James H. Lebovic
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- April 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190935320
- eISBN:
- 9780190937263
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190935320.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
With the September 11, 2001 attack by al-Qaeda terrorists on the World Trade Center, the Bush administration conceded to decisional bias. It committed to Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan ...
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With the September 11, 2001 attack by al-Qaeda terrorists on the World Trade Center, the Bush administration conceded to decisional bias. It committed to Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan without duly assessing the implications of a Taliban defeat or how it might serve the administration’s “global war on terrorism.” Once engaged, the administration defined the US mission in Afghanistan broadly yet remained detached from harsh realities—including Afghan government corruption and ineptitude, finite alliance resources (in the International Security Assistance Force), and a Taliban resurgence—that hampered the achievement of these goals. The Obama administration capped US involvement in pursuing the limited goal of “reversing” the Taliban’s momentum. Although the administration increased US force levels in Afghanistan, it did so modestly and temporarily and then pursued a troop exit despite the country’s ongoing violence and instability. The administration stuck to its plan, slowing, not reversing, the withdrawal as the country’s security conditions worsened.Less
With the September 11, 2001 attack by al-Qaeda terrorists on the World Trade Center, the Bush administration conceded to decisional bias. It committed to Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan without duly assessing the implications of a Taliban defeat or how it might serve the administration’s “global war on terrorism.” Once engaged, the administration defined the US mission in Afghanistan broadly yet remained detached from harsh realities—including Afghan government corruption and ineptitude, finite alliance resources (in the International Security Assistance Force), and a Taliban resurgence—that hampered the achievement of these goals. The Obama administration capped US involvement in pursuing the limited goal of “reversing” the Taliban’s momentum. Although the administration increased US force levels in Afghanistan, it did so modestly and temporarily and then pursued a troop exit despite the country’s ongoing violence and instability. The administration stuck to its plan, slowing, not reversing, the withdrawal as the country’s security conditions worsened.
Thomas H. Johnson, Matthew DuPee, and Wali Shaaker
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- February 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190840600
- eISBN:
- 9780190943158
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190840600.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
Poetry has long been a central pillar of Afghan Literature and the Taliban have used it extensively in their IO campaign. Poetry is important to the Taliban and Afghans in general because it is ...
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Poetry has long been a central pillar of Afghan Literature and the Taliban have used it extensively in their IO campaign. Poetry is important to the Taliban and Afghans in general because it is essentially a spoken, not written art, so it accessible to the illiterate, especially rural Afghan population. The chapter examines a wide variety of Taliban poetry and also poetry written by those sympathetic to the Taliban. Each poem also includes an explanation of the story associated with it. An analysis of Taliban poetry to those of moderate Afghan poets. The chapter also focuses on 8 or poetic chants that have traditionally played an important role in the communication of local afghans. Numerous chants and their associated stories are examined that often reflect the manipulation by the Taliban of Afghan traditions, narratives, collective memory of events, and culture. These chants focus on themes such as: Taliban victory is inevitable, Islam can never be defeated, the Taliban are national heroes, Afghans have a long history in defeating invading foreign “infidels”, and all Afghans have an obligation to join the jihad to defeat invaders and apostates.Less
Poetry has long been a central pillar of Afghan Literature and the Taliban have used it extensively in their IO campaign. Poetry is important to the Taliban and Afghans in general because it is essentially a spoken, not written art, so it accessible to the illiterate, especially rural Afghan population. The chapter examines a wide variety of Taliban poetry and also poetry written by those sympathetic to the Taliban. Each poem also includes an explanation of the story associated with it. An analysis of Taliban poetry to those of moderate Afghan poets. The chapter also focuses on 8 or poetic chants that have traditionally played an important role in the communication of local afghans. Numerous chants and their associated stories are examined that often reflect the manipulation by the Taliban of Afghan traditions, narratives, collective memory of events, and culture. These chants focus on themes such as: Taliban victory is inevitable, Islam can never be defeated, the Taliban are national heroes, Afghans have a long history in defeating invading foreign “infidels”, and all Afghans have an obligation to join the jihad to defeat invaders and apostates.
