader need for a more active foreign policy. It did this through traditional channels of the media, mass meetings, and literature. In this area, the AUCPE had a limited amount of success in establishing itself as a group of national prominence. Second, it cultivated close connections in Washington in an attempt to influence the Roosevelt administration. In this respect it was rather more successful, if only because the connections made and its willingness to work with the administration laid the groundwork for future cooperation.
Sefton D. Temkin
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- February 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781874774457
- eISBN:
- 9781800340930
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781874774457.003.0048
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This chapter discusses the closing years of Isaac Mayer Wise’s life, which were spent in a mood of satisfaction. The structure for American Jewry which he had laboured to build had not been completed ...
More
This chapter discusses the closing years of Isaac Mayer Wise’s life, which were spent in a mood of satisfaction. The structure for American Jewry which he had laboured to build had not been completed to his specifications, but the triad with which he was intimately connected — the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, Hebrew Union College, and the Central Conference of American Rabbis — had come near enough to achieving his object. As a national figure on the American Jewish scene he stood alone. (The rival seminary in New York was teetering on the brink of dissolution.) He had the satisfaction of seeing synagogues throughout the country led by his disciples, but if anything clouded the sunset, it was the future of the college. He had carried it on his own shoulders for well-nigh twenty-five years. It was short of funds, and he failed to see among the leaders of the Union the will to ensure that Hebrew Union College was adequately supported.Less
This chapter discusses the closing years of Isaac Mayer Wise’s life, which were spent in a mood of satisfaction. The structure for American Jewry which he had laboured to build had not been completed to his specifications, but the triad with which he was intimately connected — the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, Hebrew Union College, and the Central Conference of American Rabbis — had come near enough to achieving his object. As a national figure on the American Jewish scene he stood alone. (The rival seminary in New York was teetering on the brink of dissolution.) He had the satisfaction of seeing synagogues throughout the country led by his disciples, but if anything clouded the sunset, it was the future of the college. He had carried it on his own shoulders for well-nigh twenty-five years. It was short of funds, and he failed to see among the leaders of the Union the will to ensure that Hebrew Union College was adequately supported.
Matthew Mason
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469628608
- eISBN:
- 9781469628622
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469628608.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Best known today as “the other speaker at Gettysburg” alongside Abraham Lincoln, Edward Everett had a distinguished and revealing career in American politics between the 1820s and the Civil War. He ...
More
Best known today as “the other speaker at Gettysburg” alongside Abraham Lincoln, Edward Everett had a distinguished and revealing career in American politics between the 1820s and the Civil War. He served as a member of both houses of Congress, governor of Massachusetts, U.S. representative to Britain, president of Harvard, and Secretary of State. On the strength of his crusade to save Mount Vernon as a shrine to the Union, Everett also appeared as a vice presidential candidate in the momentous presidential election of 1860. He was unrivalled as an orator and statesman for Union. This study of Everett’s political career illuminates vital themes at the state, national, and international levels of American politics, across several decades. Everett was deeply committed both to vision of moral and material reform and to preserving the Union by tying Americans’ hearts to a shared history. But the issue of slavery constantly threatened to derail all of Everett’s nation-building efforts. This political biography, by tracing Everett’s movement along the antislavery spectrum, exemplifies how most Northerners considered slavery within a larger context of competing priorities that alternately furthered or blocked antislavery action. Everett’s moderate position on slavery and perennial efforts to preserve the sacred Union connected him with masses of his fellow Americans. The emotional popular response to his appeals illustrates the ongoing power of Unionism even as the nation’s sectional divide worsened. This account of Everett’s career thus helps us see the coming of the Civil War as a three-sided, not a two-sided, contest.Less
Best known today as “the other speaker at Gettysburg” alongside Abraham Lincoln, Edward Everett had a distinguished and revealing career in American politics between the 1820s and the Civil War. He served as a member of both houses of Congress, governor of Massachusetts, U.S. representative to Britain, president of Harvard, and Secretary of State. On the strength of his crusade to save Mount Vernon as a shrine to the Union, Everett also appeared as a vice presidential candidate in the momentous presidential election of 1860. He was unrivalled as an orator and statesman for Union. This study of Everett’s political career illuminates vital themes at the state, national, and international levels of American politics, across several decades. Everett was deeply committed both to vision of moral and material reform and to preserving the Union by tying Americans’ hearts to a shared history. But the issue of slavery constantly threatened to derail all of Everett’s nation-building efforts. This political biography, by tracing Everett’s movement along the antislavery spectrum, exemplifies how most Northerners considered slavery within a larger context of competing priorities that alternately furthered or blocked antislavery action. Everett’s moderate position on slavery and perennial efforts to preserve the sacred Union connected him with masses of his fellow Americans. The emotional popular response to his appeals illustrates the ongoing power of Unionism even as the nation’s sectional divide worsened. This account of Everett’s career thus helps us see the coming of the Civil War as a three-sided, not a two-sided, contest.
