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This chapter explores the same basic Kantian presuppositional links with respect to causation. It begins by unpacking the basics of Kant's metaphysics of causation, with special reference to the three Analogies of Experience and the Third Antinomy of Pure Reason. It then analyzes the problem of free will and works out a new version of Kant's theory of freedom, called the Embodied Agency Theory. Some of the intimate Kantian links between freedom and nature are explored, and a biological interpretation of the Embodied Agency Theory is developed. It is argued that for Kant, the irreversibility of time — ‘Time's Arrow’ — entails a necessary connection between naturally mechanized causation and the possibility of human practical causation.

An exploration is made of how the environmental justice movement in the United States has taken on some of the communicative and participatory demands and practices of critical pluralism. The movement has been critical of the communicative methods of the mainstream – the top-down organizational structure and its one-way nature of communication, and the lack of attention to issues of public participation in policy-making – and issues of communication have been a central focus in the development and demands of environmental justice. Accepting the diversity and the situated experiences of individuals and cultures has fostered the use of, and demand for, a variety of innovative communicative processes. Internally, the movement has attempted to employ more open discursive processes, paying particular attention to communication within and across diverse groups. Externally, the movement has made demands with regard to issues of communication and more discursive and participatory policy-making on government agencies, particularly the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA).

Beginning with the establishment by the League of Nations of the first High Commissioner for Refugees in 1921, the scope and functions of assistance programmes for refugees gradually expanded, as efforts were made to regularize the status and control of stateless and denationalized people. During and after World War II, the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Agency (UNRRA) and the International Refugee Organization (IRO) further expanded the international organizational framework for refugees. Since 1951, an international refugee regime—composed of UNHCR and a network of other international agencies, national governments, and voluntary or non‐governmental organizations—has developed a response strategy that permits some refugees to remain in their countries of first asylum, enables some to resettle in third countries and arranges for still others to be repatriated to their countries of origin.

This chapter analyses contemporary regulations addressing precariousness in forms of employment diverging from the SER's central pillar of continuous employment. The analysis centres on the 1999 EU Directive on Fixed‐Term Work, which subscribes to equal treatment, and the 2008 EU Directive on Temporary Agency Work, qualifying equal treatment, and efforts to regulate both types of temporary employment in the EU 15. It shows that while SER‐centric approaches extend some protections and benefits to fixed‐term workers, lesser protections apply to temporary agency workers. In many member states, these workers, especially migrant workers and women, tend to be especially precarious since they lack both an open‐ended and bilateral employment relationship.

This chapter explores deeply how our common ways of speaking about ethics distract us from a more integrative vision of ethics in our lives. The chapter introduces three problems with how we typically approach ethics, as revealed in our language: compartmentalization, or putting ethics in a box; “essentialization,” or trying to reduce or crystallize ethics in terms of one thing or simple answers; and abstraction, or creating distance (or alienation) between ethical concerns and everyday practices. The chapter then explains seven common dimensions cutting across various understandings of ethics, in order to illustrate just what we mean by “ethics” when we speak about it in a particular way. These dimensions include agency and autonomy, discrimination and choice, motive and purpose, responsibility and relationship, rationality and emotionality, role and identity, and scene and situation. The discussion invokes traditional ethical theories to show how they tend to emphasize certain features over others. This chapter concludes by arguing how Aristotle's idea of eudaimonia, or flourishing, helps bring together reframed notions of virtue with our most cherished life goals.

The story of Enron's attempt to build in East Java is another power project that was the subject of an insurance claim. The importance of the story lies primarily in why the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA), the insurance agency of the World Bank Group, issued a policy for the project in the first place and in the cordial relation that MIGA retained with Indonesians when the conflict occurred.

This chapter describes the emergence of the modern advertising industry and Cody's connection with legendary copywriters Maxwell Sackheim and Victor Schwab as he developed a commercially‐viable correspondence course, an advertising campaign and a marketing strategy.

This part illuminates the interpretive assumptions of Bureau ghostreading against the backdrop of the best-documented entanglement of American criticism with American espionage: namely, the firsthand stamp of the New Criticism on the counterintelligence branch of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Section 1 explores CIA-endorsed formalism, its high-wire, Yale-rooted history, which was eventually integrated into FBI critical practice. Section 2 confirms that the Bureau ghostreaders cobbled together a distinct mode of FBI reading decades before the CIA's creation, a didactic yet meticulous biohistoricism in sympathy with academic schools of the late 1910s, 1920s, and 1930s. Section 3 looks into the background and outlook of the FBI agents tasked with criticizing Afro-modernism. Finally, section 4 assesses the impact of FBI ghostreading on an interested non-Bureau audience: the self-appointed model citizens who turned to Hoover as a literary-critical wise man and potential literary-critical collaborator. This part proposes the third and thus far most literary of the five theses: The FBI is perhaps the most dedicated and influential forgotten critic of African American literature.