Nahid Aziz
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520261853
- eISBN:
- 9780520948990
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520261853.003.0016
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Middle Eastern Cultural Anthropology
This chapter addresses the tragic degeneration of women's mental health, a consequence of chronic human rights violations. The process of addressing the mental health of the Afghans, particularly ...
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This chapter addresses the tragic degeneration of women's mental health, a consequence of chronic human rights violations. The process of addressing the mental health of the Afghans, particularly women, has been extremely slow. There is a chronic lack of funding to support mental health activities, including the training of competent mental health professionals. The occurrence of mental health problems among Afghan women is linked with chronic and repeated violations of their human rights. The long history of oppression, gender inequality, and violence of Afghan women's is provided. Mental health is explicitly named as a priority by the Afghan government, specifically in the Afghanistan National Development Strategy. It is argued that depression becomes a major part of women's identity as it involves culturally ordained sadness and low self-esteem. The reconstruction efforts in mental health are then given.Less
This chapter addresses the tragic degeneration of women's mental health, a consequence of chronic human rights violations. The process of addressing the mental health of the Afghans, particularly women, has been extremely slow. There is a chronic lack of funding to support mental health activities, including the training of competent mental health professionals. The occurrence of mental health problems among Afghan women is linked with chronic and repeated violations of their human rights. The long history of oppression, gender inequality, and violence of Afghan women's is provided. Mental health is explicitly named as a priority by the Afghan government, specifically in the Afghanistan National Development Strategy. It is argued that depression becomes a major part of women's identity as it involves culturally ordained sadness and low self-esteem. The reconstruction efforts in mental health are then given.
Thomas Ruttig
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- February 2015
- ISBN:
- eISBN:
- 9780190252656
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199893072.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter analyzes the debate over “reconciliation” with the Taliban. It begins with an overview of the context and clarifies the language of the current debate to avoid misunderstandings and ...
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This chapter analyzes the debate over “reconciliation” with the Taliban. It begins with an overview of the context and clarifies the language of the current debate to avoid misunderstandings and sheds light on the “public diplomacy” spin that implies progress where there is little. It then discusses the reported initial contacts between insurgents and the Afghan government; the motivations of the main actors; the aspects of a negotiated settlement in Afghanistan—principles, obstacles, and possible steps and mechanisms—and the likelihood of such a process being initiated. The chapter concludes with recommendations and suggestions on where to begin and what needs to be changed for the process to have a chance of success.Less
This chapter analyzes the debate over “reconciliation” with the Taliban. It begins with an overview of the context and clarifies the language of the current debate to avoid misunderstandings and sheds light on the “public diplomacy” spin that implies progress where there is little. It then discusses the reported initial contacts between insurgents and the Afghan government; the motivations of the main actors; the aspects of a negotiated settlement in Afghanistan—principles, obstacles, and possible steps and mechanisms—and the likelihood of such a process being initiated. The chapter concludes with recommendations and suggestions on where to begin and what needs to be changed for the process to have a chance of success.
Avinash Paliwal
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- December 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190685829
- eISBN:
- 9780190872564
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190685829.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
An important but little known aspect of India’s Afghanistan policy after 2001 was the slow change in its outlook on the Afghan Taliban. Opening secret channels of communications, some via the Afghan ...
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An important but little known aspect of India’s Afghanistan policy after 2001 was the slow change in its outlook on the Afghan Taliban. Opening secret channels of communications, some via the Afghan government, and others directly, India began to understand, and exploit (to a limited extent), political fissures within a resurgent Afghan Taliban. Having understood that the Afghan Taliban could not be defeated militarily, Indian security planners coldly calculated that reaching out to some Taliban factions would be in India’s long-term interest. The conciliators had charted and implemented this strategy at tactical, operational and strategic levels. The partisans, who knew about these covert channels, could do little to halt them.Less
An important but little known aspect of India’s Afghanistan policy after 2001 was the slow change in its outlook on the Afghan Taliban. Opening secret channels of communications, some via the Afghan government, and others directly, India began to understand, and exploit (to a limited extent), political fissures within a resurgent Afghan Taliban. Having understood that the Afghan Taliban could not be defeated militarily, Indian security planners coldly calculated that reaching out to some Taliban factions would be in India’s long-term interest. The conciliators had charted and implemented this strategy at tactical, operational and strategic levels. The partisans, who knew about these covert channels, could do little to halt them.
