Carmen González‐Enríquez
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
An exploration is made of the nature and scope of de-communization and political justice in Czechoslovakia (the Czech Republic, Slovakia), Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland and Hungary, to each of ...
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An exploration is made of the nature and scope of de-communization and political justice in Czechoslovakia (the Czech Republic, Slovakia), Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland and Hungary, to each of which a section of the chapter is devoted. The term ‘political justice’ is here meant to refer to proceedings held to try crimes (generally related to political repression) committed by outgoing regimes. With the exception of Albania, transitions to democracy in these countries were initiated in 1989, and in all cases, great political tensions arose from demands for the punishment of former communist authorities and those responsible for political repression. These demands formed part of a wider political and cultural process, namely the reworking of public discourse on the nature of the communist regime, and their nature and results varied considerably from country to country; for example, only two – the former Czechoslovakia and Albania – actually carried out purges that affected large numbers of people. This chapter attempts to answer to two main questions: (1) what explains the differences in the scope and nature of the policies adopted, and (2) what impact have they had on the process of democratization. The focus is on the rationality of the political actors or the role that anti-communist campaigns had in shaping political competition, rather than the moral and legal debates surrounding the issue.Less
An exploration is made of the nature and scope of de-communization and political justice in Czechoslovakia (the Czech Republic, Slovakia), Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland and Hungary, to each of which a section of the chapter is devoted. The term ‘political justice’ is here meant to refer to proceedings held to try crimes (generally related to political repression) committed by outgoing regimes. With the exception of Albania, transitions to democracy in these countries were initiated in 1989, and in all cases, great political tensions arose from demands for the punishment of former communist authorities and those responsible for political repression. These demands formed part of a wider political and cultural process, namely the reworking of public discourse on the nature of the communist regime, and their nature and results varied considerably from country to country; for example, only two – the former Czechoslovakia and Albania – actually carried out purges that affected large numbers of people. This chapter attempts to answer to two main questions: (1) what explains the differences in the scope and nature of the policies adopted, and (2) what impact have they had on the process of democratization. The focus is on the rationality of the political actors or the role that anti-communist campaigns had in shaping political competition, rather than the moral and legal debates surrounding the issue.
The Independent International Commission on Kosovo
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243093.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Examines past obstacles and presents opportunities for the development of regional cooperation, which, in the long run, remains a necessary precondition for peace and stability in south‐eastern ...
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Examines past obstacles and presents opportunities for the development of regional cooperation, which, in the long run, remains a necessary precondition for peace and stability in south‐eastern Europe. Three dimensions of regional destabilization are addressed: the final disintegration of Yugoslavia (Serbia, Montenegro, Vojvodina), the direct destabilization of Kosovo's immediate neighbours (Macedonia and Albania) and the negative impact on other regional actors (Bulgaria, Romania, Greece, etc.). The chapter also summarizes the economic impact of the NATO intervention and the mixed record of the Stability Pact designed to foster post‐conflict regional cooperation. It argues that the real test for the moral issues that legitimized the intervention in Kosovo will be the European Union's (EU) ability to sustain a long‐term commitment to help establish a European future for the Balkans.Less
Examines past obstacles and presents opportunities for the development of regional cooperation, which, in the long run, remains a necessary precondition for peace and stability in south‐eastern Europe. Three dimensions of regional destabilization are addressed: the final disintegration of Yugoslavia (Serbia, Montenegro, Vojvodina), the direct destabilization of Kosovo's immediate neighbours (Macedonia and Albania) and the negative impact on other regional actors (Bulgaria, Romania, Greece, etc.). The chapter also summarizes the economic impact of the NATO intervention and the mixed record of the Stability Pact designed to foster post‐conflict regional cooperation. It argues that the real test for the moral issues that legitimized the intervention in Kosovo will be the European Union's (EU) ability to sustain a long‐term commitment to help establish a European future for the Balkans.
James Howard‐Johnston
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199208593
- eISBN:
- 9780191594182
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208593.003.0005
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, World History: BCE to 500CE
A second seventh‐century Armenian history, dating from soon after 682, is disinterred from the universal history of Caucasian Albania, put together by Movses Daskhurants'i in the tenth century. Like ...
