Raymond C. Kuo
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781503628434
- eISBN:
- 9781503628571
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503628434.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Nations have powerful reasons to get their military alliances right. When security pacts go well, they underpin regional and global order; when they fail, they spread wars across continents as states ...
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Nations have powerful reasons to get their military alliances right. When security pacts go well, they underpin regional and global order; when they fail, they spread wars across continents as states are dragged into conflict. We would, therefore, expect states to carefully tailor their military partnerships to specific conditions. This expectation, Raymond C. Kuo argues, is wrong.
Following the Leader argues that most countries ignore their individual security interests in military pacts, instead converging on a single, dominant alliance strategy. The book introduces a new social theory of strategic diffusion and emulation, using case studies and advanced statistical analysis of alliances from 1815 to 2003. In the wake of each major war that shatters the international system, a new hegemon creates a core military partnership to target its greatest enemy. Secondary and peripheral countries rush to emulate this alliance, illustrating their credibility and prestige by mimicking the dominant form.
Be it the NATO model that seems so commonsense today, or the realpolitik that reigned in Europe of the late nineteenth century, a lone alliance strategy has defined broad swaths of diplomatic history. It is not states' own security interests driving this phenomenon, Kuo shows, but their jockeying for status in a world periodically remade by great powers.Less
Nations have powerful reasons to get their military alliances right. When security pacts go well, they underpin regional and global order; when they fail, they spread wars across continents as states are dragged into conflict. We would, therefore, expect states to carefully tailor their military partnerships to specific conditions. This expectation, Raymond C. Kuo argues, is wrong.
Following the Leader argues that most countries ignore their individual security interests in military pacts, instead converging on a single, dominant alliance strategy. The book introduces a new social theory of strategic diffusion and emulation, using case studies and advanced statistical analysis of alliances from 1815 to 2003. In the wake of each major war that shatters the international system, a new hegemon creates a core military partnership to target its greatest enemy. Secondary and peripheral countries rush to emulate this alliance, illustrating their credibility and prestige by mimicking the dominant form.
Be it the NATO model that seems so commonsense today, or the realpolitik that reigned in Europe of the late nineteenth century, a lone alliance strategy has defined broad swaths of diplomatic history. It is not states' own security interests driving this phenomenon, Kuo shows, but their jockeying for status in a world periodically remade by great powers.
Richard N. Rosecrance and Steven E. Miller (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780262028998
- eISBN:
- 9780262326773
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262028998.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
A century ago, Europe’s diplomats mismanaged the crisis triggered by the murder of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, plunging the continent into World War I which killed millions, toppled ...
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A century ago, Europe’s diplomats mismanaged the crisis triggered by the murder of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, plunging the continent into World War I which killed millions, toppled dynasties, and destroyed empires. Today as the hundredth anniversary of the Great War prompts renewed debate about the war’s causes, scholars and policy-makers are also considering the parallels between the present international system and the system of 1914. Are China and the United States fated to follow in the footsteps of previous Great Power rivals? Will today’s alliances drag countries into tomorrow’s wars? This book concludes that only a deep understanding of the causes of previous war and early action to bring great powers together would enable the United States and China to avoid a great war.Less
A century ago, Europe’s diplomats mismanaged the crisis triggered by the murder of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, plunging the continent into World War I which killed millions, toppled dynasties, and destroyed empires. Today as the hundredth anniversary of the Great War prompts renewed debate about the war’s causes, scholars and policy-makers are also considering the parallels between the present international system and the system of 1914. Are China and the United States fated to follow in the footsteps of previous Great Power rivals? Will today’s alliances drag countries into tomorrow’s wars? This book concludes that only a deep understanding of the causes of previous war and early action to bring great powers together would enable the United States and China to avoid a great war.
Sven Biscop
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781529217506
- eISBN:
- 9781529217544
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529217506.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explains why great powers have alliances – however, you need allies but cannot always choose them. Russia and China have few allies. The partnership of convenience between them is ...