Thomas Barfield
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691145686
- eISBN:
- 9781400834532
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691145686.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
This book traces the historic struggles and the changing nature of political authority in this volatile region of the world—Afghanistan—from the Mughal Empire in the sixteenth century to the Taliban ...
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This book traces the historic struggles and the changing nature of political authority in this volatile region of the world—Afghanistan—from the Mughal Empire in the sixteenth century to the Taliban resurgence today. The book introduces readers to the bewildering diversity of tribal and ethnic groups in Afghanistan, explaining what unites them as Afghans despite the regional, cultural, and political differences that divide them. It shows how governing these peoples was relatively easy when power was concentrated in a small dynastic elite, but how this delicate political order broke down in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries when Afghanistan's rulers mobilized rural militias to expel first the British and later the Soviets. Armed insurgency proved remarkably successful against the foreign occupiers, but it also undermined the Afghan government's authority and rendered the country ever more difficult to govern as time passed. The book vividly describes how Afghanistan's armed factions plunged the country into a civil war, giving rise to clerical rule by the Taliban and Afghanistan's isolation from the world. It examines why the American invasion in the wake of September 11 toppled the Taliban so quickly, and how this easy victory lulled the United States into falsely believing that a viable state could be built just as easily. This book is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand how a land conquered and ruled by foreign dynasties for more than a thousand years became the “graveyard of empires” for the British and Soviets, and what the United States must do to avoid a similar fate.Less
This book traces the historic struggles and the changing nature of political authority in this volatile region of the world—Afghanistan—from the Mughal Empire in the sixteenth century to the Taliban resurgence today. The book introduces readers to the bewildering diversity of tribal and ethnic groups in Afghanistan, explaining what unites them as Afghans despite the regional, cultural, and political differences that divide them. It shows how governing these peoples was relatively easy when power was concentrated in a small dynastic elite, but how this delicate political order broke down in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries when Afghanistan's rulers mobilized rural militias to expel first the British and later the Soviets. Armed insurgency proved remarkably successful against the foreign occupiers, but it also undermined the Afghan government's authority and rendered the country ever more difficult to govern as time passed. The book vividly describes how Afghanistan's armed factions plunged the country into a civil war, giving rise to clerical rule by the Taliban and Afghanistan's isolation from the world. It examines why the American invasion in the wake of September 11 toppled the Taliban so quickly, and how this easy victory lulled the United States into falsely believing that a viable state could be built just as easily. This book is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand how a land conquered and ruled by foreign dynasties for more than a thousand years became the “graveyard of empires” for the British and Soviets, and what the United States must do to avoid a similar fate.
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226645605
- eISBN:
- 9780226645643
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226645643.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter, which explores the origins and goals of the two principal groups responsible for suicide terrorism in Afghanistan—the Taliban and Al Qaeda—reveals that the initiation and trajectory of ...
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This chapter, which explores the origins and goals of the two principal groups responsible for suicide terrorism in Afghanistan—the Taliban and Al Qaeda—reveals that the initiation and trajectory of suicide terrorism in Afghanistan is the direct result of foreign occupation. It explains that many Afghans support suicide attacks as a strategy to end Western military operations and a crisis of confidence in the Afghan central government. The chapter also analyzes Pakistan's close ties to the Taliban and Al Qaeda, which continue to frustrate U.S. counterterrorism efforts in the region.Less
This chapter, which explores the origins and goals of the two principal groups responsible for suicide terrorism in Afghanistan—the Taliban and Al Qaeda—reveals that the initiation and trajectory of suicide terrorism in Afghanistan is the direct result of foreign occupation. It explains that many Afghans support suicide attacks as a strategy to end Western military operations and a crisis of confidence in the Afghan central government. The chapter also analyzes Pakistan's close ties to the Taliban and Al Qaeda, which continue to frustrate U.S. counterterrorism efforts in the region.
