Padraig O'Malley
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's ...
More
Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's negotiations, and argues that they have more to learn. It squarely rejects the claim of Irish republican militants that their position is analogous to that of South Africa's African National Congress.Less
Compares Northern Ireland's peace process with the transition to democracy in South Africa. The chapter details the ways in which Northern Ireland's political elites learnt from South Africa's negotiations, and argues that they have more to learn. It squarely rejects the claim of Irish republican militants that their position is analogous to that of South Africa's African National Congress.
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
Divided into three sections, this chapter explains how the apartheid debate changed during the late 1960s. The first section opens by looking at the murder of South African Prime Minister Hendrik ...
More
Divided into three sections, this chapter explains how the apartheid debate changed during the late 1960s. The first section opens by looking at the murder of South African Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd, and explains how new Prime Minister John Vorster implemented his “outward policy” of building economic relations with moderate African leaders. The second section turns attention to the Richard Nixon administration and highlights the way his White House eliminated African expectations at the United Nations. The third section then shifts to the African National Congress and unpacks how it rehabilitated its role as the voice of nonwhite South Africa through diplomacy in the Third World and among nongovernmental organizations in Europe and the United States. These three changes reflected the new dynamics of the 1970s—an era marked by individualistic cynicism rather than postcolonial optimism—and pointed toward a fundamentally different type of anti-apartheid movement.Less
Divided into three sections, this chapter explains how the apartheid debate changed during the late 1960s. The first section opens by looking at the murder of South African Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd, and explains how new Prime Minister John Vorster implemented his “outward policy” of building economic relations with moderate African leaders. The second section turns attention to the Richard Nixon administration and highlights the way his White House eliminated African expectations at the United Nations. The third section then shifts to the African National Congress and unpacks how it rehabilitated its role as the voice of nonwhite South Africa through diplomacy in the Third World and among nongovernmental organizations in Europe and the United States. These three changes reflected the new dynamics of the 1970s—an era marked by individualistic cynicism rather than postcolonial optimism—and pointed toward a fundamentally different type of anti-apartheid movement.
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
This chapter is about the origins of the global apartheid debate. It opens with a section about Harold Macmillan’s famous 1960 ‘Wind of Change’ speech in Cape Town—in which the British Prime Minister ...
More
This chapter is about the origins of the global apartheid debate. It opens with a section about Harold Macmillan’s famous 1960 ‘Wind of Change’ speech in Cape Town—in which the British Prime Minister celebrated the arrival of African nationalism and warned that Afrikaner leaders needed to abandon apartheid—and then shifts attention to the history of apartheid and African nationalism in South Africa. The first section explains the country’s place in the British empire, the intellectual rationale of ‘separate development,’ and the political infighting between apartheid pragmatists and apartheid theorists before 1960. The second section highlights the nonwhite community’s efforts to overcome racial discrimination in South Africa, lingering on the tensions between cosmopolitan liberalism—embodied by the African National Congress (ANC)—and African nationalism of Anton Lembede and later Robert Sobukwe. These two parallel stories came together only one month after Macmillan’s visit to South Africa in the form of the Sharpeville Massacre.Less
This chapter is about the origins of the global apartheid debate. It opens with a section about Harold Macmillan’s famous 1960 ‘Wind of Change’ speech in Cape Town—in which the British Prime Minister celebrated the arrival of African nationalism and warned that Afrikaner leaders needed to abandon apartheid—and then shifts attention to the history of apartheid and African nationalism in South Africa. The first section explains the country’s place in the British empire, the intellectual rationale of ‘separate development,’ and the political infighting between apartheid pragmatists and apartheid theorists before 1960. The second section highlights the nonwhite community’s efforts to overcome racial discrimination in South Africa, lingering on the tensions between cosmopolitan liberalism—embodied by the African National Congress (ANC)—and African nationalism of Anton Lembede and later Robert Sobukwe. These two parallel stories came together only one month after Macmillan’s visit to South Africa in the form of the Sharpeville Massacre.
Philip E. Muehlenbeck
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195396096
- eISBN:
- 9780199932672
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195396096.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century, World Modern History
Viewed from Pretoria, Kennedy looked to be apartheid’s worst enemy. Not only was the young American president strengthening US relations with black Africa both economically and morally, but he also ...