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This chapter explains why great powers have alliances – however, you need allies but cannot always choose them. Russia and China have few allies. The partnership of convenience between them is unlikely to become a true alliance, but neither is it likely to fall apart. Transatlantic relations between the US and the EU run deep, but the NATO alliance has undergone severe shocks. The EU’s quest for strategic autonomy will shape the future of NATO.Less
This chapter explains why great powers have alliances – however, you need allies but cannot always choose them. Russia and China have few allies. The partnership of convenience between them is unlikely to become a true alliance, but neither is it likely to fall apart. Transatlantic relations between the US and the EU run deep, but the NATO alliance has undergone severe shocks. The EU’s quest for strategic autonomy will shape the future of NATO.
Mark Crescenzi
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- February 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190609528
- eISBN:
- 9780190609566
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190609528.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Reputations abound in world politics, but we know little about how reputations form and evolve: namely, how do countries form reputations? Do these reputations affect interstate politics in the ...
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Reputations abound in world politics, but we know little about how reputations form and evolve: namely, how do countries form reputations? Do these reputations affect interstate politics in the global arena? In this book, Crescenzi develops a theory of reputation dynamics to help identify when reputations form in ways that affect world politics, both in the realms of international conflict and cooperation. A reputation for honoring one’s obligations in a treaty, for example, canmake a state a more attractive ally; on the other hand, a reputation for war and conflict can triggermore of the same, leading to a cycle of violence that exacerbates security challenges. These processes of cooperation and conflict are linked by a common use of the information held in each state’s reputation. In each case, states use reputational information in an attempt to resolve the uncertainty they face when crafting foreign policy decisions. Crescenzi usesablendof historical andempirical analysis to show how reputations matter in world politics, demonstrating that over time and across the globe, reputations for conflict exacerbate crises, while reputations for cooperation and reliability make future cooperation more likely.Less
Reputations abound in world politics, but we know little about how reputations form and evolve: namely, how do countries form reputations? Do these reputations affect interstate politics in the global arena? In this book, Crescenzi develops a theory of reputation dynamics to help identify when reputations form in ways that affect world politics, both in the realms of international conflict and cooperation. A reputation for honoring one’s obligations in a treaty, for example, canmake a state a more attractive ally; on the other hand, a reputation for war and conflict can triggermore of the same, leading to a cycle of violence that exacerbates security challenges. These processes of cooperation and conflict are linked by a common use of the information held in each state’s reputation. In each case, states use reputational information in an attempt to resolve the uncertainty they face when crafting foreign policy decisions. Crescenzi usesablendof historical andempirical analysis to show how reputations matter in world politics, demonstrating that over time and across the globe, reputations for conflict exacerbate crises, while reputations for cooperation and reliability make future cooperation more likely.
Tim Kelsall, Nicolai Schulz, William D. Ferguson, Matthias vom Hau, Sam Hickey, and Brian Levy
- Published in print:
- 2022
- Published Online:
- June 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780192848932
- eISBN:
- 9780191944208
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780192848932.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Few concepts have captured the imagination of the conflict and development communities in recent years as powerfully as the idea of a ‘political settlement’. At its most ambitious, ‘political ...