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A second seventh‐century Armenian history, dating from soon after 682, is disinterred from the universal history of Caucasian Albania, put together by Movses Daskhurants'i in the tenth century. Like ps. Sebeos, this seventh‐century historian is shown to have refrained from introducing his own views into the material he extracted from his four principal sources. The information supplied is demonstrably of high quality and extends historical coverage to Turkish diplomatic and military activity in Transcaucasia in the 620s and forward in time to the caliphate of Mu‘awiya (660–80). Especially valuable are accounts of Arab operations in Mesopotamia and of two visits paid by the leading Albanian prince to Mu‘awiya's court at Damascus. The Khuzistan Chronicle, by contrast, presents a pared‐down version of history (from 579 to 652), enlivened with anecdotal material, of relatively little interest. However, a continuation includes a well‐articulated account of the Arab conquest of Khuzistan.Less
A second seventh‐century Armenian history, dating from soon after 682, is disinterred from the universal history of Caucasian Albania, put together by Movses Daskhurants'i in the tenth century. Like ps. Sebeos, this seventh‐century historian is shown to have refrained from introducing his own views into the material he extracted from his four principal sources. The information supplied is demonstrably of high quality and extends historical coverage to Turkish diplomatic and military activity in Transcaucasia in the 620s and forward in time to the caliphate of Mu‘awiya (660–80). Especially valuable are accounts of Arab operations in Mesopotamia and of two visits paid by the leading Albanian prince to Mu‘awiya's court at Damascus. The Khuzistan Chronicle, by contrast, presents a pared‐down version of history (from 579 to 652), enlivened with anecdotal material, of relatively little interest. However, a continuation includes a well‐articulated account of the Arab conquest of Khuzistan.
Vjekoslav Perica
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195148565
- eISBN:
- 9780199834556
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148568.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Introduces the book by discussing the symbolic destruction of churches, monasteries and other monuments and sacred places of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Catholic Church in Croatia and ...
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Introduces the book by discussing the symbolic destruction of churches, monasteries and other monuments and sacred places of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Catholic Church in Croatia and Bosnia‐Herzegovina, and the Yugoslav Muslim Religious Organization (Islamic community), and also in Albania that occurred during the various wars in the Yugoslav region in the 1990s. It then discusses myth in relation to the nation‐state. The last and main part of the chapter gives accounts of the four mainstream Yugoslav religious institutions (the Serbian Orthodox Church, Croatian Catholicism, the Muslim Religious Organization (Islamic community), and the Church and Nation of Macedonia), and also discusses the religious minority groups of the region (there are around 40, of which 14 are listed), and interfaith relations.Less
Introduces the book by discussing the symbolic destruction of churches, monasteries and other monuments and sacred places of the Serbian Orthodox Church, the Catholic Church in Croatia and Bosnia‐Herzegovina, and the Yugoslav Muslim Religious Organization (Islamic community), and also in Albania that occurred during the various wars in the Yugoslav region in the 1990s. It then discusses myth in relation to the nation‐state. The last and main part of the chapter gives accounts of the four mainstream Yugoslav religious institutions (the Serbian Orthodox Church, Croatian Catholicism, the Muslim Religious Organization (Islamic community), and the Church and Nation of Macedonia), and also discusses the religious minority groups of the region (there are around 40, of which 14 are listed), and interfaith relations.
Mauro Migotto, Benjamin Davis, Calogero Carletto, and Kathleen Beegle
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199236558
- eISBN:
- 9780191717031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199236558.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter compares information on self-perceived food consumption adequacy from the subjective modules of household surveys with standard quantitative indicators, namely calorie consumption, ...
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This chapter compares information on self-perceived food consumption adequacy from the subjective modules of household surveys with standard quantitative indicators, namely calorie consumption, dietary diversity, and anthropometry. Datasets from four countries are analysed: Albania, Indonesia, Madagascar, and Nepal. The chapter concludes that while subjective food adequacy indicators may provide insight on the vulnerability or ‘relative’ dimension of food insecurity, they are too blunt an indicator for food insecurity targeting. An effort towards developing improved subjective food security modules that are contextually sensitive should go hand in hand with research into how to improve household survey data for food security measurement along other dimensions of the phenomenon, particularly calorie consumption.Less
This chapter compares information on self-perceived food consumption adequacy from the subjective modules of household surveys with standard quantitative indicators, namely calorie consumption, dietary diversity, and anthropometry. Datasets from four countries are analysed: Albania, Indonesia, Madagascar, and Nepal. The chapter concludes that while subjective food adequacy indicators may provide insight on the vulnerability or ‘relative’ dimension of food insecurity, they are too blunt an indicator for food insecurity targeting. An effort towards developing improved subjective food security modules that are contextually sensitive should go hand in hand with research into how to improve household survey data for food security measurement along other dimensions of the phenomenon, particularly calorie consumption.