More
Viewed from Pretoria, Kennedy looked to be apartheid’s worst enemy. Not only was the young American president strengthening US relations with black Africa both economically and morally, but he also took a stand against minority rule in southern Africa and in support of civil rights for African Americans in the United States. In reality, the specter of the New Frontier in Africa turned out not to be as bad as the South African government initially feared. Kennedy’s opposition to apartheid remained largely rhetorical as he rationalized that taking a tough line against the South African government would not convince it to change its racial policies but would only serve to militarize the conflict between the white minority and African majority. As a result, Kennedy refrained from taking stern action against Pretoria and did not send aid to the African National Congress as he had done for the Angolan nationalist movement.Less
Viewed from Pretoria, Kennedy looked to be apartheid’s worst enemy. Not only was the young American president strengthening US relations with black Africa both economically and morally, but he also took a stand against minority rule in southern Africa and in support of civil rights for African Americans in the United States. In reality, the specter of the New Frontier in Africa turned out not to be as bad as the South African government initially feared. Kennedy’s opposition to apartheid remained largely rhetorical as he rationalized that taking a tough line against the South African government would not convince it to change its racial policies but would only serve to militarize the conflict between the white minority and African majority. As a result, Kennedy refrained from taking stern action against Pretoria and did not send aid to the African National Congress as he had done for the Angolan nationalist movement.
Pamela Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823243099
- eISBN:
- 9780823250790
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823243099.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
The book is about youth fighting for freedom and a state's retaliation. It is about the young not consenting to the kind of adulthood on offer under a particular political dispensation. It is about ...
More
The book is about youth fighting for freedom and a state's retaliation. It is about the young not consenting to the kind of adulthood on offer under a particular political dispensation. It is about the character of revolt under conditions of tight surveillance. It is about negative forms of governance of children and about the violence of the state. It is about government-sanctioned cruelty. It is about the labour of youth in the work of war and about their reach for ethics despite experiences of pain and betrayal. It is, in part, about the attempts by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (henceforth, the Commission or the TRC) to document the past and its shortcomings in recording the role of the young and in securing a fair dispensation for them. Finally, it is a description of the relationships between young men of Zwelethemba, a suburb of Worcester in the Western Cape, who were brought together as local leaders during the struggle, who led the fight together, and who, in retrospect, examined it microscopically once it had ended. It represents an anthropology that takes on the intimacies of warfare. I set out to do an ethnographic study of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission as an institution. My focus was on learning more about the part the young had played in securing the end of oppression. I sought to discover from the Commission's deliberations more about young activists’ commitment over time, their political consciousness, their development, their ethics, their actions and the consequences of their involvement. I was interested in the character of urban conflict and the relationships between commanders and foot soldiers (or leaders and protesters) and whether those ties held up over time and whether they were forged around rhetoric, contact, action, accountability, or responsibility. I was interested in a particular layer of leadership among the young - those recognized within communities as local leaders. I anticipated that the Commission would document the activities of those who, while still at school, had begun to protest against their oppressors and who, through processes of self-selection and induction, had become leaders. My ambition in this ethnography was to account for the fullness of some young men's experiences in standing against the apartheid state to the extent that that is possible and that I am able to achieve it within the loose confines of the discipline of anthropology. After the first few months of acting like a peripatetic groupie of the Commission, it became clear to me that its deliberations were not plumbing the experiences of young activists and that there was more to be learned through a different kind of ethnographic exploration. Therefore, I worked in Zwelethemba with fourteen young men who had stood against the state during the struggle for liberation. I sought to depict their fight as they described it in retrospect. The scene was a request to remember. The invitation to remember in conjunction with others was an invitation to each of the men to examine his life. In the process of our meetings, the men seemed to be engaged in a retrieval of the condition of being wounded, so that a certain balance of reason and emotion could be achieved in the service of remembering. Thereafter, I studied both the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the community of black African activists in Zwelethemba: the former a multi-sited project and the latter firmly situated in a single community. The South African Government gave the young who joined the struggle inside the country no quarter; indeed, they targeted them (in this book, I write about children and youth identified by the apartheid system as African although those who joined the fight and who fell under other categories defined according