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Few concepts have captured the imagination of the conflict and development communities in recent years as powerfully as the idea of a ‘political settlement’. At its most ambitious, ‘political settlements analysis’ (PSA) promises to explain why conflicts occur and states collapse, the conditions for their successful rehabilitation, different developmental pathways from peace, and how to better fit development policy to country context. Yet despite the meteoric rise of the term and its tremendous promise, not all is well in the world of PSA. Rival definitions of the concept abound; there are disagreements about its scope and the way it should be used; a growing schism between conflict specialists and economists; basic concepts are ambiguous; and little progress has been made on measurement. This book consequently has three main aims. The first is to argue for a revised definition of a political settlement, capable of unifying its diverse strands. The second is to put the concept on a more solid theoretical and scientific footing, providing a method for measuring and categorizing political settlements, using both qualitative case studies and a large-n statistical analysis to illustrate its potential. And the third is to examine the implications of the findings for mainstream social science analysis and for policymakers.Less
Few concepts have captured the imagination of the conflict and development communities in recent years as powerfully as the idea of a ‘political settlement’. At its most ambitious, ‘political settlements analysis’ (PSA) promises to explain why conflicts occur and states collapse, the conditions for their successful rehabilitation, different developmental pathways from peace, and how to better fit development policy to country context. Yet despite the meteoric rise of the term and its tremendous promise, not all is well in the world of PSA. Rival definitions of the concept abound; there are disagreements about its scope and the way it should be used; a growing schism between conflict specialists and economists; basic concepts are ambiguous; and little progress has been made on measurement. This book consequently has three main aims. The first is to argue for a revised definition of a political settlement, capable of unifying its diverse strands. The second is to put the concept on a more solid theoretical and scientific footing, providing a method for measuring and categorizing political settlements, using both qualitative case studies and a large-n statistical analysis to illustrate its potential. And the third is to examine the implications of the findings for mainstream social science analysis and for policymakers.
Pradeep Chhibber and Harsh Shah
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780190125837
- eISBN:
- 9780190991456
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190125837.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Theory
Akhilesh Yadav, son of the founder of the Samajwadi Party—Mulayam Singh Yadav, was the youngest chief minister of India’s largest state Uttar Pradesh, at 38. He is currently the president of the ...
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Akhilesh Yadav, son of the founder of the Samajwadi Party—Mulayam Singh Yadav, was the youngest chief minister of India’s largest state Uttar Pradesh, at 38. He is currently the president of the Samajwadi Party and an elected member of India’s Parliament. Akhilesh is proud of the large infrastructure projects he completed as chief minister while ruing that he paid less attention to the caste and religious identities, which remain central for large parts of the electorate.Less
Akhilesh Yadav, son of the founder of the Samajwadi Party—Mulayam Singh Yadav, was the youngest chief minister of India’s largest state Uttar Pradesh, at 38. He is currently the president of the Samajwadi Party and an elected member of India’s Parliament. Akhilesh is proud of the large infrastructure projects he completed as chief minister while ruing that he paid less attention to the caste and religious identities, which remain central for large parts of the electorate.
Colin Veach
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719089374
- eISBN:
- 9781781706916
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089374.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
Hugh and Walter de Lacy had a number of ways by which to control their surroundings, both intensively (through tenure and the control of courts) and by tribute (receiving acknowledgements of superior ...
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Hugh and Walter de Lacy had a number of ways by which to control their surroundings, both intensively (through tenure and the control of courts) and by tribute (receiving acknowledgements of superior status from their neighbours); all of these can be characterised as dimensions of ‘lordship’. The methods used depended on the pre-existing social structures within each realm. As aristocrats, one of the Lacys’ means to enforce lordship was war. Whether as captains in royal armies, or through the conquest and defence of their own territories along the frontier, their military acumen was a key determinant of their wider success or failure. The growth of seigniorial households and affinities was in part a result of the increasing demands of medieval warfare, made more necessary for the Lacys by the collateral administration of their transmarine interests. The necessary personnel was supplied by the emerging knightly class whose members were also courted by the king of England. This chapter includes a focused look at the competition between royal and aristocratic lordship for support from knightly communities. The Lacys often turned to each other for security, and the place of the family in lordship, including marriage alliances, filial piety and inheritance rounds off this study.Less
Hugh and Walter de Lacy had a number of ways by which to control their surroundings, both intensively (through tenure and the control of courts) and by tribute (receiving acknowledgements of superior status from their neighbours); all of these can be characterised as dimensions of ‘lordship’. The methods used depended on the pre-existing social structures within each realm. As aristocrats, one of the Lacys’ means to enforce lordship was war. Whether as captains in royal armies, or through the conquest and defence of their own territories along the frontier, their military acumen was a key determinant of their wider success or failure. The growth of seigniorial households and affinities was in part a result of the increasing demands of medieval warfare, made more necessary for the Lacys by the collateral administration of their transmarine interests. The necessary personnel was supplied by the emerging knightly class whose members were also courted by the king of England. This chapter includes a focused look at the competition between royal and aristocratic lordship for support from knightly communities. The Lacys often turned to each other for security, and the place of the family in lordship, including marriage alliances, filial piety and inheritance rounds off this study.
