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After the end of the Cold War, many in the West viewed Africa as a testing ground for the solidarist argument that sovereignty was no longer an absolute principle and that the international community could intervene to protect individual from human rights violations. This argument seems particularly challenging in the African context, given the continental leadership’s historic commitment to territorial integrity and non-intervention. However, as the author shows, African leaders from 1945 to 1990 were largely upholding the pluralist international norms of the time. In other words, the case for humanitarian intervention – and the problems posed by the practice – are not region-specific. The early 1990s, during which the United Nations intervened in Somalia, seemed to confirm the solidarist position. However, the failure to intervene in Rwanda in 1994, and the more recent experience of interventions in Sierra Leone, present a more mixed picture. Humanitarian intervention remains a controversial practice because of its coercive means, and its tendency to attribute blame or responsibility in what are often very complex civil conflicts.

This chapter examines how and whether African regional organizations, acting within the framework of the African peace and security architecture (APSA), can ensure an effective regime of human security in Africa. Section 1 of the chapter briefly recounts the nature of the relationship between the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and regional economic communities (RECs) as a prelude to understanding the relationship that has evolved between the African Union (AU) and the RECs. Section 2 discusses how the AU has conceptualized human security. Section 3 examines the operation of APSA, focusing on cooperation between the AU and the RECs within the framework of APSA to determine how this might augur for the protection of human security of Africans. Section 4 discusses the roles played by AU/RECs in the Zimbabwe and Kenyan crises, as well as the AU's response to the unconstitutional takeover of governments in Africa.

This chapter traces the rise of the African Baptist Church of Savannah, Georgia, one of the early churches to describe itself as “African”, and the progenitor of black Baptist churches in Canada, Sierra Leone, and much of the British Caribbean. The chapter then considers two institutions founded by black New Englanders at roughly the same time — African Freemasonry and the African Union Societies of Newport and Providence, Rhode Island — and traces their distinct but parallel efforts to build “African” institutions and identities. Leaders of these institutions sought to reconcile their deep faith in a Christian God with the prevalence of “paganism” in Africa, reaching toward a belief that American slavery represented God's plan for bringing the light of true religion to the Dark Continent. This conviction gave all three groups a shared stake in the efforts of those Black Loyalists who would move to Sierra Leone in 1792.

Examines recent policy initiatives by states and multilateral organizations that may enhance the effectiveness of international administration and further steps that need to be taken if international actors are to be better equipped to cope with the challenge of international administration. Prompted by the Brahimi Report on peace operations (2000), the UN Secretariat has initiated a process of potentially far-reaching reforms that could strengthen the UN’s capacity to administer war-torn territories by improving its planning and management of operations and by improving its delivery of critical assets to a distressed region. States and regional organizations, too, have sought to enhance their capacity for rapid response and sustained participation. Takes stock of how much of the reform agenda has been implemented and whether it is likely to be effective. It will also discuss issues that have received insufficient attention, notably those of accountability and transparency, and suggest measures that might be adopted to address these concerns.

This chapter discusses the legislative, executive, and quasi-judicial and judicial functions of the African Union's (AU) bodies. It considers their human rights mandate and the possible integration between them. Although the activities of AU organs and bodies do not always fit neatly into one of the four ‘branches’, this division is used to emphasize the decentralized nature of authority under the AU – even though it is mostly still in its infancy.

This chapter discusses the role of the African Union (AU) in implementing the responsibility to protect (RtoP) in Africa, especially the relation of Article 4(h) of its Act to the principles of “non indifference” and “non-interference.” It considers whether (African) regional organizations have a residual role in implementing the RtoP, especially in light of the AU “Ezulwini Consensus” and the 2005 World Summit Outcome Documents. Additionally, the chapter briefly examines the relevance of the African Peace and Security Architecture, especially concerning the powers of the AU Peace and Security Council, and the Union's cooperation with Regional Economic Communities. Finally, it examines the legality of regional implementation of RtoP under international law.

Chapter 4 examines the different paths that state–labor relations took in the book’s two other cases, Zambia and Kenya. As in Zimbabwe, the Zambian state passed legislation that strengthened and centralized the labor movement, and the ruling party saw trade unions as partners in governance. In the decades following independence, this party–union alliance was challenged by grassroots strike activity and by greater confrontation between the state and labor leaders over economic policy. In Kenya, the labor control regime was markedly different than in Zimbabwe and Zambia. The state never viewed trade unions as an effective instrument of control, nor did they make any attempt to centralize union structures. Union membership remained low, and unions were fragmented and had little shopfloor presence. The chapter argues that these differences in labor regimes led to very different associational landscapes in these two countries.

The first of the book’s six empirical chapters examines the origins and character of the labor movement in Zimbabwe. The chapter first addresses the state of trade unions at independence, pointing out that Zimbabwe unions were fragmented and lacking in organizational reach at this time. The choices made by the post-independence Zimbabwean state were, therefore, critical in forging a strong and centralized labor movement. The ruling party helped organize the founding conference of the trade unions congress, and labor legislation strengthened trade unions’ organizational reach. These policies facilitated the creation of a strong and centralized labor movement with significant membership in both rural and urban areas. The chapter lays the groundwork for understanding how organized labor was able to coordinate large-scale economic and political protest in Zimbabwe in later periods.

This chapter provides an account of opposition party formation and development in Zimbabwe from 1999 to 2008. It argues that the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was able to maintain a strong and cohesive party organization, despite significant state-sponsored violence and repression, for two reasons. First of all, the party benefited from the strong organizational structures and collective identity that organized labor and other civil society actors built prior to the launch of the opposition parties. Activists and grassroots constituencies had a track record of successful protest, and there were established procedures for decision-making and conflict resolution. Secondly, political polarization in Zimbabwe strengthened the opposition’s cohesion and the commitment of its activists. By increasing the salience of partisan identity, conflict and violence made defection difficult. The chapter suggests that conflict and polarization can have important party-building consequences, for both opposition and ruling parties alike.