Dimitris Dalakoglou
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781526109330
- eISBN:
- 9781526124234
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526109330.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Social and Cultural Anthropology
This book is an ethnographic and historical study of the main Albanian-Greek cross-border highway. It is not merely an ethnography on the road but an anthropology of the road. Complex sociopolitical ...
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This book is an ethnographic and historical study of the main Albanian-Greek cross-border highway. It is not merely an ethnography on the road but an anthropology of the road. Complex sociopolitical phenomena such as EU border security, nationalist politics, transnational kinship, social–class divisions, or post–cold war capitalism, political transition, and financial crises in Europe—and more precisely in the Balkans—can be seen as phenomena that are paved in and on the cross-border highway. The highway studied is part of an explicit cultural–material nexus that includes elements such as houses, urban architecture, building materials, or vehicles. Yet even the most physically rooted and fixed of these entities are not static, but have fluid and flowing physical materialities. The highway featured in this book helps us to explore anew classical anthropological and sociological categories of analysis in direct reference to the infrastructure. Categories such as the house, domestic life, the city, kinship, money, boundaries, nationalism, statecraft, geographic mobility, and distance, to name but a few, seem very different when seen from or on the road.Less
This book is an ethnographic and historical study of the main Albanian-Greek cross-border highway. It is not merely an ethnography on the road but an anthropology of the road. Complex sociopolitical phenomena such as EU border security, nationalist politics, transnational kinship, social–class divisions, or post–cold war capitalism, political transition, and financial crises in Europe—and more precisely in the Balkans—can be seen as phenomena that are paved in and on the cross-border highway. The highway studied is part of an explicit cultural–material nexus that includes elements such as houses, urban architecture, building materials, or vehicles. Yet even the most physically rooted and fixed of these entities are not static, but have fluid and flowing physical materialities. The highway featured in this book helps us to explore anew classical anthropological and sociological categories of analysis in direct reference to the infrastructure. Categories such as the house, domestic life, the city, kinship, money, boundaries, nationalism, statecraft, geographic mobility, and distance, to name but a few, seem very different when seen from or on the road.
Peter J. Yearwood
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199226733
- eISBN:
- 9780191710308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226733.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
After American rejection of the Covenant, which London could not influence, the League was overshadowed by the Allied Supreme Council which tackled the main post‐war issues. The British supported the ...
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After American rejection of the Covenant, which London could not influence, the League was overshadowed by the Allied Supreme Council which tackled the main post‐war issues. The British supported the Canadian attempt to delete article 10 (the territorial guarantee) but this was not seen as an important issue. Nor was the elaboration of procedures for sanctions under article 16 (the guarantee of peace) through the nineteen resolutions of 1921. Lord Curzon succeeded Balfour as Foreign Secretary. Rejecting balance of power politics, he valued the League as embodying moral principles in the conduct of international affairs. The League was involved in the resolution of several crises including Armenia (1920), North Persia (1920), Vilna (1920–3), Upper Silesia (1921), and Albania (1921). Its record was mixed. Meanwhile, Cecil, aiming to replace Lloyd George with a high‐minded coalition under Grey, turned the League of Nations Union into a significant force in British politics.Less
After American rejection of the Covenant, which London could not influence, the League was overshadowed by the Allied Supreme Council which tackled the main post‐war issues. The British supported the Canadian attempt to delete article 10 (the territorial guarantee) but this was not seen as an important issue. Nor was the elaboration of procedures for sanctions under article 16 (the guarantee of peace) through the nineteen resolutions of 1921. Lord Curzon succeeded Balfour as Foreign Secretary. Rejecting balance of power politics, he valued the League as embodying moral principles in the conduct of international affairs. The League was involved in the resolution of several crises including Armenia (1920), North Persia (1920), Vilna (1920–3), Upper Silesia (1921), and Albania (1921). Its record was mixed. Meanwhile, Cecil, aiming to replace Lloyd George with a high‐minded coalition under Grey, turned the League of Nations Union into a significant force in British politics.
Fred C. Abrahams
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814705117
- eISBN:
- 9781479841189
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814705117.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
In the early 1990s, Albania, arguably Europe’s most closed and repressive state, began a startling transition out of forty years of self-imposed Communist isolation. Albanians who were not allowed to ...
