James D. Tracy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199209118
- eISBN:
- 9780191706134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199209118.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
As Holland's “common means” became the chief revenue of the confederate provinces, the Lords States managed to fend off efforts, by Orange and then by Leicester, to impose centralized control on ...
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As Holland's “common means” became the chief revenue of the confederate provinces, the Lords States managed to fend off efforts, by Orange and then by Leicester, to impose centralized control on these precious cash receipts. To cover the gap between income and war expenses, Holland continued borrowing, using burgher loans organized by the magistrates. To pay off enough debt to keep the loans coming, the states raised the rates for real property taxes (underline verpondingen); magistrates used receipts to repay their burghers. But still more was needed for debt settlement; in 1586 the states revised the use of long‐term underline renten, now to be issued by the towns, in the name of the Lords States. Holland's war debt thus rested on a pyramid of credit, with the states at the top, burgher‐lenders at the bottom, and town magistrates playing the crucial role of fiscal intermediation.Less
As Holland's “common means” became the chief revenue of the confederate provinces, the Lords States managed to fend off efforts, by Orange and then by Leicester, to impose centralized control on these precious cash receipts. To cover the gap between income and war expenses, Holland continued borrowing, using burgher loans organized by the magistrates. To pay off enough debt to keep the loans coming, the states raised the rates for real property taxes (underline verpondingen); magistrates used receipts to repay their burghers. But still more was needed for debt settlement; in 1586 the states revised the use of long‐term underline renten, now to be issued by the towns, in the name of the Lords States. Holland's war debt thus rested on a pyramid of credit, with the states at the top, burgher‐lenders at the bottom, and town magistrates playing the crucial role of fiscal intermediation.
Alistair Mutch
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780748699155
- eISBN:
- 9781474412513
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748699155.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
Presbyterianism has shaped Scotland and its impact on the world. Behind its beliefs lie some distinctive practices of governance which endure even when belief fades. These practices place a ...
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Presbyterianism has shaped Scotland and its impact on the world. Behind its beliefs lie some distinctive practices of governance which endure even when belief fades. These practices place a particular emphasis on the detailed recording of decisions and what we can term a ‘systemic’ form of accountability. This book examines the emergence and consolidation of such practices in the eighteenth century Church of Scotland. Using extensive archival research and detailed local case studies, it contrasts them to what is termed a ‘personal’ form of accountability in England in the same period. This supports the contrast that has been made by other authors between a focus on system in Scotland, character in England. The wider impact of this approach to governance and accountability, especially in the United States of America, is explored, as is the enduring impact of these practices in shaping Scottish identity. The detailed exploration of these practices, drawing on the rich archives of the Church of Scotland, can help inform ongoing debates about Scotland and its place in Britain.Less
Presbyterianism has shaped Scotland and its impact on the world. Behind its beliefs lie some distinctive practices of governance which endure even when belief fades. These practices place a particular emphasis on the detailed recording of decisions and what we can term a ‘systemic’ form of accountability. This book examines the emergence and consolidation of such practices in the eighteenth century Church of Scotland. Using extensive archival research and detailed local case studies, it contrasts them to what is termed a ‘personal’ form of accountability in England in the same period. This supports the contrast that has been made by other authors between a focus on system in Scotland, character in England. The wider impact of this approach to governance and accountability, especially in the United States of America, is explored, as is the enduring impact of these practices in shaping Scottish identity. The detailed exploration of these practices, drawing on the rich archives of the Church of Scotland, can help inform ongoing debates about Scotland and its place in Britain.
Richard Dowling
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097188
- eISBN:
- 9781526104281
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097188.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
Looks at the difficult balancing act required by the needs of freedom of information versus law enforcement. Richard Dowling, an RTE investigative journalist with considerable experience of using FOI ...