to set notions of racial difference were met with the same wrath). The Government's Security Forces meted out cruel treatment to them; incarcerated even the very young under dreadful conditions; and used torture frequently, over long periods of time. Many of the local leaders among the young were imprisoned again and again and ill treated even before any formal charges or court appearances were made. All of this is well known. However, little is known about the efforts the young made to sustain the momentum of the fight or about the stretches of time during which many were active; what they endured on an everyday basis; the nature of the battlefield; how much they depended on relationships with families, peers and community members; how their commitment was tried; what the stakes were of success and failure; and what was achieved in terms of growth and what paid in terms of harm. These matters are examined in the book.Less
The book is about youth fighting for freedom and a state's retaliation. It is about the young not consenting to the kind of adulthood on offer under a particular political dispensation. It is about the character of revolt under conditions of tight surveillance. It is about negative forms of governance of children and about the violence of the state. It is about government-sanctioned cruelty. It is about the labour of youth in the work of war and about their reach for ethics despite experiences of pain and betrayal. It is, in part, about the attempts by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (henceforth, the Commission or the TRC) to document the past and its shortcomings in recording the role of the young and in securing a fair dispensation for them. Finally, it is a description of the relationships between young men of Zwelethemba, a suburb of Worcester in the Western Cape, who were brought together as local leaders during the struggle, who led the fight together, and who, in retrospect, examined it microscopically once it had ended. It represents an anthropology that takes on the intimacies of warfare. I set out to do an ethnographic study of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission as an institution. My focus was on learning more about the part the young had played in securing the end of oppression. I sought to discover from the Commission's deliberations more about young activists’ commitment over time, their political consciousness, their development, their ethics, their actions and the consequences of their involvement. I was interested in the character of urban conflict and the relationships between commanders and foot soldiers (or leaders and protesters) and whether those ties held up over time and whether they were forged around rhetoric, contact, action, accountability, or responsibility. I was interested in a particular layer of leadership among the young - those recognized within communities as local leaders. I anticipated that the Commission would document the activities of those who, while still at school, had begun to protest against their oppressors and who, through processes of self-selection and induction, had become leaders. My ambition in this ethnography was to account for the fullness of some young men's experiences in standing against the apartheid state to the extent that that is possible and that I am able to achieve it within the loose confines of the discipline of anthropology. After the first few months of acting like a peripatetic groupie of the Commission, it became clear to me that its deliberations were not plumbing the experiences of young activists and that there was more to be learned through a different kind of ethnographic exploration. Therefore, I worked in Zwelethemba with fourteen young men who had stood against the state during the struggle for liberation. I sought to depict their fight as they described it in retrospect. The scene was a request to remember. The invitation to remember in conjunction with others was an invitation to each of the men to examine his life. In the process of our meetings, the men seemed to be engaged in a retrieval of the condition of being wounded, so that a certain balance of reason and emotion could be achieved in the service of remembering. Thereafter, I studied both the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the community of black African activists in Zwelethemba: the former a multi-sited project and the latter firmly situated in a single community. The South African Government gave the young who joined the struggle inside the country no quarter; indeed, they targeted them (in this book, I write about children and youth identified by the apartheid system as African although those who joined the fight and who fell under other categories defined according to set notions of racial difference were met with the same wrath). The Government's Security Forces meted out cruel treatment to them; incarcerated even the very young under dreadful conditions; and used torture frequently, over long periods of time. Many of the local leaders among the young were imprisoned again and again and ill treated even before any formal charges or court appearances were made. All of this is well known. However, little is known about the efforts the young made to sustain the momentum of the fight or about the stretches of time during which many were active; what they endured on an everyday basis; the nature of the battlefield; how much they depended on relationships with families, peers and community members; how their commitment was tried; what the stakes were of success and failure; and what was achieved in terms of growth and what paid in terms of harm. These matters are examined in the book.
David Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474430210
- eISBN:
- 9781474481151
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474430210.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
Literary and political expressions of the liberal dream of freedom from the 1880s to the 1970s are analysed in the opening chapter. The liberal dream’s lineage in political discourse is analysed in ...