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In the early 1990s, Albania, arguably Europe’s most closed and repressive state, began a startling transition out of forty years of self-imposed Communist isolation. Albanians who were not allowed to practice religion, travel abroad, wear jeans, or read “decadent” Western literature began to devour the outside world. They opened cafés, companies, and newspapers. Previously banned rock music blared in the streets. This book offers a vivid history of Albania’s transition from communism to democracy. It provides an in-depth look at the Communists’ last Politburo meetings and the first student revolts, the fall of the Stalinist regime, the outflows of refugees, the crash of the massive pyramid schemes, the war in neighboring Kosovo, and Albania’s relationship with the United States. It weaves together personal experience from more than twenty years of work in Albania, interviews with key Albanians and foreigners who played a role in the country’s politics since 1990—including former Politburo members, opposition leaders, intelligence agents, diplomats, and founders of the Kosovo Liberation Army—and a close examination of hundreds of previously secret government records from Albania and the United States.Less
In the early 1990s, Albania, arguably Europe’s most closed and repressive state, began a startling transition out of forty years of self-imposed Communist isolation. Albanians who were not allowed to practice religion, travel abroad, wear jeans, or read “decadent” Western literature began to devour the outside world. They opened cafés, companies, and newspapers. Previously banned rock music blared in the streets. This book offers a vivid history of Albania’s transition from communism to democracy. It provides an in-depth look at the Communists’ last Politburo meetings and the first student revolts, the fall of the Stalinist regime, the outflows of refugees, the crash of the massive pyramid schemes, the war in neighboring Kosovo, and Albania’s relationship with the United States. It weaves together personal experience from more than twenty years of work in Albania, interviews with key Albanians and foreigners who played a role in the country’s politics since 1990—including former Politburo members, opposition leaders, intelligence agents, diplomats, and founders of the Kosovo Liberation Army—and a close examination of hundreds of previously secret government records from Albania and the United States.
Vera Stojarova
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780719089732
- eISBN:
- 9781781706473
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089732.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal ...
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This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal organization, leadership and collaboration in far right parties are treated under the label "internal supply-side". The "external supply side", then, includes the analysis of political, social, economic, ethno-cultural and international variables. The final chapters deal with voters for the far right, legislative implementation and far right organizations. The analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania shows the main factors important for the success of these parties in these countries are: charismatic leadership and strong party organization, the position and strategy of the mainstream parties, the state-building process, a strong national minority or diaspora abroad, electoral design and an international configuration.Less
This text focuses on the far right in the Balkan region, i.e., in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania. The ideological features, strategy and tactics, internal organization, leadership and collaboration in far right parties are treated under the label "internal supply-side". The "external supply side", then, includes the analysis of political, social, economic, ethno-cultural and international variables. The final chapters deal with voters for the far right, legislative implementation and far right organizations. The analysis of the far right parties in Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria and Romania shows the main factors important for the success of these parties in these countries are: charismatic leadership and strong party organization, the position and strategy of the mainstream parties, the state-building process, a strong national minority or diaspora abroad, electoral design and an international configuration.
Azeta Cungu and Johan F. M. Swinnen
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199242177
- eISBN:
- 9780191697036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199242177.003.0015
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Since agriculture accounts for a significant portion in Albania's total GDP and because of its large farming population, agrarian reform has played no small part in the economic reforms imposed ...
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Since agriculture accounts for a significant portion in Albania's total GDP and because of its large farming population, agrarian reform has played no small part in the economic reforms imposed there. Because of this reform, land and other such assets were distributed to farm workers, which furthered the decollectivization of collective farms and the transition to the adoption of private land ownership. As such, the individual family farm became the fundamental farm organization. The effects on Albania of these reforms are found to be different from the effects experienced by other Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). This is because land in large-scale farming in the other CEECs still accounts for a sizeable share of the total land and land was mostly restituted to its former owners. Improved resource allocation and labour incentives initiated growth in agricultural output after the reform. This chapter identifies the determinants of agricultural privatization policies and land reform, particularly in the case of Albania.Less
Since agriculture accounts for a significant portion in Albania's total GDP and because of its large farming population, agrarian reform has played no small part in the economic reforms imposed there. Because of this reform, land and other such assets were distributed to farm workers, which furthered the decollectivization of collective farms and the transition to the adoption of private land ownership. As such, the individual family farm became the fundamental farm organization. The effects on Albania of these reforms are found to be different from the effects experienced by other Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). This is because land in large-scale farming in the other CEECs still accounts for a sizeable share of the total land and land was mostly restituted to its former owners. Improved resource allocation and labour incentives initiated growth in agricultural output after the reform. This chapter identifies the determinants of agricultural privatization policies and land reform, particularly in the case of Albania.