This chapter details the correspondence between the author and the Central Intelligence Agency regarding the release of information in line with the Freedom of Information Act. At the same time the chapter builds on an emerging body of scholarship that examines the relationship between American postwar ascendancy and “cultural diplomacy” in the early years of the Cold War and decolonization. Few studies have considered how the Congress for Cultural Freedom's (CCF) underwriting reshaped and refashioned the global literary landscape, altered the relationships between writers and their publics, and rendered those whom it supported more recognizable figures than others. These practices were conceived as part of an orchestrated imperial effort to occupy a global public space that by 1948 had been largely dominated by the socialist rhetoric of the Communist Information Bureau (Cominform).

This chapter examines some evolved mental mechanisms that play key roles in the representation of god concepts. The incorrigible operation of an Agency Detection Device (ADD) and a Theory of Mind Mechanism (ToMM) helps explain why people naturally entertain religious ideas. God concepts are parasitic on mental mechanisms designed for different though functionally related purposes. The study of these and other predispositions of thought also reveal what, from a cognitive perspective, “gods” really are — easily anthropomorphized thinking intentional agents. The real attributes of gods align with the mind’s intuitive knowledge bases and the natural inferences they produce rather than with the abstract, theological attributes taught in religious doctrine. At the same time, the counterintuitive properties of god concepts account for their widespread transmission.

This chapter outlines three arguments on behalf of a duty to vote: the Agency Argument, the Public Goods Argument, and the Civic Virtue Argument. The Agency Argument held that citizens should bear some causal responsibility in helping to produce and maintain a just social order with adequate levels of welfare. The Agency Argument asserts that voting is necessary to do this. The Public Goods Argument holds that nonvoters unfairly free-ride on the provision of good governance. Failing to vote is like failing to pay taxes—it places a differential burden on others who do the hard work of providing good government. Meanwhile, the Civic Virtue Argument holds that voting is an essential way to exercise civic virtue, and civic virtue is an important moral virtue.

Continuing difficulties for unmarried mothers and their children despite improvements. Margaret Thatcher's Conservative Governments, cuts to welfare, pressure on mothers to work, but childcare hard to find and contracting labour market. ‘Broken families’ blamed for social problems as divorce, cohabitation, and babies born out of wedlock rose to unprecedented levels. Government claims that ‘teenage mothers’ got pregnant to get a council house and welfare benefits. Disproved by research but accusations continued into 1990s. Successful efforts by OPF to set up courses to help mothers into work, strongly supported by mothers. In 1987, all legal differences between ‘legitimate’ and ‘illegitimate’ children eliminated after long campaign by NC/OPF. In 1991 the establishment of Child Support Agency, badly designed in a hurry and made access to maintenance and benefits more difficult and conditions worsened. Intensified government attacks on lone, especially unmarried mothers, until Conservatives lost 1997 election.

This chapter illustrates how the national debate over consumer protection underwent a remarkable transformation during the mid-1970s largely in response to the successes of an increasingly mobilized and organized corporate lobbying community. Once a relatively uncontested social goal, consumerism emerged from the contested politics of a stagflationary decade as a fraught clash of interests. To analyze the mechanisms of business lobbying and its effect on the shifting politics of consumer product regulation, the chapter traces the origins, rise, and slow death of Ralph Nader's biggest legislative priority for the consumer movement in the 1970s: a consumer protection agency in the federal government. Designed to institutionalize consumerism by inserting what Nader called a “consumer perspective” into the national regulatory apparatus, the Consumer Protection Agency (CPA) was a constant fixture on the congressional docket from 1969 to 1978.

This chapter looks at the enactment of political agendas under the guise of humanitarian outreach through the operations of the CIA-funded Aid Refugee Chinese Intellectuals, Inc. (ARCI). This ostensibly nongovernmental agency targeted intellectual Chinese for assistance and migration, first to aid the Nationalists on Taiwan and then to the United States in fulfillment of the Refugee Relief Act of 1953. Despite the limits of U.S. assistance, the Department of State, through the Office of Refugee and Migration Affairs (ORM) and the U.S. Information Agency (USIA), sought to maximize the impact of such symbolic relief programs. Cold War propaganda proclaimed American friendship and concern for Chinese overseas while reassuring Americans domestically that applicants vetted not only for political views but also for prearranged employment.

Incentives for an aid agency’s staff to learn about sustainability of field activities is one of the most fundamental factors in that agency’s quest for sustainable development outcomes. It is essential for agencies to base their decisions about development cooperation programs on an ongoing learning and adjustment process. Drawing from the general discussion of collective-action problems in public organizations in earlier chapters, the IAD framework is employed to identify and analyze specific collective-action problems within the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), and its relationships with counterparts and contractors, both at the Stockholm headquarters and in the field.