Karen Throsby
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780719099625
- eISBN:
- 9781526114976
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719099625.003.0006
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This chapter explores the relationship between marathon swimming and charitable fundraising. The chapter argues that the act of swimming for charity is a readily intelligible and sincerely intended ...
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This chapter explores the relationship between marathon swimming and charitable fundraising. The chapter argues that the act of swimming for charity is a readily intelligible and sincerely intended means of constructing the good body/self, but that this simultaneously flattens out different forms of suffering and depoliticises social inequalities and ill-health. The celebration of the endurance sporting body and its reward through sponsorship over-emphasises individual accomplishment whilst understating the privilege that facilitates those status-bearing acts. The chapter argues that these elisions and exclusions are made possible by the inextricability of charitable swimming from the cultural logics of neoliberalism.Less
This chapter explores the relationship between marathon swimming and charitable fundraising. The chapter argues that the act of swimming for charity is a readily intelligible and sincerely intended means of constructing the good body/self, but that this simultaneously flattens out different forms of suffering and depoliticises social inequalities and ill-health. The celebration of the endurance sporting body and its reward through sponsorship over-emphasises individual accomplishment whilst understating the privilege that facilitates those status-bearing acts. The chapter argues that these elisions and exclusions are made possible by the inextricability of charitable swimming from the cultural logics of neoliberalism.
Christian Noack
Christian Noack (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2022
- ISBN:
- 9781474463799
- eISBN:
- 9781399509404
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474463799.003.0010
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
This chapter examines the rationale, the institutional set-up and the practice of Russia’s language promotion and puts it into perspective by juxtaposing it to British, French and German practices. ...
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This chapter examines the rationale, the institutional set-up and the practice of Russia’s language promotion and puts it into perspective by juxtaposing it to British, French and German practices. How do the aims of Russian cultural diplomacy, in terms of “influencing” and “mediating” compare to those of the Western European States? In how far is the institutional set-up of the Russkii Mir Foundation and of the state agency Rossotrudnichestvo and their relationship to educational and foreign ministries comparable to those of the British Council, the Alliance Française and the Goethe Institutes? Which methods of language promotion do these organisations offer to prospective students? Finally, the chapter compares Russia’s contemporary language and culture promotion with the history of Soviet cultural diplomacy and discusses whether or not Russia’s soft power initiative is more than old wine in new bottles.Less
This chapter examines the rationale, the institutional set-up and the practice of Russia’s language promotion and puts it into perspective by juxtaposing it to British, French and German practices. How do the aims of Russian cultural diplomacy, in terms of “influencing” and “mediating” compare to those of the Western European States? In how far is the institutional set-up of the Russkii Mir Foundation and of the state agency Rossotrudnichestvo and their relationship to educational and foreign ministries comparable to those of the British Council, the Alliance Française and the Goethe Institutes? Which methods of language promotion do these organisations offer to prospective students? Finally, the chapter compares Russia’s contemporary language and culture promotion with the history of Soviet cultural diplomacy and discusses whether or not Russia’s soft power initiative is more than old wine in new bottles.
Susan M. Reverby
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781469656250
- eISBN:
- 9781469656274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469656250.003.0018
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Berkman’s commitment to global solidarity and equality drove his actions through alliances. His memorial service brought comrades and colleagues from around the globe to Columbia to share their sense ...
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Berkman’s commitment to global solidarity and equality drove his actions through alliances. His memorial service brought comrades and colleagues from around the globe to Columbia to share their sense of his importance in the global struggle against inequality and injustice.Less
Berkman’s commitment to global solidarity and equality drove his actions through alliances. His memorial service brought comrades and colleagues from around the globe to Columbia to share their sense of his importance in the global struggle against inequality and injustice.