Neophytos Loizides
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780804794084
- eISBN:
- 9780804796330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804794084.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 3 examines how adversarial framing on the Macedonian issue constrained a moderate government in Greece from capitalizing on its peace potential in the early 1990s when major demonstrations in ...
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Chapter 3 examines how adversarial framing on the Macedonian issue constrained a moderate government in Greece from capitalizing on its peace potential in the early 1990s when major demonstrations in Thessaloniki and Athens attracted at least a million people each. At the same time, it asks why conflicts related to Turkey or Albania received little attention despite ethnic antagonisms and an alleged “civilizational divide” between Greece and its predominantly Muslim neighbors. Drawing evidence from the Hellenic Parliament, this chapter demonstrates that on Turkish and Albanian issues, a sizeable moderate camp championed reconciliation and compromise, maintaining a balance between hardliners and moderates in Greece. Even so, hardliners monopolized the framing of Greece’s Macedonian policies, thus shaping an early nationalist consensus. By adopting this hegemonic frame, mainstream Greek political elites prevented adaptation to new realities in the 1990s, obstructing a feasible peace agreement between the two nations.Less
Chapter 3 examines how adversarial framing on the Macedonian issue constrained a moderate government in Greece from capitalizing on its peace potential in the early 1990s when major demonstrations in Thessaloniki and Athens attracted at least a million people each. At the same time, it asks why conflicts related to Turkey or Albania received little attention despite ethnic antagonisms and an alleged “civilizational divide” between Greece and its predominantly Muslim neighbors. Drawing evidence from the Hellenic Parliament, this chapter demonstrates that on Turkish and Albanian issues, a sizeable moderate camp championed reconciliation and compromise, maintaining a balance between hardliners and moderates in Greece. Even so, hardliners monopolized the framing of Greece’s Macedonian policies, thus shaping an early nationalist consensus. By adopting this hegemonic frame, mainstream Greek political elites prevented adaptation to new realities in the 1990s, obstructing a feasible peace agreement between the two nations.
Elidor Mëhilli
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501714153
- eISBN:
- 9781501709593
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501714153.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book interprets socialism as a form of globalization by telling the unknown history of a small country that found itself entangled in some of the biggest developments of the Cold War. Within two ...
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This book interprets socialism as a form of globalization by telling the unknown history of a small country that found itself entangled in some of the biggest developments of the Cold War. Within two decades, Albania went from fascist Italian rule to Nazi occupation, a brief interlude as a Yugoslav satellite, and then to a heady period of borrowings—government advisers, brand new factories, school textbooks, urban plans, and everything in between— from the Soviet Union in the 1950s. With Soviet backing, Albania’s regime launched a bold experiment: turn illiterate peasants into conscious workers. Ambitious but poor, the country also turned into a contact zone between East German engineers, Czech planners, and Hungarian geologists who came to help build socialism from scratch. Then, the socialist world shattered. During the Sino-Soviet conflict of the 1960s, Albania’s party clique switched allegiance to China, seeing in Mao’s patronage an opportunity to keep Stalinism alive. Combining an analysis of ideology with a keen sense of geopolitics, this book explores this strange connectivity of socialism, showing how socialism created a shared material and mental culture—still evident today across Eurasia—but it failed to generate political unity.Less
This book interprets socialism as a form of globalization by telling the unknown history of a small country that found itself entangled in some of the biggest developments of the Cold War. Within two decades, Albania went from fascist Italian rule to Nazi occupation, a brief interlude as a Yugoslav satellite, and then to a heady period of borrowings—government advisers, brand new factories, school textbooks, urban plans, and everything in between— from the Soviet Union in the 1950s. With Soviet backing, Albania’s regime launched a bold experiment: turn illiterate peasants into conscious workers. Ambitious but poor, the country also turned into a contact zone between East German engineers, Czech planners, and Hungarian geologists who came to help build socialism from scratch. Then, the socialist world shattered. During the Sino-Soviet conflict of the 1960s, Albania’s party clique switched allegiance to China, seeing in Mao’s patronage an opportunity to keep Stalinism alive. Combining an analysis of ideology with a keen sense of geopolitics, this book explores this strange connectivity of socialism, showing how socialism created a shared material and mental culture—still evident today across Eurasia—but it failed to generate political unity.
Pierre Sintès
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781786940896
- eISBN:
- 9781786944962
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781786940896.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Drawing on his research on the Albanian migration to Greece in 1999 after the fall of the Iron Curtain and after the collapse of pyramid schemes resulting in violent outbreaks in Albania, Pierre ...