More
Literary and political expressions of the liberal dream of freedom from the 1880s to the 1970s are analysed in the opening chapter. The liberal dream’s lineage in political discourse is analysed in Cecil John Rhodes’s dreams of unifying South Africa in the 1890s; Olive Schreiner’s political journalism from the 1880s to the 1910s; the ANC’s Bill of Rights of 1923; H. Selby Msimang’s pamphlet The Crisis (1936); R. F. A. Hoernlé’s lectures South African Native Policy and the Liberal Spirit (1939); the ANC’s African Claims in South Africa (1943); the ANC’s Freedom Charter (1955); and the Liberal Party’s Blueprint for South Africa (1958). In juxtaposition with these political texts, the following literary texts articulating the liberal dream of freedom are analysed: Olive Schreiner’s Dreams (1890); J. A. D. Smith’s The Great Southern Revolution (1893); Archibald Lamont’s South Africa in Mars (1923); George Heaton Nicholls’s Bayete! (1923); S. E. K. Mqhayi’s U-Don Jadu (1929); Arthur Keppel-Jones’s When Smuts Goes (1947); Alan Paton’s Cry, the Beloved Country (1948); Lewis Sowden’s Tomorrow’s Comet (1951); Garry Allighan’s Verwoerd—The End (1961); Anthony Delius’s The Day Natal Took Off (1963); Karel Schoeman’s The Promised Land (1972); and Jordan Ngubane’s Ushaba: The Hurtle to Blood River (1974).Less
Literary and political expressions of the liberal dream of freedom from the 1880s to the 1970s are analysed in the opening chapter. The liberal dream’s lineage in political discourse is analysed in Cecil John Rhodes’s dreams of unifying South Africa in the 1890s; Olive Schreiner’s political journalism from the 1880s to the 1910s; the ANC’s Bill of Rights of 1923; H. Selby Msimang’s pamphlet The Crisis (1936); R. F. A. Hoernlé’s lectures South African Native Policy and the Liberal Spirit (1939); the ANC’s African Claims in South Africa (1943); the ANC’s Freedom Charter (1955); and the Liberal Party’s Blueprint for South Africa (1958). In juxtaposition with these political texts, the following literary texts articulating the liberal dream of freedom are analysed: Olive Schreiner’s Dreams (1890); J. A. D. Smith’s The Great Southern Revolution (1893); Archibald Lamont’s South Africa in Mars (1923); George Heaton Nicholls’s Bayete! (1923); S. E. K. Mqhayi’s U-Don Jadu (1929); Arthur Keppel-Jones’s When Smuts Goes (1947); Alan Paton’s Cry, the Beloved Country (1948); Lewis Sowden’s Tomorrow’s Comet (1951); Garry Allighan’s Verwoerd—The End (1961); Anthony Delius’s The Day Natal Took Off (1963); Karel Schoeman’s The Promised Land (1972); and Jordan Ngubane’s Ushaba: The Hurtle to Blood River (1974).
Stephen Ellis
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199330614
- eISBN:
- 9780199388165
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199330614.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in February 1990 was one of the most memorable moments of recent decades. It came a few days after the removal of the ban on the African National Congress (ANC); ...
More
Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in February 1990 was one of the most memorable moments of recent decades. It came a few days after the removal of the ban on the African National Congress (ANC); founded a century ago and outlawed in 1960, the ANC had transferred its headquarters abroad and opened what it termed an External Mission. For the thirty years following its banning, the ANC had fought relentlessly against the apartheid state. Finally voted into office in 1994, the ANC today regards its armed struggle as the central plank of its legitimacy. This book studies the ANC’s period in exile, based on a full range of sources in southern Africa and Europe. These include the ANC’s own archives and also those of the Stasi, the East German ministry that trained the ANC’s security personnel. The book reveals that the decision to create the Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation)—a guerrilla army which later became the ANC’s armed wing—was made not by the ANC but by its allies in the South African Communist Party after negotiations with Chinese leader Mao Zedong. It shows that many of the strategic decisions made, and many of the political issues which arose during the course of that protracted armed struggle, had a lasting effect on South Africa, shaping its society even up to the present day.Less
Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in February 1990 was one of the most memorable moments of recent decades. It came a few days after the removal of the ban on the African National Congress (ANC); founded a century ago and outlawed in 1960, the ANC had transferred its headquarters abroad and opened what it termed an External Mission. For the thirty years following its banning, the ANC had fought relentlessly against the apartheid state. Finally voted into office in 1994, the ANC today regards its armed struggle as the central plank of its legitimacy. This book studies the ANC’s period in exile, based on a full range of sources in southern Africa and Europe. These include the ANC’s own archives and also those of the Stasi, the East German ministry that trained the ANC’s security personnel. The book reveals that the decision to create the Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation)—a guerrilla army which later became the ANC’s armed wing—was made not by the ANC but by its allies in the South African Communist Party after negotiations with Chinese leader Mao Zedong. It shows that many of the strategic decisions made, and many of the political issues which arose during the course of that protracted armed struggle, had a lasting effect on South Africa, shaping its society even up to the present day.
Hussein Solomon
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781526105813
- eISBN:
- 9781526135988
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9781526105813.003.0019
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter explores why the South African government’s responses to terrorism are confused and ineffective. A significant contributing factor is that the African National Congress (ANC), which has ...