Nathalie Dessens
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813060200
- eISBN:
- 9780813050614
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813060200.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
The dramatic increase in the population also made for the extreme diversity and wealth of the Louisiana capital. Different racial and ethnic groups mingled, as in the other Atlantic cities of the ...
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The dramatic increase in the population also made for the extreme diversity and wealth of the Louisiana capital. Different racial and ethnic groups mingled, as in the other Atlantic cities of the United States. In New Orleans, however, the proportions were unusual and the context very different from the rest of the young Republic, and race, ethnic, and class factors interplayed in a unique way. The confrontations and alliances between various groups served as a backbone for the social and political construction of the city, producing an original blend that explains many of New Orleans's various evolutions in the nineteenth century. Chapter 5 follows Boze's depiction of the varied, rich, and often confrontational society of early American New Orleans, going from his evaluation of and relationship with the institution of slavery and three-tiered racial system, to his assessment of the Creole versus American fight for supremacy, and concluding with his perspective on the ethnic diversity of the city's population.Less
The dramatic increase in the population also made for the extreme diversity and wealth of the Louisiana capital. Different racial and ethnic groups mingled, as in the other Atlantic cities of the United States. In New Orleans, however, the proportions were unusual and the context very different from the rest of the young Republic, and race, ethnic, and class factors interplayed in a unique way. The confrontations and alliances between various groups served as a backbone for the social and political construction of the city, producing an original blend that explains many of New Orleans's various evolutions in the nineteenth century. Chapter 5 follows Boze's depiction of the varied, rich, and often confrontational society of early American New Orleans, going from his evaluation of and relationship with the institution of slavery and three-tiered racial system, to his assessment of the Creole versus American fight for supremacy, and concluding with his perspective on the ethnic diversity of the city's population.
Dana Wessell Lightfoot
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719089466
- eISBN:
- 9781781706633
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089466.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Social History
Chapter Two examines the marital choices of artisan and llaurador women in late medieval Valencia and argues that because of their socio-economic and immigrant background, labouring-status women ...
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Chapter Two examines the marital choices of artisan and llaurador women in late medieval Valencia and argues that because of their socio-economic and immigrant background, labouring-status women exercised agency in the first “project of marriage”: choosing a spouse. Some of these women were influenced by family members in their marital decisions. For others, the lack of familial presence in Valencia, and the fact that many of their fathers were deceased, impacted the ability of labouring-status women to make their own spousal choices. At the same time, these women were influenced by friends, neighbours and employers. While families looked for marriage alliances that could augment their economic resources and cement social ties within neighbourhood and guild structures, these factors were also considerations for women themselves as they sought husbands with whom they could create economically and socially viable households.Less
Chapter Two examines the marital choices of artisan and llaurador women in late medieval Valencia and argues that because of their socio-economic and immigrant background, labouring-status women exercised agency in the first “project of marriage”: choosing a spouse. Some of these women were influenced by family members in their marital decisions. For others, the lack of familial presence in Valencia, and the fact that many of their fathers were deceased, impacted the ability of labouring-status women to make their own spousal choices. At the same time, these women were influenced by friends, neighbours and employers. While families looked for marriage alliances that could augment their economic resources and cement social ties within neighbourhood and guild structures, these factors were also considerations for women themselves as they sought husbands with whom they could create economically and socially viable households.
Arlette Jouanna
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097553
- eISBN:
- 9781781708880
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097553.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
The 1572 Massacre began only days after the marriage of the Protestant Henry of Navarre (the future Henry IV) and the Catholic princess, Marguerite of Valois, which had been orchestrated, via an ...