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Looks at the difficult balancing act required by the needs of freedom of information versus law enforcement. Richard Dowling, an RTE investigative journalist with considerable experience of using FOI legislation nationally and internationally, notes that unlike other states with FOI legislation, the Irish state has traditionally excluded the police force from FOI. This is set to change now that the Government has included An Garda S í och á na in the revised FOI legislation. In consequence, this chapter examines and questions that extension in order to assess how effective it is likely to be in practice. It notes that many parts of the organisation are excluded from the new FOI provisions and examines why this is the case, and how the Irish Act compares to other similar jurisdictions where the police are subject to FOI. Irish exemptions are compared with the FOI regimes in other jurisdictions, such as the United States and the United Kingdom, particularly in relation to the release of Irish material, which – ironically – may sometimes be obtained ‘second-hand’ from agencies in other states that are subject to FOI. An examination of this, and recent reports regarding gardaí and crime, reveals that the current FOI legislation, while welcome, remains limited in its capacity to deal with the Irish state’s approach to policing and accountabilityLess
Looks at the difficult balancing act required by the needs of freedom of information versus law enforcement. Richard Dowling, an RTE investigative journalist with considerable experience of using FOI legislation nationally and internationally, notes that unlike other states with FOI legislation, the Irish state has traditionally excluded the police force from FOI. This is set to change now that the Government has included An Garda S í och á na in the revised FOI legislation. In consequence, this chapter examines and questions that extension in order to assess how effective it is likely to be in practice. It notes that many parts of the organisation are excluded from the new FOI provisions and examines why this is the case, and how the Irish Act compares to other similar jurisdictions where the police are subject to FOI. Irish exemptions are compared with the FOI regimes in other jurisdictions, such as the United States and the United Kingdom, particularly in relation to the release of Irish material, which – ironically – may sometimes be obtained ‘second-hand’ from agencies in other states that are subject to FOI. An examination of this, and recent reports regarding gardaí and crime, reveals that the current FOI legislation, while welcome, remains limited in its capacity to deal with the Irish state’s approach to policing and accountability
Wilson Wong
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622098299
- eISBN:
- 9789882206779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622098299.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter explores an influential political institution in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR): the civil service. It also investigates the structural and systemic features of the ...
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This chapter explores an influential political institution in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR): the civil service. It also investigates the structural and systemic features of the civil service and the special role that its top guns—the administrative officers—play in the governance of Hong Kong. The chapter then argues that civil servants have been powerful political actors both before and after the handover and that they were seen (and still regard themselves) as the guardians of public interests. The reforms of the civil service—such as the Accountability System for Principal Officials, public sector reform, and civil service reform—are reported. In addition, the impacts of these reforms on the civil service system are explained. The chapter concludes by pointing out that the civil service remains an influential actor in the governance of the HKSAR, although it is too early to tell whether its reforms will lead to a better system of government.Less
This chapter explores an influential political institution in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR): the civil service. It also investigates the structural and systemic features of the civil service and the special role that its top guns—the administrative officers—play in the governance of Hong Kong. The chapter then argues that civil servants have been powerful political actors both before and after the handover and that they were seen (and still regard themselves) as the guardians of public interests. The reforms of the civil service—such as the Accountability System for Principal Officials, public sector reform, and civil service reform—are reported. In addition, the impacts of these reforms on the civil service system are explained. The chapter concludes by pointing out that the civil service remains an influential actor in the governance of the HKSAR, although it is too early to tell whether its reforms will lead to a better system of government.
Daniel Callahan
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199682676
- eISBN:
- 9780191763168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199682676.003.0077
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
The principle of “accountability for reasonableness” seems both wise and full of common sense, but several doubts and questions remain. In a political system such as that in the U.S., where the ...
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The principle of “accountability for reasonableness” seems both wise and full of common sense, but several doubts and questions remain. In a political system such as that in the U.S., where the highly polarized and contentious debate on health care reform is which is ongoing, decision-makers would likely be unable to carry out these principles even if they were committed to them. Moreover, for a “fair deliberative process” to occur, a range of stakeholders in this process must exist, but the discussion content is unclear. To add to the murkiness, the definition of “more deliberative”, how to find “fair-minded people” to carry out “fair process”, and the best pedagogical method for educating all stakeholders in this principle are all currently ambiguous. While raising these questions, the author does not mean to deny that accountability for reasonableness is a reasonable idea.Less
The principle of “accountability for reasonableness” seems both wise and full of common sense, but several doubts and questions remain. In a political system such as that in the U.S., where the highly polarized and contentious debate on health care reform is which is ongoing, decision-makers would likely be unable to carry out these principles even if they were committed to them. Moreover, for a “fair deliberative process” to occur, a range of stakeholders in this process must exist, but the discussion content is unclear. To add to the murkiness, the definition of “more deliberative”, how to find “fair-minded people” to carry out “fair process”, and the best pedagogical method for educating all stakeholders in this principle are all currently ambiguous. While raising these questions, the author does not mean to deny that accountability for reasonableness is a reasonable idea.
