Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Scotland in the years leading to 1707 are analysed. It is shown that they were mixed, but that trade, security, and material interests all played a ...
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The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Scotland in the years leading to 1707 are analysed. It is shown that they were mixed, but that trade, security, and material interests all played a role. The first ever analysis of flows of the vote in the last Scottish Parliament identifies the swing voters. The union was a genuine bargain, in which each side possessed credible threats. The paradoxical establishment of two rival churches is analysed.Less
The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Scotland in the years leading to 1707 are analysed. It is shown that they were mixed, but that trade, security, and material interests all played a role. The first ever analysis of flows of the vote in the last Scottish Parliament identifies the swing voters. The union was a genuine bargain, in which each side possessed credible threats. The paradoxical establishment of two rival churches is analysed.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 ...
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The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 Acts are still in force. Although most of Ireland left the UK in 1921, the 1800 Act has profoundly affected UK politics. Northern Ireland is the relic of the 1800 Act. Neither is the UK a federal state. Scotland and Northern Ireland do not have powers comparable to an American or an Australian state. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like Australian anti-federalism. When there have been subordinate parliaments (Northern Ireland 1921-72 and intermittently since 1999; Scotland and Wales since 1999), the supremacy of Westminster has been asserted by statute. There is a severe tension between the Diceyan concept of parliamentary sovereignty. Northern Ireland is a ‘federacy’, i.e., a self-governing unit whose constitution must not be unilaterally altered by the UK government. As England is the overwhelmingly dominant partner in the union state, English scholars, like the English population in general, have often been insensitive to these nuances. It is tempting to see England as simply the colonial oppressor of its three neighbours, getting by force the security or the economic advantage that it could not get by agreement. This picture fits Ireland reasonably well, Wales less well, and Scotland hardly at all. Even Ireland has always contained a substantial proportion of Unionists.Less
The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 Acts are still in force. Although most of Ireland left the UK in 1921, the 1800 Act has profoundly affected UK politics. Northern Ireland is the relic of the 1800 Act. Neither is the UK a federal state. Scotland and Northern Ireland do not have powers comparable to an American or an Australian state. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like Australian anti-federalism. When there have been subordinate parliaments (Northern Ireland 1921-72 and intermittently since 1999; Scotland and Wales since 1999), the supremacy of Westminster has been asserted by statute. There is a severe tension between the Diceyan concept of parliamentary sovereignty. Northern Ireland is a ‘federacy’, i.e., a self-governing unit whose constitution must not be unilaterally altered by the UK government. As England is the overwhelmingly dominant partner in the union state, English scholars, like the English population in general, have often been insensitive to these nuances. It is tempting to see England as simply the colonial oppressor of its three neighbours, getting by force the security or the economic advantage that it could not get by agreement. This picture fits Ireland reasonably well, Wales less well, and Scotland hardly at all. Even Ireland has always contained a substantial proportion of Unionists.
Iain McLean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This is the first survey of Unionism, the ideology of most of the rulers of the United Kingdom for the past 300 years. Because it was taken so much for granted, it has never been properly studied. In ...
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This is the first survey of Unionism, the ideology of most of the rulers of the United Kingdom for the past 300 years. Because it was taken so much for granted, it has never been properly studied. In the twilight of Unionism, it is possible to see its long shadow over British and imperial history since 1707. The book studies the crucial time points at which the Union was built up and partly taken down: 1707, 1800, 1886, 1921, 1974, and 1997 to date. Primordial Unionism (the belief that the union is good in and for itself) now survives only in Northern Ireland. Instrumental Unionism supported the Union as a means to other ends, such as the Empire and the Welfare State; but the first is gone and the second is now evolving differently in the four territories of the UK. Representation and finance are the unsolved, and arguably insoluble problems of the post-1997 devolution settlement.Less
This is the first survey of Unionism, the ideology of most of the rulers of the United Kingdom for the past 300 years. Because it was taken so much for granted, it has never been properly studied. In the twilight of Unionism, it is possible to see its long shadow over British and imperial history since 1707. The book studies the crucial time points at which the Union was built up and partly taken down: 1707, 1800, 1886, 1921, 1974, and 1997 to date. Primordial Unionism (the belief that the union is good in and for itself) now survives only in Northern Ireland. Instrumental Unionism supported the Union as a means to other ends, such as the Empire and the Welfare State; but the first is gone and the second is now evolving differently in the four territories of the UK. Representation and finance are the unsolved, and arguably insoluble problems of the post-1997 devolution settlement.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter discusses the policy implications of the weakening of Unionism. It considers the pressures on the Conservatives (historically the principled Unionist party, but whose advantage is now ...
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This chapter discusses the policy implications of the weakening of Unionism. It considers the pressures on the Conservatives (historically the principled Unionist party, but whose advantage is now served by such centrifugal factors as the advantage of having PR elections in the devolved territories), and on Labour (historically the party that has needed the Union for its centralist social policy, but which no longer needs Scottish and Welsh seats as much as it did); the fragility of union without unionism. It raises the question of whether Parliament or the people is sovereign.Less
This chapter discusses the policy implications of the weakening of Unionism. It considers the pressures on the Conservatives (historically the principled Unionist party, but whose advantage is now served by such centrifugal factors as the advantage of having PR elections in the devolved territories), and on Labour (historically the party that has needed the Union for its centralist social policy, but which no longer needs Scottish and Welsh seats as much as it did); the fragility of union without unionism. It raises the question of whether Parliament or the people is sovereign.
PRYS MORGAN
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207108
- eISBN:
- 9780191677496
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207108.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter discusses the civilizing process in Wales from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century. The absorption of the Welsh into the English state ...
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This chapter discusses the civilizing process in Wales from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century. The absorption of the Welsh into the English state system in the early sixteenth century was justified by English administrators on the grounds that the Welsh were murderous, barbarous, thieving rogues, civility in the eyes of such men being equated with law-abiding orderliness. The triumph of Protestantism and good order coming as a result of the Acts of Union of 1536 and 1543 may have contributed significantly in forwarding civility in Wales.Less
This chapter discusses the civilizing process in Wales from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century. The absorption of the Welsh into the English state system in the early sixteenth century was justified by English administrators on the grounds that the Welsh were murderous, barbarous, thieving rogues, civility in the eyes of such men being equated with law-abiding orderliness. The triumph of Protestantism and good order coming as a result of the Acts of Union of 1536 and 1543 may have contributed significantly in forwarding civility in Wales.