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Drawing on his research on the Albanian migration to Greece in 1999 after the fall of the Iron Curtain and after the collapse of pyramid schemes resulting in violent outbreaks in Albania, Pierre Sintès extends his work to address the transformations taking place in Greek society in the 1990s and 2000s. Sintès argues that the effects of this migration were that some original trends appeared which led to the emergence of new discourses and practices that could be described as transnational. The ideas explored in this chapter include migration, transnational relationships and minority issues in Greece, and shared memory in post-conflict regions.Less
Drawing on his research on the Albanian migration to Greece in 1999 after the fall of the Iron Curtain and after the collapse of pyramid schemes resulting in violent outbreaks in Albania, Pierre Sintès extends his work to address the transformations taking place in Greek society in the 1990s and 2000s. Sintès argues that the effects of this migration were that some original trends appeared which led to the emergence of new discourses and practices that could be described as transnational. The ideas explored in this chapter include migration, transnational relationships and minority issues in Greece, and shared memory in post-conflict regions.
Pierre Sintès
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781786940896
- eISBN:
- 9781786944962
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781786940896.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Since 2010, new research in the border territories between Greece, Albania and the Republic of Macedonia has prompted Pierre Sintès to think further about new forms of territoriality, particularly ...
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Since 2010, new research in the border territories between Greece, Albania and the Republic of Macedonia has prompted Pierre Sintès to think further about new forms of territoriality, particularly linked to the increasing promotion of cultural heritage. Through examination of what these processes involve in terms of the appropriation of space, this new work builds on earlier thoughts on the relations between social communities and places, now covering more directly communities’ usage and perceptions of the past. The chapter also treats Thesprotia as a case study to demonstrate the different trends which, today, characterise these rural Greek peripheral spaces, but which are also emblematic of wider dynamics.Less
Since 2010, new research in the border territories between Greece, Albania and the Republic of Macedonia has prompted Pierre Sintès to think further about new forms of territoriality, particularly linked to the increasing promotion of cultural heritage. Through examination of what these processes involve in terms of the appropriation of space, this new work builds on earlier thoughts on the relations between social communities and places, now covering more directly communities’ usage and perceptions of the past. The chapter also treats Thesprotia as a case study to demonstrate the different trends which, today, characterise these rural Greek peripheral spaces, but which are also emblematic of wider dynamics.
FREDERICK ANSCOMBE
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264423
- eISBN:
- 9780191734793
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264423.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
In the political history of the Ottoman Empire, the long nineteenth century (1789–1915) stands out as a period of far-reaching, rapid change in the nature of the state. While the persistence of old ...
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In the political history of the Ottoman Empire, the long nineteenth century (1789–1915) stands out as a period of far-reaching, rapid change in the nature of the state. While the persistence of old practices should not be assumed along all frontiers of the empire, where it was applied the mutual support arrangement worked reasonably well at both ends of the nineteenth century. The two cases examined in this chapter illustrate this in a surprising fashion. The parallels are unexpected because among the notables involved, Tepedelenli Ali Pasha (1787–1820) in Epirus (Greece and Albania) and the Al Sabah and Al Thani shaykhs (1870–1915) in eastern Arabia carry reputations as unwilling subjects who rebelled against the sultan. It was largely due to the centre's failure to continue to uphold its part of the mutual support arrangement.Less
In the political history of the Ottoman Empire, the long nineteenth century (1789–1915) stands out as a period of far-reaching, rapid change in the nature of the state. While the persistence of old practices should not be assumed along all frontiers of the empire, where it was applied the mutual support arrangement worked reasonably well at both ends of the nineteenth century. The two cases examined in this chapter illustrate this in a surprising fashion. The parallels are unexpected because among the notables involved, Tepedelenli Ali Pasha (1787–1820) in Epirus (Greece and Albania) and the Al Sabah and Al Thani shaykhs (1870–1915) in eastern Arabia carry reputations as unwilling subjects who rebelled against the sultan. It was largely due to the centre's failure to continue to uphold its part of the mutual support arrangement.
Fred C. Abrahams
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814705117
- eISBN:
- 9781479841189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814705117.003.0023
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This epilogue considers how far Albania has come from a dilapidated, fascist-era state to a modern nation. Albanians’ lives have vastly improved since the country’s transition from Stalinism to ...