More
This chapter explores why the South African government’s responses to terrorism are confused and ineffective. A significant contributing factor is that the African National Congress (ANC), which has governed the country since the end of apartheid in 1994, was a former liberation movement who themselves were labelled `terrorist’ by Ronald Reagan’s United States and Margaret Thatcher’s Britain. While in exile, the ANC had forged close ties with other similarly labelled groups and these strong bonds have endured. This historical legacy negatively impacts the formulation and implementation of current counter-terrorism policies. What the ANC government needs to understand is that the nature of the terrorist threat has radically morphed in the past few decades, from terrorist movements pursuing limited political goals to religious terrorist movements with global pretensions and absolutely no possibility of compromise.Less
This chapter explores why the South African government’s responses to terrorism are confused and ineffective. A significant contributing factor is that the African National Congress (ANC), which has governed the country since the end of apartheid in 1994, was a former liberation movement who themselves were labelled `terrorist’ by Ronald Reagan’s United States and Margaret Thatcher’s Britain. While in exile, the ANC had forged close ties with other similarly labelled groups and these strong bonds have endured. This historical legacy negatively impacts the formulation and implementation of current counter-terrorism policies. What the ANC government needs to understand is that the nature of the terrorist threat has radically morphed in the past few decades, from terrorist movements pursuing limited political goals to religious terrorist movements with global pretensions and absolutely no possibility of compromise.
Joseph Harris
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501709968
- eISBN:
- 9781501714832
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501709968.003.0005
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health
Although a constellation of factors would seem to have predisposed South Africa to make major new commitments to expand access to healthcare after the fall of apartheid, embrace of National Health ...
More
Although a constellation of factors would seem to have predisposed South Africa to make major new commitments to expand access to healthcare after the fall of apartheid, embrace of National Health Insurance has taken place in name only more than 20 years later. The chapter suggests that this sad tragedy owes its fate paradoxically to dynamics of political competition that left the African National Congress unrivalled and unchallenged, with a strong mandate to rule. Torn between a desire for radical reform – that would destroy the medical schemes that serve a privileged few – and a more incremental and measured response that would leave them in place, amid a lack of political competition, the ruling party has opted for the status quo. And the entreaties of a professional movement have gone unanswered.Less
Although a constellation of factors would seem to have predisposed South Africa to make major new commitments to expand access to healthcare after the fall of apartheid, embrace of National Health Insurance has taken place in name only more than 20 years later. The chapter suggests that this sad tragedy owes its fate paradoxically to dynamics of political competition that left the African National Congress unrivalled and unchallenged, with a strong mandate to rule. Torn between a desire for radical reform – that would destroy the medical schemes that serve a privileged few – and a more incremental and measured response that would leave them in place, amid a lack of political competition, the ruling party has opted for the status quo. And the entreaties of a professional movement have gone unanswered.
Judith Renner
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780719088025
- eISBN:
- 9781781705872
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719088025.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 2 looks at the early emergence of the discourse and reconstructs how reconciliation gained normative authority in the political sphere at all. It locates the beginning of this discourse in ...
More
Chapter 2 looks at the early emergence of the discourse and reconstructs how reconciliation gained normative authority in the political sphere at all. It locates the beginning of this discourse in South Africa in the early 1990s, when the country transited from apartheid to democracy. In the course of the transitional negotiations ‘reconciliation’ was used by the antagonistic parties African National Congress (ANC) and National Party (NP) as a vague ideal which helped them to justify their various political demands and find a common reference point which made compromises possible. As chapter 3 shows, at this time reconciliation was not at all interpreted in terms of truth-telling or healing but was alternately related to political negotiations, compromise, power sharing or the release of political prisoners. It was only later, after the passing of the South African interim constitution in 1993 that the reconciliation ideal came to be firmly associated with the establishment of the South African TRC and the practices of truth-telling, healing and forgiveness. These constructions then remained relatively stable as they were reproduced throughout the workings of the TRCLess
Chapter 2 looks at the early emergence of the discourse and reconstructs how reconciliation gained normative authority in the political sphere at all. It locates the beginning of this discourse in South Africa in the early 1990s, when the country transited from apartheid to democracy. In the course of the transitional negotiations ‘reconciliation’ was used by the antagonistic parties African National Congress (ANC) and National Party (NP) as a vague ideal which helped them to justify their various political demands and find a common reference point which made compromises possible. As chapter 3 shows, at this time reconciliation was not at all interpreted in terms of truth-telling or healing but was alternately related to political negotiations, compromise, power sharing or the release of political prisoners. It was only later, after the passing of the South African interim constitution in 1993 that the reconciliation ideal came to be firmly associated with the establishment of the South African TRC and the practices of truth-telling, healing and forgiveness. These constructions then remained relatively stable as they were reproduced throughout the workings of the TRC
David Chidester
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780520273078
- eISBN:
- 9780520951570
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520273078.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, World Religions
This chapter explores the religion of Mathole Motshekga, the African National Congress' (ANC) chief in Parliament in 2009. As founder and director of the Kara Heritage Institute, Motshekga endorsed ...