Antonio Giustozzi
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198725015
- eISBN:
- 9780191792472
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198725015.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The chapter describes local deal-making between the Taliban insurgents and various branches of the Afghan government, including the army, police, security services, civilian officials, but also ...
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The chapter describes local deal-making between the Taliban insurgents and various branches of the Afghan government, including the army, police, security services, civilian officials, but also pro-government militias. Deal-making has been quite widespread since at least 2006, when the Taliban emerged as a major force. In some areas of government, such as education, deal-making has been particularly widespread. The chapter discusses the implications of this deal-making and concludes that it could favour either side, depending on the wider context. Once channels of communication are open, they can be exploited for different purposes. If the current stalemate between government and insurgents were to be broken, these channels of communication could favour a rapid collapse of the weaker side.Less
The chapter describes local deal-making between the Taliban insurgents and various branches of the Afghan government, including the army, police, security services, civilian officials, but also pro-government militias. Deal-making has been quite widespread since at least 2006, when the Taliban emerged as a major force. In some areas of government, such as education, deal-making has been particularly widespread. The chapter discusses the implications of this deal-making and concludes that it could favour either side, depending on the wider context. Once channels of communication are open, they can be exploited for different purposes. If the current stalemate between government and insurgents were to be broken, these channels of communication could favour a rapid collapse of the weaker side.
Nazif Shahrani
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199327928
- eISBN:
- 9780199388066
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199327928.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter explores the politics of the Afghan government in aiming to establish its political rule throughout the country. It reveals particular techniques of physical violence and subjugation ...
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This chapter explores the politics of the Afghan government in aiming to establish its political rule throughout the country. It reveals particular techniques of physical violence and subjugation that the Afghan government has used to enforce its control over the country, and argues that the trajectories of government rule set by ʻAbd al-Rahman at the end of the nineteenth century continue to guide Kabul politics in the present day. The chapter underlines how the politics of the centre towards the periphery was strongly tinged by a Pashtun nationalism that remains a dominant feature of Afghan politics, and which has frequently led to the repression of ethnic minorities in the country.Less
This chapter explores the politics of the Afghan government in aiming to establish its political rule throughout the country. It reveals particular techniques of physical violence and subjugation that the Afghan government has used to enforce its control over the country, and argues that the trajectories of government rule set by ʻAbd al-Rahman at the end of the nineteenth century continue to guide Kabul politics in the present day. The chapter underlines how the politics of the centre towards the periphery was strongly tinged by a Pashtun nationalism that remains a dominant feature of Afghan politics, and which has frequently led to the repression of ethnic minorities in the country.
Antonio Giustozzi
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199327928
- eISBN:
- 9780199388066
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199327928.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter discusses how the Taliban dealt with local politics during the last two decades. It shows how the Taliban gained ground in local politics by a ‘divide et impera’ rule and by using the ...
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This chapter discusses how the Taliban dealt with local politics during the last two decades. It shows how the Taliban gained ground in local politics by a ‘divide et impera’ rule and by using the network of religious representatives (mullahs, mawlawis, etc.) as their political agencies. The chapter argues that in many localities, the current success of the Taliban is due to their strategy of introducing basic forms of security and judiciary rather than imposing a radical social concept. In this respect their approach is quite different from that of the current Afghan government and international organisations, which have aimed to alter society by introducing democracy, gender balance, and good governance, but have failed to provide security.Less
This chapter discusses how the Taliban dealt with local politics during the last two decades. It shows how the Taliban gained ground in local politics by a ‘divide et impera’ rule and by using the network of religious representatives (mullahs, mawlawis, etc.) as their political agencies. The chapter argues that in many localities, the current success of the Taliban is due to their strategy of introducing basic forms of security and judiciary rather than imposing a radical social concept. In this respect their approach is quite different from that of the current Afghan government and international organisations, which have aimed to alter society by introducing democracy, gender balance, and good governance, but have failed to provide security.