Taro Okuda
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199682676
- eISBN:
- 9780191763168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199682676.003.0078
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This paper examines Norman Daniels’ approach toward “Accountability for Reasonableness” through an analogy with archives, especially with regard to qualification for deliberation, the relationship ...
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This paper examines Norman Daniels’ approach toward “Accountability for Reasonableness” through an analogy with archives, especially with regard to qualification for deliberation, the relationship between procedure and outcome, and the necessity for empirical evidence. First, when a deliberative process is adopted, we may encounter two questions: 1) Who is in an appropriate position to deliberate upon and resolve priority-setting decisions? 2) Who should manage and maintain the results of deliberation? To answer these, we take recourse to an analogy with the case of archivist. Secondly, a deliberative process may be suspected to silence counter-claims unknowingly through its procedure; therefore, it needs an agent equivalent to an archivist. Finally, despite Daniel’s concession, “Accountability for Reasonableness” does not necessarily require the obtainment of strict empirical evidence; simple ethical implication for policy making will suffice.Less
This paper examines Norman Daniels’ approach toward “Accountability for Reasonableness” through an analogy with archives, especially with regard to qualification for deliberation, the relationship between procedure and outcome, and the necessity for empirical evidence. First, when a deliberative process is adopted, we may encounter two questions: 1) Who is in an appropriate position to deliberate upon and resolve priority-setting decisions? 2) Who should manage and maintain the results of deliberation? To answer these, we take recourse to an analogy with the case of archivist. Secondly, a deliberative process may be suspected to silence counter-claims unknowingly through its procedure; therefore, it needs an agent equivalent to an archivist. Finally, despite Daniel’s concession, “Accountability for Reasonableness” does not necessarily require the obtainment of strict empirical evidence; simple ethical implication for policy making will suffice.
James Sabin and Norman Daniels
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199682676
- eISBN:
- 9780191763168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199682676.003.0081
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
Accountability for reasonableness is no panacea for various political problems. Daniel Callahan suggests that accountability for reasonableness requires strong leadership—perhaps the leadership of a ...
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Accountability for reasonableness is no panacea for various political problems. Daniel Callahan suggests that accountability for reasonableness requires strong leadership—perhaps the leadership of a judge—and we agree that proper management of the decision-making process requires strong leadership. Prof. Okuda suggests that there is an important historical component (he refers to “archives”), and the authors agree that it is the historical accumulation of a record of public rationales that constitutes the commitments of decision-makers over time. Prof. Inoue suggests that social consensus on a principle such as equality of opportunity may allow appropriate priority setting decisions, but the authors argue that such general principles are too indeterminate and the authors doubt there is social consensus on fine-grained principles that can resolve disagreements. The process requires participants selected appropriately given the context; they must be committed to finding mutually acceptable justifications. Ethical deliberation does not require technical expertise.Less
Accountability for reasonableness is no panacea for various political problems. Daniel Callahan suggests that accountability for reasonableness requires strong leadership—perhaps the leadership of a judge—and we agree that proper management of the decision-making process requires strong leadership. Prof. Okuda suggests that there is an important historical component (he refers to “archives”), and the authors agree that it is the historical accumulation of a record of public rationales that constitutes the commitments of decision-makers over time. Prof. Inoue suggests that social consensus on a principle such as equality of opportunity may allow appropriate priority setting decisions, but the authors argue that such general principles are too indeterminate and the authors doubt there is social consensus on fine-grained principles that can resolve disagreements. The process requires participants selected appropriately given the context; they must be committed to finding mutually acceptable justifications. Ethical deliberation does not require technical expertise.
Sara B. Hobolt and James Tilley
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199665686
- eISBN:
- 9780191756115
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199665686.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
A key component of democratic accountability is that citizens understand ’who is to blame’. Nonetheless, little is known about how citizens attribute responsibility in the European Union, or how ...