This chapter draws together all the major themes and questions raised in the previous chapters and captures the relevance of these themes to the overarching purpose of the book. In particular, it considers certain issues which may adversely affect international efforts to combat some of the threats to human security discussed in the book. It also takes issue with the African Union which always remains silent in the face of tyranny by some of its members but then is quick to declare as unconstitutional military coups that overthrow such dictatorial governments. A more balanced and transparent approach to protecting human security in Africa is advocated.

This chapter examines efforts to legitimise the AU through three lenses: first, the evolution from the OAU to the AU; second, the institutional development of the AU, especially of its peace and security architecture; and third, the problem of financing its activities. It highlights how the change from the OAU to the AU was strongly shaped by legitimacy concerns and the expectations of both African states and publics, and external audiences, especially Western states. It discusses the establishment of an ambitious institutional structure especially in the security field to support the AU’s legitimacy claims, and highlights how its legitimation efforts have been constrained by a lack of substantive consensus on the scope of AU authority among member states, and the continued reliance on external funding to support legitimation claims through actions – especially the use of force.

This chapter outlines the human rights and human rights-related instruments functioning under the aegis of the African Union (AU). The discussion starts with the principal instrument, the African Charter on Human and People's Rights (African Charter), and proceeds to sketch the framework for the protection of the rights of refugees, children, women, indigenous peoples, and the environment. Finally, the threats to rights posed by corruption, mercenaries, and terrorism are briefly examined.

This chapter focuses on the energy security in Africa. It describes Africa as blessed with abundant energy resources, more than enough to supply her needs. It adds that Africa is underdeveloped, with almost all the countries being classified as low in development, and half ranking amongst the least developed in the world. It notes that development is impossible, or at most an uphill task, in any place where there is no access to conventional energy. It explains that the difference between the rural dweller in a village in Africa and a city dweller lies in the amount of energy available for his use. The chapter is a discourse on energy security in Africa, primarily through the study of continental initiatives under the auspices of the African Union, and on sub-regional cooperative efforts that are aimed at addressing the issue of energy security in west and southern Africa.

This chapter examines the architecture of human rights in Africa under the auspices of the African Union (AU). It begins with a historical overview of pan-Africanism as an intellectual movement, the emergence of colonial borders, and the contested form of African unity. It then considers the evolution of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) within the context of human rights and its transformation into AU before analysing in detail the AU human rights architecture. It also discusses AU's legislative, executive, and judicial and quasi-judicial functions and concludes by highlighting civil society's participation in dialogues and debates about AU policies and programmes on human rights.

Paradoxically, as much as Africa’s current problems are often rooted in the past, the continent today finds itself squarely at the forefront of new security thinking. Although the international community historically has played a critical role in shaping the African security agenda, true security—and solutions—begins at home. The often misappropriated mantra of ‘African solutions for African problems’ has taken on real and significant meaning in recent years with the development and implementation of new national, sub-regional, and regional approaches to advancing peace and security. This chapter examines these approaches, past shortcomings of the modern African state and its limitations, and looks at ways the African Union, regional NGOs, and civil society are seeking to fashion a cooperative security culture for 21st century needs. Without doubt many obstacles and challenges still remain, but these efforts are already proving useful in recasting the continent’s security priorities and, moreover, in establishing a direction for future engagement by Africans and non-Africans alike.

Chapter three locates European military intervention alongside the military interventions and political and economic presence of other regional and international actors. African states have agency in their own foreign policies, but African security organizations are dependent on European funding for the deployment of troops, and they cooperate with the European Union. The United Nations is present in Africa, but it often has to act alone: European actors are not always there to support UN missions. However, Europeans are keen on reinforcing UN capacity to fight militias. China is increasingly an important economic partner of Africa, and now becoming a security actor there. European actors are trying to develop relations with China on African security affairs. The United States is an important security actor in Africa, with military bases there. Its role and motives are studied in detail, as it influences the decisions of European actors to intervene.

This chapter examines the 2003 armed intervention by the European Union, in the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). It discusses the various legal questions that arise from the EU's extension of its collective security regime beyond Europe, especially in respect of a conflict that did not, at least directly, concern any of its Member States. Considering that Operation ARTEMIS forms part of a much broader commitment by the EU to assist African states and organisations to deal with the various problems besieging their continent, this chapter ponders the wider implications of the cooperation between the European Union and African Union and attempts to understand how this might develop in the future.

This chapter explores regional initiatives in the realm of heritage. At the regional level, initiatives are undertaken both in schemes of political and economic integration. In the former, the protection of intangible heritage is usually justified in relation to human rights, whereas in the latter it has to be justified in relation to market effects and the economic potential of ICH. In both of these forms of regionalism, a common thread is that ICH helps promote a common identity for the region, becoming thus a desirable staple of integration. The chapter focuses on the action of the Organization of American States, Council of Europe, African Union, European Union, and Andean Community of Nations.

Conflicts in Africa, and the international community’s response to those conflicts, have played a large role in shaping the legal and operational framework for civilian protection activity. The AU recognizes and supports a right to intervention to stop mass violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. The chapter provides an overview of the AU framework for the protection of civilians, based on an examination of relevant AU organs and actual regional responses. It also addresses the NATO intervention in Libya in 2011, finding that international or regional intervention for the protection of civilians would be more likely to be embraced by African States if the duties and responsibilities of intervening States were more clearly articulated. The authors conclude that the most effective measure for ensuring civilian protection on the continent would be for the AU to operationalize its unique normative framework for intervention.