Sefton D. Temkin
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- February 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781874774457
- eISBN:
- 9781800340930
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781874774457.003.0039
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This chapter examines Isaac Mayer Wise’s continued agitation for support for the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, and in particular for the educational institution which it was its task to ...
More
This chapter examines Isaac Mayer Wise’s continued agitation for support for the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, and in particular for the educational institution which it was its task to bring forth. He gave himself to this task with an enthusiasm and a single-mindedness which recalls the spirit with which he had carried the flag of Zion College twenty years before. Harnessed to a practical task, working in the midst of an organized body of men, the goal of his strivings in sight, he found little occasion for personal complaints of persecution and victimization. Naturally anyone who was indifferent to the cause of the Union and the College incurred his wrath. While Wise was making further appeals via the Israelite, the union was taking shape and plans were being laid for the opening of Hebrew Union College.Less
This chapter examines Isaac Mayer Wise’s continued agitation for support for the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, and in particular for the educational institution which it was its task to bring forth. He gave himself to this task with an enthusiasm and a single-mindedness which recalls the spirit with which he had carried the flag of Zion College twenty years before. Harnessed to a practical task, working in the midst of an organized body of men, the goal of his strivings in sight, he found little occasion for personal complaints of persecution and victimization. Naturally anyone who was indifferent to the cause of the Union and the College incurred his wrath. While Wise was making further appeals via the Israelite, the union was taking shape and plans were being laid for the opening of Hebrew Union College.
Shari Rabin
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781479830473
- eISBN:
- 9781479869855
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479830473.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
This chapter argues that American Jewish denominationalism developed not only to enshrine religious authority but to create cooperation, familiarity, and access among mobile American Jews who seemed ...
More
This chapter argues that American Jewish denominationalism developed not only to enshrine religious authority but to create cooperation, familiarity, and access among mobile American Jews who seemed to be “strangers” to one another. Beginning with newspapers and informal social networks, leaders like Isaac Mayer Wise and Isaac Leeser worked to develop programs for traveling preachers, rabbinic credentials, and the collection of statistics. These became some of the most important goals of their new denominational bodies, the Board of Delegates of American Israelites and the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, which sought to familiarize and order American Jewish life. Efforts to create a national union failed because of sectarian and sectional divisions, but they did succeed in enshrining norms of congregational membership, professional leadership, and rational information throughout the nation.Less
This chapter argues that American Jewish denominationalism developed not only to enshrine religious authority but to create cooperation, familiarity, and access among mobile American Jews who seemed to be “strangers” to one another. Beginning with newspapers and informal social networks, leaders like Isaac Mayer Wise and Isaac Leeser worked to develop programs for traveling preachers, rabbinic credentials, and the collection of statistics. These became some of the most important goals of their new denominational bodies, the Board of Delegates of American Israelites and the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, which sought to familiarize and order American Jewish life. Efforts to create a national union failed because of sectarian and sectional divisions, but they did succeed in enshrining norms of congregational membership, professional leadership, and rational information throughout the nation.
John Y. Simon, Harold Holzer, and Dawn Vogel
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823227365
- eISBN:
- 9780823240869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823227365.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Abraham Lincoln has been accused of forsaking civil liberties. If Lincoln failed to uphold all the provisions of the Constitution, he faced possible condemnation regardless of his actions, assailed ...
More
Abraham Lincoln has been accused of forsaking civil liberties. If Lincoln failed to uphold all the provisions of the Constitution, he faced possible condemnation regardless of his actions, assailed not only by those who genuinely valued civil liberty, but also by enemies and opponents whose motive was criticism itself. Whatever criticism Lincoln faced for pushing his power to the limits of the Constitution, far harsher would have been his denunciation if the whole experiment of the democratic American Union failed, as seemed possible given the circumstances. In June 1863, Lincoln composed a justly famous reply to Albany, New York, Democrats who had accused him of forsaking civil liberties. The less-often cited letter that inspired the response, and the rebuttal to Lincoln's reply, make clear that the upstate New York Democrats believed deeply that Lincoln had gone too far in denying constitutional guarantees and that the opposition animus was hardly limited to New York.Less
Abraham Lincoln has been accused of forsaking civil liberties. If Lincoln failed to uphold all the provisions of the Constitution, he faced possible condemnation regardless of his actions, assailed not only by those who genuinely valued civil liberty, but also by enemies and opponents whose motive was criticism itself. Whatever criticism Lincoln faced for pushing his power to the limits of the Constitution, far harsher would have been his denunciation if the whole experiment of the democratic American Union failed, as seemed possible given the circumstances. In June 1863, Lincoln composed a justly famous reply to Albany, New York, Democrats who had accused him of forsaking civil liberties. The less-often cited letter that inspired the response, and the rebuttal to Lincoln's reply, make clear that the upstate New York Democrats believed deeply that Lincoln had gone too far in denying constitutional guarantees and that the opposition animus was hardly limited to New York.