More
This chapter explores the religion of Mathole Motshekga, the African National Congress' (ANC) chief in Parliament in 2009. As founder and director of the Kara Heritage Institute, Motshekga endorsed the return to indigenous African religion called the Hermetic mysteries of ancient Egypt. He also founded the secret brotherhood Bonabakulu Abasekhemu, also known as the Ancient Ones of Khem, to preserve the original Egyptian wisdom traditions throughout Africa. While expounding on this African theosophy through media, public events, and the Parliament, Motshekga defended the divine right of indigenous African royalty, calling for the restoration of the theocracy of traditional leadership in a democratic South Africa.Less
This chapter explores the religion of Mathole Motshekga, the African National Congress' (ANC) chief in Parliament in 2009. As founder and director of the Kara Heritage Institute, Motshekga endorsed the return to indigenous African religion called the Hermetic mysteries of ancient Egypt. He also founded the secret brotherhood Bonabakulu Abasekhemu, also known as the Ancient Ones of Khem, to preserve the original Egyptian wisdom traditions throughout Africa. While expounding on this African theosophy through media, public events, and the Parliament, Motshekga defended the divine right of indigenous African royalty, calling for the restoration of the theocracy of traditional leadership in a democratic South Africa.
Robert P. Inman and Daniel L. Rubinfeld
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691202129
- eISBN:
- 9780691202136
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691202129.003.0010
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
This chapter studies the central role that the institutions of Democratic Federalism played in South Africa's transition from apartheid to a multiracial democracy, one of the most important political ...
More
This chapter studies the central role that the institutions of Democratic Federalism played in South Africa's transition from apartheid to a multiracial democracy, one of the most important political events of the last century. While both apartheid's governing National Party (NP) and the resistance's African National Congress (ANC) agreed that the century of suppression and armed resistance must end, negotiations over exactly how the new democratic government should be designed were far from harmonious. The NP wished to protect the economic interests of the once-ruling elite and rural landowners, while the ANC was committed to a significant expansion of essential public services for the poor: health care, education, and housing. In the background was a desire to avoid the damaging consequences of Zimbabwe's monolithic unitary government, a concern for both the ANC and the NP. They compromised on a middle ground of shared governance with politically independent provincial and metropolitan governments constitutionally assigned to provide all important local services, and a separately elected national parliament and president responsible for setting the overall rate of taxation and funding for local services. The federal compromise has worked, so far, to the economic benefit of most South Africans.Less
This chapter studies the central role that the institutions of Democratic Federalism played in South Africa's transition from apartheid to a multiracial democracy, one of the most important political events of the last century. While both apartheid's governing National Party (NP) and the resistance's African National Congress (ANC) agreed that the century of suppression and armed resistance must end, negotiations over exactly how the new democratic government should be designed were far from harmonious. The NP wished to protect the economic interests of the once-ruling elite and rural landowners, while the ANC was committed to a significant expansion of essential public services for the poor: health care, education, and housing. In the background was a desire to avoid the damaging consequences of Zimbabwe's monolithic unitary government, a concern for both the ANC and the NP. They compromised on a middle ground of shared governance with politically independent provincial and metropolitan governments constitutionally assigned to provide all important local services, and a separately elected national parliament and president responsible for setting the overall rate of taxation and funding for local services. The federal compromise has worked, so far, to the economic benefit of most South Africans.
Stephen Ellis
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199330614
- eISBN:
- 9780199388165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199330614.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter describes events following the Rivonia disaster. These include the proposal to declare the African National Congress (ANC) open to all South Africans; the ANC training camps in Tanzania; ...
More
This chapter describes events following the Rivonia disaster. These include the proposal to declare the African National Congress (ANC) open to all South Africans; the ANC training camps in Tanzania; the South African Communist Party’s (SACP) security system in London; the Rhodesian campaign; and the memorandum drafted by Chris Hani.Less
This chapter describes events following the Rivonia disaster. These include the proposal to declare the African National Congress (ANC) open to all South Africans; the ANC training camps in Tanzania; the South African Communist Party’s (SACP) security system in London; the Rhodesian campaign; and the memorandum drafted by Chris Hani.
Stephen Ellis
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199330614
- eISBN:
- 9780199388165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199330614.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter focuses on events during and after the African National Congress (ANC) conference in Morogoro on 25 April 1969. These include how the Morogoro conference failed to resolve the conflicts ...