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A key component of democratic accountability is that citizens understand ’who is to blame’. Nonetheless, little is known about how citizens attribute responsibility in the European Union, or how those perceptions of responsibility matter. This book presents the first comprehensive account of how citizens assign blame to the EU, how politicians and the media attempt to shift blame, and finally, how it matters for electoral democracy. Based on rich and unique data sources, Blaming Europe? sheds light on all three aspects of responsibility in the EU. First, it shows that while institutional differences between countries shape citizen judgements of EU responsibility, those judgements are also highly determined by pre-existing attitudes towards the EU. Second, it demonstrates that neither politicians nor the media assign much blame to the EU. Third, it establishes that, regardless of whether voters are capable of accurately assigning responsibility, they are not able to hold their EU representatives to account via the ballot box in European elections due to the lack of an identifiable ’European government’ to reward or punish. As a consequence, when citizens hold the EU responsible for poor performance, but are unable to sanction an EU incumbent, they lose trust in the EU as a whole instead. In conclusion, this book argues that this ’accountability deficit’ has significant implications for the future of the European Union.Less
A key component of democratic accountability is that citizens understand ’who is to blame’. Nonetheless, little is known about how citizens attribute responsibility in the European Union, or how those perceptions of responsibility matter. This book presents the first comprehensive account of how citizens assign blame to the EU, how politicians and the media attempt to shift blame, and finally, how it matters for electoral democracy. Based on rich and unique data sources, Blaming Europe? sheds light on all three aspects of responsibility in the EU. First, it shows that while institutional differences between countries shape citizen judgements of EU responsibility, those judgements are also highly determined by pre-existing attitudes towards the EU. Second, it demonstrates that neither politicians nor the media assign much blame to the EU. Third, it establishes that, regardless of whether voters are capable of accurately assigning responsibility, they are not able to hold their EU representatives to account via the ballot box in European elections due to the lack of an identifiable ’European government’ to reward or punish. As a consequence, when citizens hold the EU responsible for poor performance, but are unable to sanction an EU incumbent, they lose trust in the EU as a whole instead. In conclusion, this book argues that this ’accountability deficit’ has significant implications for the future of the European Union.
Colin Copus
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719088322
- eISBN:
- 9781526104236
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719088322.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter examines what is known from past studies about the roles of the councillor and reviews, briefly those studies to provide a framework for the rest of the book. It contributes to councillor ...
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The chapter examines what is known from past studies about the roles of the councillor and reviews, briefly those studies to provide a framework for the rest of the book. It contributes to councillor role theory by exploring how accountability of political leadership is often a missing part of councillors’ repertoire. The chapter explores the gap between councillors’ perceptions of the differing importance of their various roles and their behaviour in contributing to them and accounts for that gap. The chapter questions the neat distinctions often made between the internal council focused work of the councillor and the external community focused work by suggesting that such neat distinctions do not portray the reality of the messiness of the councillors’ experiences.Less
The chapter examines what is known from past studies about the roles of the councillor and reviews, briefly those studies to provide a framework for the rest of the book. It contributes to councillor role theory by exploring how accountability of political leadership is often a missing part of councillors’ repertoire. The chapter explores the gap between councillors’ perceptions of the differing importance of their various roles and their behaviour in contributing to them and accounts for that gap. The chapter questions the neat distinctions often made between the internal council focused work of the councillor and the external community focused work by suggesting that such neat distinctions do not portray the reality of the messiness of the councillors’ experiences.
Colin Copus
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719088322
- eISBN:
- 9781526104236
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719088322.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter examines the strategies and approaches councillors develop to interact with a wide range of players in governance networks. It explores how, if at all, councillors attempt to influence ...
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The chapter examines the strategies and approaches councillors develop to interact with a wide range of players in governance networks. It explores how, if at all, councillors attempt to influence and shape the policies of public bodies beyond the council which spend public money and make policy decisions but do so without the democratic mandate granted to the councillor and council. The chapter examines the importance of the legitimacy to act granted councillors and councils by the electoral process when it comes to navigating governance networks and how that mandate can be used to secure the accountability of un-elected bodies and decision-makers. It examines the individual choices made by councillors about whether and how they will engage in networks beyond the council and suggests that to hold networks and their participants to account councils must support councillors in this activity as a central feature of their office.Less
The chapter examines the strategies and approaches councillors develop to interact with a wide range of players in governance networks. It explores how, if at all, councillors attempt to influence and shape the policies of public bodies beyond the council which spend public money and make policy decisions but do so without the democratic mandate granted to the councillor and council. The chapter examines the importance of the legitimacy to act granted councillors and councils by the electoral process when it comes to navigating governance networks and how that mandate can be used to secure the accountability of un-elected bodies and decision-makers. It examines the individual choices made by councillors about whether and how they will engage in networks beyond the council and suggests that to hold networks and their participants to account councils must support councillors in this activity as a central feature of their office.