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This epilogue considers how far Albania has come from a dilapidated, fascist-era state to a modern nation. Albanians’ lives have vastly improved since the country’s transition from Stalinism to democracy. They travel, they debate, and they change their government. Cafés and restaurants have sprouted in Tirana. However, poverty and violence persist. Two and a half decades after communism, Albania still needs media, police, and courts that serve as honest arbiters of disputes. This epilogue suggests that Sali Berisha’s authoritarianism was made worse by the lack of a separation of powers and checks on his rule. It argues that Albanians, especially the younger generations, hold the key to their future by constantly demanding responsibility, transparency, and accountability from their leaders.Less
This epilogue considers how far Albania has come from a dilapidated, fascist-era state to a modern nation. Albanians’ lives have vastly improved since the country’s transition from Stalinism to democracy. They travel, they debate, and they change their government. Cafés and restaurants have sprouted in Tirana. However, poverty and violence persist. Two and a half decades after communism, Albania still needs media, police, and courts that serve as honest arbiters of disputes. This epilogue suggests that Sali Berisha’s authoritarianism was made worse by the lack of a separation of powers and checks on his rule. It argues that Albanians, especially the younger generations, hold the key to their future by constantly demanding responsibility, transparency, and accountability from their leaders.
Dmitar Tasić
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- July 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198858324
- eISBN:
- 9780191890680
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198858324.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This book is analysing the origins and manifestations of paramilitary violence in three neighbouring Balkan countries—Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania after the First World War. It shows the role of ...
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This book is analysing the origins and manifestations of paramilitary violence in three neighbouring Balkan countries—Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania after the First World War. It shows the role of paramilitarism in internal as well as in external policies in all three above-mentioned states, and it focuses on the main actors and perpetrators of paramilitary violence, their social backgrounds, motivations and future career trajectories. It also places the region into the broader European context of booming paramilitarism that came as the result of first global conflict, dissolution of old empires, creation of nation-states and simultaneous revolutions. While paramilitarism in most of post-Great War European states was the product of violence of the First World War and brutalization which societies of both victorious and defeated countries went through, paramilitarism in the Balkans was closely connected with the already existing traditions originating from the period of armed struggle against the Ottoman rule, and state and nation building projects of the late 19th and early 20th century. Paramilitary traditions here were so strong that in all subsequent crises and military conflicts in the Balkans, i.e. the Second World War and Wars of Yugoslav Succession during the 1990’s, the legacy of paramilitarism remained alive and present. Among several features of paramilitarism in the Balkans 1917 - 1924 this book analyse strong inclination towards guerrilla warfare as the integral part of the warfare culture of the Balkans paramilitaries.Less
This book is analysing the origins and manifestations of paramilitary violence in three neighbouring Balkan countries—Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania after the First World War. It shows the role of paramilitarism in internal as well as in external policies in all three above-mentioned states, and it focuses on the main actors and perpetrators of paramilitary violence, their social backgrounds, motivations and future career trajectories. It also places the region into the broader European context of booming paramilitarism that came as the result of first global conflict, dissolution of old empires, creation of nation-states and simultaneous revolutions. While paramilitarism in most of post-Great War European states was the product of violence of the First World War and brutalization which societies of both victorious and defeated countries went through, paramilitarism in the Balkans was closely connected with the already existing traditions originating from the period of armed struggle against the Ottoman rule, and state and nation building projects of the late 19th and early 20th century. Paramilitary traditions here were so strong that in all subsequent crises and military conflicts in the Balkans, i.e. the Second World War and Wars of Yugoslav Succession during the 1990’s, the legacy of paramilitarism remained alive and present. Among several features of paramilitarism in the Balkans 1917 - 1924 this book analyse strong inclination towards guerrilla warfare as the integral part of the warfare culture of the Balkans paramilitaries.
Nicholas Tochka
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- November 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190467814
- eISBN:
- 9780190467845
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190467814.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, Ethnomusicology, World Music
Audible States examines how elites have governed politically and aesthetically meaningful spaces of silence and sound in Albania since 1945. Interweaving archival research with ethnographic ...