More
This chapter focuses on events during and after the African National Congress (ANC) conference in Morogoro on 25 April 1969. These include how the Morogoro conference failed to resolve the conflicts that plagued the ANC; the struggles of the ANC in exile; and the growing international opposition to apartheid.Less
This chapter focuses on events during and after the African National Congress (ANC) conference in Morogoro on 25 April 1969. These include how the Morogoro conference failed to resolve the conflicts that plagued the ANC; the struggles of the ANC in exile; and the growing international opposition to apartheid.
Stephen Ellis
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199330614
- eISBN:
- 9780199388165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199330614.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter describes the African National Congress (ANC) leaders’s decision to expand the scope of the security and intelligence department; the spread of corruption in the ANC; the massive purge ...
More
This chapter describes the African National Congress (ANC) leaders’s decision to expand the scope of the security and intelligence department; the spread of corruption in the ANC; the massive purge throughout the ANC called Shishita, from a word in the ci-Nyanja language spoken in Lusaka, meaning ‘to sweep’; and the protests and the mutiny of 1984, which became known in the ANC as Mkatashinga.Less
This chapter describes the African National Congress (ANC) leaders’s decision to expand the scope of the security and intelligence department; the spread of corruption in the ANC; the massive purge throughout the ANC called Shishita, from a word in the ci-Nyanja language spoken in Lusaka, meaning ‘to sweep’; and the protests and the mutiny of 1984, which became known in the ANC as Mkatashinga.
Steven Gow Calabresi
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780190075774
- eISBN:
- 9780190075804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190075774.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Legal History
This chapter explores the origins and growth of judicial review in South Africa. Judicial review originated in South Africa in 1994 for rights from wrongs reasons. The great moral wrongs of racist ...
More
This chapter explores the origins and growth of judicial review in South Africa. Judicial review originated in South Africa in 1994 for rights from wrongs reasons. The great moral wrongs of racist Afrikaner and British imperial rule could only be overcome with a new Democratic Constitution, accepted by blacks and whites, with a very generous Bill of Rights that is enforced by a very powerful Constitutional Court. The African National Congress (ANC) party, led by Nelson Mandela, had called for a Bill of Rights and judicial review ever since the 1950s. In the 1990’s, the ANC got its wish. South African judicial review also result, in part, from borrowing. South Africans borrowed heavily from the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms of 1982 and from the German Basic Law of 1949. South Africa particularly borrowed from Germany the idea of creating one very powerful Constitutional Court, which alone has the power of judicial review in South Africa.Less
This chapter explores the origins and growth of judicial review in South Africa. Judicial review originated in South Africa in 1994 for rights from wrongs reasons. The great moral wrongs of racist Afrikaner and British imperial rule could only be overcome with a new Democratic Constitution, accepted by blacks and whites, with a very generous Bill of Rights that is enforced by a very powerful Constitutional Court. The African National Congress (ANC) party, led by Nelson Mandela, had called for a Bill of Rights and judicial review ever since the 1950s. In the 1990’s, the ANC got its wish. South African judicial review also result, in part, from borrowing. South Africans borrowed heavily from the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms of 1982 and from the German Basic Law of 1949. South Africa particularly borrowed from Germany the idea of creating one very powerful Constitutional Court, which alone has the power of judicial review in South Africa.
Ashley Currier
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816678006
- eISBN:
- 9781452948195
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816678006.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter examines the emergence of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) organization in South Africa and Namibia. In the late 1960s, white gay and lesbian South Africans formed an ...
More
This chapter examines the emergence of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) organization in South Africa and Namibia. In the late 1960s, white gay and lesbian South Africans formed an organization to counter the apartheid state’s repressive tactics. As the anti-apartheid movement intensified in the 1970s and 1980s, black lesbian and gay activists challenged white activists who were unwilling to publicly oppose apartheid or to recruit non-white lesbians and gay men. LGBT activists recruited individuals of different races to form multiracial movement organizations to work for racial and sexual equality. They persuaded African National Congress (ANC) leaders to support LGBT rights in the postapartheid democratic transition in the 1990s.Less
This chapter examines the emergence of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) organization in South Africa and Namibia. In the late 1960s, white gay and lesbian South Africans formed an organization to counter the apartheid state’s repressive tactics. As the anti-apartheid movement intensified in the 1970s and 1980s, black lesbian and gay activists challenged white activists who were unwilling to publicly oppose apartheid or to recruit non-white lesbians and gay men. LGBT activists recruited individuals of different races to form multiracial movement organizations to work for racial and sexual equality. They persuaded African National Congress (ANC) leaders to support LGBT rights in the postapartheid democratic transition in the 1990s.