Matthew Mason
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469628608
- eISBN:
- 9781469628622
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469628608.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This introduction explores the significance of Edward Everett’s career. It examines the relevant historical literature touching on Everett, slavery, and American nationalism. It summarizes or ...
More
This introduction explores the significance of Edward Everett’s career. It examines the relevant historical literature touching on Everett, slavery, and American nationalism. It summarizes or presages the basic arguments of the book.Less
This introduction explores the significance of Edward Everett’s career. It examines the relevant historical literature touching on Everett, slavery, and American nationalism. It summarizes or presages the basic arguments of the book.
Sarah M. Griffith
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780252041686
- eISBN:
- 9780252050350
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041686.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
Following Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor, liberal Protestants leveraged their influence among officials in the War Relocation Authority to launch their most powerful attack to date on anti-Japanese ...
More
Following Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor, liberal Protestants leveraged their influence among officials in the War Relocation Authority to launch their most powerful attack to date on anti-Japanese racial discrimination. Through the Committee on National Security and Fair Play, they challenged the constitutionality of Executive Order 9066 and strategized methods to ensure the quick release of Japanese Americans held without trial. With the help of allies such as the American Civil Liberties Union, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the American Council on Race Relations, and the Council on Civic Unity, liberal Protestants developed plans to ensure the long-term protection of Japanese American civil liberties in the decades following the war.Less
Following Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor, liberal Protestants leveraged their influence among officials in the War Relocation Authority to launch their most powerful attack to date on anti-Japanese racial discrimination. Through the Committee on National Security and Fair Play, they challenged the constitutionality of Executive Order 9066 and strategized methods to ensure the quick release of Japanese Americans held without trial. With the help of allies such as the American Civil Liberties Union, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the American Council on Race Relations, and the Council on Civic Unity, liberal Protestants developed plans to ensure the long-term protection of Japanese American civil liberties in the decades following the war.
Barbara R. Stein
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520227262
- eISBN:
- 9780520926387
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520227262.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
This chapter takes a look at Alexander's newest interest after the 1905 African safari, which was the collection of dead animal skulls. It studies skeleton preparation and the lengths Alexander went ...
More
This chapter takes a look at Alexander's newest interest after the 1905 African safari, which was the collection of dead animal skulls. It studies skeleton preparation and the lengths Alexander went through to provide a proper display for her African trophies. The chapter then looks at the time Alexander spent with her nieces and nephews, before shifting to a discussion of the 1905 paleontological expedition to the Humboldt Range in northwest Nevada. The discussion reveals Alexander's wish to begin a hunting expedition in Alaska, which was prevented by the memory of her father's death. It then focuses on Merriam's cousin, C. Hart Merriam, who was one of the founding members of the American Ornithologists Union and who became a close professional friend of Alexander.Less
This chapter takes a look at Alexander's newest interest after the 1905 African safari, which was the collection of dead animal skulls. It studies skeleton preparation and the lengths Alexander went through to provide a proper display for her African trophies. The chapter then looks at the time Alexander spent with her nieces and nephews, before shifting to a discussion of the 1905 paleontological expedition to the Humboldt Range in northwest Nevada. The discussion reveals Alexander's wish to begin a hunting expedition in Alaska, which was prevented by the memory of her father's death. It then focuses on Merriam's cousin, C. Hart Merriam, who was one of the founding members of the American Ornithologists Union and who became a close professional friend of Alexander.
Donald W. Rogers
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780252043468
- eISBN:
- 9780252052347
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252043468.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work
This chapter recounts the federal district court injunction proceeding instituted by the Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO) and American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) to stop Jersey City from ...
More
This chapter recounts the federal district court injunction proceeding instituted by the Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO) and American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) to stop Jersey City from denying leafletting rights and public-speaking permits. Revealing the hearing’s nastiness, the chapter shows that the trial had legal significance beyond exposing Mayor Hague’s misdeeds, as it tested whether Jersey City’s claim of traditional municipal police powers against alleged CIO communists or the ACLU’s new vision of nationally protected speech and assembly rights for workers would prevail, and indeed, whether federal courts would accept jurisdiction. With law in flux, the chapter concludes, the district court broke new ground by assuming jurisdiction, rejecting Jersey City’s old legal vision, embracing new ACLU views, and enjoining Jersey City as requested.Less
This chapter recounts the federal district court injunction proceeding instituted by the Committee for Industrial Organization (CIO) and American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) to stop Jersey City from denying leafletting rights and public-speaking permits. Revealing the hearing’s nastiness, the chapter shows that the trial had legal significance beyond exposing Mayor Hague’s misdeeds, as it tested whether Jersey City’s claim of traditional municipal police powers against alleged CIO communists or the ACLU’s new vision of nationally protected speech and assembly rights for workers would prevail, and indeed, whether federal courts would accept jurisdiction. With law in flux, the chapter concludes, the district court broke new ground by assuming jurisdiction, rejecting Jersey City’s old legal vision, embracing new ACLU views, and enjoining Jersey City as requested.