Philippa Tomczak
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781529203585
- eISBN:
- 9781529203691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529203585.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter illustrates the series of post-suicide investigators, including the police, ombudsman and coroner. It examines the 2013-2016 suicide cluster at HMP Woodhill to illustrate these ...
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This chapter illustrates the series of post-suicide investigators, including the police, ombudsman and coroner. It examines the 2013-2016 suicide cluster at HMP Woodhill to illustrate these investigations, their value and their limitations. It concludes that the post-suicide investigations are broadly Article 2 compliant and offer no shortage of vigorous critique, but also explains that Article 2 does not require that lessons be learnt and does not direct accountability to those with the capacity to implement said lessons. This is a greater limitation in England and Wales than the more commonly recognised issues with family participation and independence. The discourse of lesson learning is shown to be unhelpful in many cases of prison suicide, manufacturing mystery where there is none. It is not a mystery when prisoners die with untreated mental health problems because the prison’s mental health team is severely understaffed and has been for years, as identified multiple times by multiple prison overseers. The discourse of lesson learning also obfuscates the role of deliberate political decisions in reducing staffing levels and increasing the prison population such that staff are set up to fail and cannot follow Prison Service Orders and Instructions.Less
This chapter illustrates the series of post-suicide investigators, including the police, ombudsman and coroner. It examines the 2013-2016 suicide cluster at HMP Woodhill to illustrate these investigations, their value and their limitations. It concludes that the post-suicide investigations are broadly Article 2 compliant and offer no shortage of vigorous critique, but also explains that Article 2 does not require that lessons be learnt and does not direct accountability to those with the capacity to implement said lessons. This is a greater limitation in England and Wales than the more commonly recognised issues with family participation and independence. The discourse of lesson learning is shown to be unhelpful in many cases of prison suicide, manufacturing mystery where there is none. It is not a mystery when prisoners die with untreated mental health problems because the prison’s mental health team is severely understaffed and has been for years, as identified multiple times by multiple prison overseers. The discourse of lesson learning also obfuscates the role of deliberate political decisions in reducing staffing levels and increasing the prison population such that staff are set up to fail and cannot follow Prison Service Orders and Instructions.
Philippa Tomczak
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781529203585
- eISBN:
- 9781529203691
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529203585.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter explores prison staff and prisoners’ families’ experiences of the full complement of post-prison suicide investigations. It highlights the burden that these investigations can impose on ...
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This chapter explores prison staff and prisoners’ families’ experiences of the full complement of post-prison suicide investigations. It highlights the burden that these investigations can impose on bereaved families and prison staff. It raises concerns about the degree of scrutiny to which prison staff can be subjected given their limited agency. It notes the unclear relationship between the findings of post-suicide investigations and suicide prevention. It restates the need for accountability of political decision makers. A publicly resourced independent support service for bereaved families is suggested.Less
This chapter explores prison staff and prisoners’ families’ experiences of the full complement of post-prison suicide investigations. It highlights the burden that these investigations can impose on bereaved families and prison staff. It raises concerns about the degree of scrutiny to which prison staff can be subjected given their limited agency. It notes the unclear relationship between the findings of post-suicide investigations and suicide prevention. It restates the need for accountability of political decision makers. A publicly resourced independent support service for bereaved families is suggested.
Gary Watson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199753673
- eISBN:
- 9780199918829
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199753673.003.0013
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
Psychopathy underscores a persistent tension in our conception of moral agency. On the one hand, psychopaths are rational creatures who are capable of deliberately injuring, manipulating, and ...
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Psychopathy underscores a persistent tension in our conception of moral agency. On the one hand, psychopaths are rational creatures who are capable of deliberately injuring, manipulating, and defrauding. When they do so, they strike us as apt candidates for resentment and moral indignation, and we typically respond accordingly. On the other hand, psychopaths are constitutionally incapable recognizing the interests of others as making any valid claim on them. They are in this way disabled from participating in moral discourse and moral practice. This incapacity seems to be necessary for moral accountability. Their capacity for malice supports the attribution of responsible agency to them. Their lack of accountability supports the denial of responsibility. This tension explains the ambivalence that many feel toward psychopaths. This paper explores some implications of this tension for moral theory and practice, with special reference to T. M. Scanlon’s account of moral agency as the capacity for rational self-governance. I argue that Scanlon’s account fails to capture the condition of accountability and is furthermore at odds with a natural understanding of the agency required for contractualist moral theory. Nonetheless, we find in his work a conception of blame that illuminates our responses to psychopathic agency.Less
Psychopathy underscores a persistent tension in our conception of moral agency. On the one hand, psychopaths are rational creatures who are capable of deliberately injuring, manipulating, and defrauding. When they do so, they strike us as apt candidates for resentment and moral indignation, and we typically respond accordingly. On the other hand, psychopaths are constitutionally incapable recognizing the interests of others as making any valid claim on them. They are in this way disabled from participating in moral discourse and moral practice. This incapacity seems to be necessary for moral accountability. Their capacity for malice supports the attribution of responsible agency to them. Their lack of accountability supports the denial of responsibility. This tension explains the ambivalence that many feel toward psychopaths. This paper explores some implications of this tension for moral theory and practice, with special reference to T. M. Scanlon’s account of moral agency as the capacity for rational self-governance. I argue that Scanlon’s account fails to capture the condition of accountability and is furthermore at odds with a natural understanding of the agency required for contractualist moral theory. Nonetheless, we find in his work a conception of blame that illuminates our responses to psychopathic agency.