Stephen Ellis
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199330614
- eISBN:
- 9780199388165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199330614.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter describes the impact of the demonstration by students in Sowento on 16 June 1976; the African National Congress’s (ANC) strategy review; new strategies by government and security chiefs ...
More
This chapter describes the impact of the demonstration by students in Sowento on 16 June 1976; the African National Congress’s (ANC) strategy review; new strategies by government and security chiefs in Pretoria; and the ANC plan to isolate South Africa internationally.Less
This chapter describes the impact of the demonstration by students in Sowento on 16 June 1976; the African National Congress’s (ANC) strategy review; new strategies by government and security chiefs in Pretoria; and the ANC plan to isolate South Africa internationally.
Kenneth S. Broun
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199740222
- eISBN:
- 9780190254391
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199740222.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
When South Africa's apartheid government charged Nelson Mandela with planning its overthrow in 1963, most observers feared that he would be sentenced to death. But the support he and his fellow ...
More
When South Africa's apartheid government charged Nelson Mandela with planning its overthrow in 1963, most observers feared that he would be sentenced to death. But the support he and his fellow activists in the African National Congress received during his trial not only saved his life, but also enabled him to save his country. This book recreates the trial—called the “Rivonia” Trial after the Johannesburg suburb where police seized Mandela. Based upon interviews with many of the case's primary figures and portions of the trial transcript, the book situates readers inside the courtroom at the imposing Palace of Justice in Pretoria. Here, the trial unfolds through a dramatic narrative that captures the courage of the accused and their defense team, as well as the personal prejudices that colored the entire trial. The Rivonia trial had no jury and only a superficial aura of due process, combined with heavy security that symbolized the apartheid government's system of repression. The book shows how outstanding advocacy, combined with widespread public support, in fact backfired on apartheid leaders, who sealed their own fate. Despite his twenty-seven-year incarceration, Mandela's ultimate release helped move his country from the racial tyranny of apartheid toward democracy.Less
When South Africa's apartheid government charged Nelson Mandela with planning its overthrow in 1963, most observers feared that he would be sentenced to death. But the support he and his fellow activists in the African National Congress received during his trial not only saved his life, but also enabled him to save his country. This book recreates the trial—called the “Rivonia” Trial after the Johannesburg suburb where police seized Mandela. Based upon interviews with many of the case's primary figures and portions of the trial transcript, the book situates readers inside the courtroom at the imposing Palace of Justice in Pretoria. Here, the trial unfolds through a dramatic narrative that captures the courage of the accused and their defense team, as well as the personal prejudices that colored the entire trial. The Rivonia trial had no jury and only a superficial aura of due process, combined with heavy security that symbolized the apartheid government's system of repression. The book shows how outstanding advocacy, combined with widespread public support, in fact backfired on apartheid leaders, who sealed their own fate. Despite his twenty-seven-year incarceration, Mandela's ultimate release helped move his country from the racial tyranny of apartheid toward democracy.
Justin Collings
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- February 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780198858850
- eISBN:
- 9780191890963
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198858850.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Philosophy of Law
This chapter explores how the Constitutional Court of South Africa invoked the memory of apartheid during its first decade of operation. It shows how the Court did so frequently and aggressively—at ...
More
This chapter explores how the Constitutional Court of South Africa invoked the memory of apartheid during its first decade of operation. It shows how the Court did so frequently and aggressively—at least in some contexts. Whereas the Court discussed apartheid eloquently and at length when it was sweeping away residual apartheid laws or otherwise advancing positions (such as abolishing the death penalty) that the ruling ANC government was likely to support, the justices were much more reticent when it came to invoking apartheid to confront the government itself. And in the context of enforcing positive constitutional rights, the Court was more likely to invoke apartheid memory to underscore the magnitude of the government’s task than to chide the government for failing to discharge it.Less
This chapter explores how the Constitutional Court of South Africa invoked the memory of apartheid during its first decade of operation. It shows how the Court did so frequently and aggressively—at least in some contexts. Whereas the Court discussed apartheid eloquently and at length when it was sweeping away residual apartheid laws or otherwise advancing positions (such as abolishing the death penalty) that the ruling ANC government was likely to support, the justices were much more reticent when it came to invoking apartheid to confront the government itself. And in the context of enforcing positive constitutional rights, the Court was more likely to invoke apartheid memory to underscore the magnitude of the government’s task than to chide the government for failing to discharge it.