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The 1572 Massacre began only days after the marriage of the Protestant Henry of Navarre (the future Henry IV) and the Catholic princess, Marguerite of Valois, which had been orchestrated, via an dazzling iconic and ceremonial framework, to both symbolise and cement the religious peace of 1570. Such a matrimonial match was contested and controversial, and was closely tied to internal and international conflicts, in particular whether France (and not just its Protestants) should support the Dutch revolt against the menacing Philip II of Spain. The resulting political manoeuvres were laced with bluff and double-bluff as to France’s actual intentions towards Spain and the Dutch rebels, especially given the Protestant leaders’ mobilisation of French troops to assist the Dutch. Charles IX neither wanted war with Spain nor allow an army of French volunteers led by the Protestant leader, Admiral Coligny, to take shape, lest they turn on the king in due course. While some support for Protestants fighting Spain was conceivable, it had to be deniable and should not endanger the fragile 1570 peace.Less
The 1572 Massacre began only days after the marriage of the Protestant Henry of Navarre (the future Henry IV) and the Catholic princess, Marguerite of Valois, which had been orchestrated, via an dazzling iconic and ceremonial framework, to both symbolise and cement the religious peace of 1570. Such a matrimonial match was contested and controversial, and was closely tied to internal and international conflicts, in particular whether France (and not just its Protestants) should support the Dutch revolt against the menacing Philip II of Spain. The resulting political manoeuvres were laced with bluff and double-bluff as to France’s actual intentions towards Spain and the Dutch rebels, especially given the Protestant leaders’ mobilisation of French troops to assist the Dutch. Charles IX neither wanted war with Spain nor allow an army of French volunteers led by the Protestant leader, Admiral Coligny, to take shape, lest they turn on the king in due course. While some support for Protestants fighting Spain was conceivable, it had to be deniable and should not endanger the fragile 1570 peace.
Jonathan S. Coley
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469636221
- eISBN:
- 9781469636238
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469636221.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter addresses the question of how something that seemed unthinkable even in the early 2000s – LGBT inclusion at Christian colleges and universities – has suddenly become possible. ...
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This chapter addresses the question of how something that seemed unthinkable even in the early 2000s – LGBT inclusion at Christian colleges and universities – has suddenly become possible. Specifically, the chapter provides an historical overview of three currents of the LGBT movement – the emergence of the LGBT rights movement as a force in U.S. politics, the spread of Gay-Straight Alliances across U.S. schools, and the inroads by LGBT advocates into religious denominations – and argues that the increasing openness of some Christian denominations to LGBT equality in particular has emboldened LGBT and allied students working to advance LGBT equality on Christian college and university campuses. The chapter then provides descriptive statistical data on the presence of LGBT groups and inclusive nondiscrimination statements across all Christian colleges and universities in the United States. The chapter shows that it is when Christian colleges and universities are affiliated with Christian denominations that maintain a historical body of social justice teachings that they are most inclusive of LGBT students.Less
This chapter addresses the question of how something that seemed unthinkable even in the early 2000s – LGBT inclusion at Christian colleges and universities – has suddenly become possible. Specifically, the chapter provides an historical overview of three currents of the LGBT movement – the emergence of the LGBT rights movement as a force in U.S. politics, the spread of Gay-Straight Alliances across U.S. schools, and the inroads by LGBT advocates into religious denominations – and argues that the increasing openness of some Christian denominations to LGBT equality in particular has emboldened LGBT and allied students working to advance LGBT equality on Christian college and university campuses. The chapter then provides descriptive statistical data on the presence of LGBT groups and inclusive nondiscrimination statements across all Christian colleges and universities in the United States. The chapter shows that it is when Christian colleges and universities are affiliated with Christian denominations that maintain a historical body of social justice teachings that they are most inclusive of LGBT students.
Rudra Chaudhuri
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199354863
- eISBN:
- 9780199388271
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199354863.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Recounting India’s humiliating defeat against Chinese forces in the latter quarter of 1962, this chapter argues how even shattered Indian elites sought to safeguard Indian interests whilst at the ...