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Audible States examines how elites have governed politically and aesthetically meaningful spaces of silence and sound in Albania since 1945. Interweaving archival research with ethnographic interviews, author Nicholas Tochka argues that modern political orders do not simply render social life visible, but also audible. And in rendering social life audible, states make reality governable in significant, albeit unpredictable, ways. The book’s chronological narrative presents an aural history of government through the close examination of a state-subsidized popular genre, light music, as broadcast at an annual song competition, Radio-Television Albania’s Festival of Song. Drawing on a wide range of archival resources and over forty interviews with composers, lyricists, singers, and bureaucrats, it describes how popular music became integral to governmental projects to improve society—and a major concern for both state-socialist and postsocialist regimes. Incorporating insights from governmentality studies, Audible States presents a new perspective on music and government that reveals the fluid, pervasive but ultimately limited nature of state power in the modern world. In doing this, it addresses ongoing conversations in ethnomusicology, area studies, and cultural studies of the Cold War.Less
Audible States examines how elites have governed politically and aesthetically meaningful spaces of silence and sound in Albania since 1945. Interweaving archival research with ethnographic interviews, author Nicholas Tochka argues that modern political orders do not simply render social life visible, but also audible. And in rendering social life audible, states make reality governable in significant, albeit unpredictable, ways. The book’s chronological narrative presents an aural history of government through the close examination of a state-subsidized popular genre, light music, as broadcast at an annual song competition, Radio-Television Albania’s Festival of Song. Drawing on a wide range of archival resources and over forty interviews with composers, lyricists, singers, and bureaucrats, it describes how popular music became integral to governmental projects to improve society—and a major concern for both state-socialist and postsocialist regimes. Incorporating insights from governmentality studies, Audible States presents a new perspective on music and government that reveals the fluid, pervasive but ultimately limited nature of state power in the modern world. In doing this, it addresses ongoing conversations in ethnomusicology, area studies, and cultural studies of the Cold War.
Mariella Pandolfi
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520252233
- eISBN:
- 9780520941021
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520252233.003.0006
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Medical Anthropology
This chapter focuses on the politics of humanitarian intervention carried out by international and intrastate institutions in the crises in the Balkan territories of Bosnia, Kosovo, and Albania. It ...
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This chapter focuses on the politics of humanitarian intervention carried out by international and intrastate institutions in the crises in the Balkan territories of Bosnia, Kosovo, and Albania. It argues that over the past decade there has been a growth in the “gray zone” between humanitarian intervention, military humanitarianism, and the humanitarian war, of which collaborating academics are largely uncritical. The chapter discusses the boundaries of specific states to disorders without borders and the obscuring of the true needs of civil society through the politics of intervention.Less
This chapter focuses on the politics of humanitarian intervention carried out by international and intrastate institutions in the crises in the Balkan territories of Bosnia, Kosovo, and Albania. It argues that over the past decade there has been a growth in the “gray zone” between humanitarian intervention, military humanitarianism, and the humanitarian war, of which collaborating academics are largely uncritical. The chapter discusses the boundaries of specific states to disorders without borders and the obscuring of the true needs of civil society through the politics of intervention.
Smoki Musaraj
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781501750335
- eISBN:
- 9781501750366
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501750335.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, European Cultural Anthropology
This book revisits times of excitement and loss in early 1990s Albania, in which about a dozen pyramid firms collapsed and caused the country to fall into anarchy and a near civil war. To gain a ...
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This book revisits times of excitement and loss in early 1990s Albania, in which about a dozen pyramid firms collapsed and caused the country to fall into anarchy and a near civil war. To gain a better understanding of how people from all walks of life came to invest in these financial schemes and how these schemes became intertwined with everyday transactions, dreams, and aspirations, the book looks at the materiality, sociality, and temporality of financial speculations at the margins of global capital. It argues that the speculative financial practices of the schemes were enabled by official financial infrastructures (such as the postsocialist free-market reforms), by unofficial economies (such as transnational remittances), as well as by historically specific forms of entrepreneurship, transnational social networks, and desires for a European modernity. Overall, these granular stories of participation in the Albanian schemes help understand neoliberal capitalism as a heterogeneous economic formation that intertwines capitalist and noncapitalist forms of accumulation and investment.Less
This book revisits times of excitement and loss in early 1990s Albania, in which about a dozen pyramid firms collapsed and caused the country to fall into anarchy and a near civil war. To gain a better understanding of how people from all walks of life came to invest in these financial schemes and how these schemes became intertwined with everyday transactions, dreams, and aspirations, the book looks at the materiality, sociality, and temporality of financial speculations at the margins of global capital. It argues that the speculative financial practices of the schemes were enabled by official financial infrastructures (such as the postsocialist free-market reforms), by unofficial economies (such as transnational remittances), as well as by historically specific forms of entrepreneurship, transnational social networks, and desires for a European modernity. Overall, these granular stories of participation in the Albanian schemes help understand neoliberal capitalism as a heterogeneous economic formation that intertwines capitalist and noncapitalist forms of accumulation and investment.