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Recounting India’s humiliating defeat against Chinese forces in the latter quarter of 1962, this chapter argues how even shattered Indian elites sought to safeguard Indian interests whilst at the same time as requesting desperately needed military equipment from abroad, and principally the US and later the UK and the Commonwealth. Considered a watershed moment in Indian strategic history, this part of the book pushes its readers to consider the less known and less visited story of how Indian elites worked with western envoys like US Ambassador John Kenneth Galbraith and President John F. Kennedy to make sure that India’s advance in international politics was not jeopardised because of the need for foreign military assistance. It adds a sense of balance in re-reading a crisis that no doubt changed India. Yet, and as the chapter also highlights, the idea and practice of change needs to be studied in balance. Change did not mean a break away from non-alignment towards alliances: as practitioners turned scholars – like Indian Ambassador to the US B. K. Nehru – suggest. Rather it introduced a tension between changing realities and vested ideas that was evidenced in India’s dealings with the US in the testier months following the war.Less
Recounting India’s humiliating defeat against Chinese forces in the latter quarter of 1962, this chapter argues how even shattered Indian elites sought to safeguard Indian interests whilst at the same time as requesting desperately needed military equipment from abroad, and principally the US and later the UK and the Commonwealth. Considered a watershed moment in Indian strategic history, this part of the book pushes its readers to consider the less known and less visited story of how Indian elites worked with western envoys like US Ambassador John Kenneth Galbraith and President John F. Kennedy to make sure that India’s advance in international politics was not jeopardised because of the need for foreign military assistance. It adds a sense of balance in re-reading a crisis that no doubt changed India. Yet, and as the chapter also highlights, the idea and practice of change needs to be studied in balance. Change did not mean a break away from non-alignment towards alliances: as practitioners turned scholars – like Indian Ambassador to the US B. K. Nehru – suggest. Rather it introduced a tension between changing realities and vested ideas that was evidenced in India’s dealings with the US in the testier months following the war.
Mark J.C. Crescenzi
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- February 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190609528
- eISBN:
- 9780190609566
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190609528.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter introduces the puzzle of whether reputation matters in world politics. It then provides a preview of the theoretical argument developed by the author to illustrate and capture the ...
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This chapter introduces the puzzle of whether reputation matters in world politics. It then provides a preview of the theoretical argument developed by the author to illustrate and capture the complex nature of relational dynamics. The Introduction also offers an overview of the role of reputation in throughout global and international history, emphasizing its role, for example, in the negotiation of treaties and the escalation of conflicts into war. The history of reputation as an academic area of study is traced, noting the varying levels of importance afforded to it. The chapter concludes with a discussion designed to prepare the reader for the rest of the book, which lays out the plan and scope of the book and its arguments.Less
This chapter introduces the puzzle of whether reputation matters in world politics. It then provides a preview of the theoretical argument developed by the author to illustrate and capture the complex nature of relational dynamics. The Introduction also offers an overview of the role of reputation in throughout global and international history, emphasizing its role, for example, in the negotiation of treaties and the escalation of conflicts into war. The history of reputation as an academic area of study is traced, noting the varying levels of importance afforded to it. The chapter concludes with a discussion designed to prepare the reader for the rest of the book, which lays out the plan and scope of the book and its arguments.
Mark J.C. Crescenzi
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- February 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190609528
- eISBN:
- 9780190609566
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190609528.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter empirically investigates the link between reputation and cooperation among nations, especially in cases of security alliance formation, which are especially fraught and high-stakes ...
More
This chapter empirically investigates the link between reputation and cooperation among nations, especially in cases of security alliance formation, which are especially fraught and high-stakes processes for nations. Specifically, the focus here is on testing the argument that when states develop reputations for competence in cooperative situations, they are more likely to experience cooperation in other future interstate affairs. These findings provide support for the conclusion that, when nations seek alliance partners, they pay close attention to the past alliance-related behavior of their potential partners with other states. Specific, historical instances of Anglo-German and Anglo-Japanese alliance formation clarify the arguments of this chapter.Less
This chapter empirically investigates the link between reputation and cooperation among nations, especially in cases of security alliance formation, which are especially fraught and high-stakes processes for nations. Specifically, the focus here is on testing the argument that when states develop reputations for competence in cooperative situations, they are more likely to experience cooperation in other future interstate affairs. These findings provide support for the conclusion that, when nations seek alliance partners, they pay close attention to the past alliance-related behavior of their potential partners with other states. Specific, historical instances of Anglo-German and Anglo-Japanese alliance formation clarify the arguments of this chapter.