Graham Bullock
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780262036429
- eISBN:
- 9780262340984
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262036429.003.0003
- Subject:
- Environmental Science, Environmental Studies
Chapter 3 begins with a decision scenario involving the Forest Stewardship Council and Sustainable Forestry Initiative. They both provide information about toilet paper greenness, but which of these ...
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Chapter 3 begins with a decision scenario involving the Forest Stewardship Council and Sustainable Forestry Initiative. They both provide information about toilet paper greenness, but which of these claims should we trust? The concepts of trustworthiness, accountability, credibility, and legitimacy are introduced to address this question, and then used to analyze the 245 cases of eco-labels and sustainability ratings in the EEPAC Dataset. Accountability relationships to funders, advisors and other actors in the public, private, and civil sectors are analyzed, and the reputational and trustworthiness implications of these relationships are discussed. Signals of credibility, such as expertise and independence, are also identified and discussed. The chapter concludes with a discussion of promising and problematic organizational practices related to organizational trustworthiness, and particularly those that enhance the transparency and clarity of a program’s accountability relationships.Less
Chapter 3 begins with a decision scenario involving the Forest Stewardship Council and Sustainable Forestry Initiative. They both provide information about toilet paper greenness, but which of these claims should we trust? The concepts of trustworthiness, accountability, credibility, and legitimacy are introduced to address this question, and then used to analyze the 245 cases of eco-labels and sustainability ratings in the EEPAC Dataset. Accountability relationships to funders, advisors and other actors in the public, private, and civil sectors are analyzed, and the reputational and trustworthiness implications of these relationships are discussed. Signals of credibility, such as expertise and independence, are also identified and discussed. The chapter concludes with a discussion of promising and problematic organizational practices related to organizational trustworthiness, and particularly those that enhance the transparency and clarity of a program’s accountability relationships.
Willem H. Buiter
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780197265864
- eISBN:
- 9780191772016
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265864.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, World Early Modern History
The economic and political importance of central banks has grown markedly in advanced economies since the start of the Great Financial Crisis in 2007. In this article it is argued that the ...
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The economic and political importance of central banks has grown markedly in advanced economies since the start of the Great Financial Crisis in 2007. In this article it is argued that the preservation of the central bank’s legitimacy and independence requires that a clear line be drawn between the central bank’s provision of liquidity and the Treasury’s solvency support for systemically important financial institutions. Central banks should not be materially involved in regulation and supervision of the financial sector. All activities of the central bank that expose it to material credit risk should be guaranteed by the Treasury. In addition, central banks must increase their accountability by increasing the transparency of their lender-of-last-resort and market-maker-of-last resort activities. Central banks ought not to engage in quasi-fiscal activities. Finally, central banks should stick to their knitting and central bankers should not become participants in public debates and deeply political arguments about matters beyond their mandate and competence, including fiscal policy and structural reform.Less
The economic and political importance of central banks has grown markedly in advanced economies since the start of the Great Financial Crisis in 2007. In this article it is argued that the preservation of the central bank’s legitimacy and independence requires that a clear line be drawn between the central bank’s provision of liquidity and the Treasury’s solvency support for systemically important financial institutions. Central banks should not be materially involved in regulation and supervision of the financial sector. All activities of the central bank that expose it to material credit risk should be guaranteed by the Treasury. In addition, central banks must increase their accountability by increasing the transparency of their lender-of-last-resort and market-maker-of-last resort activities. Central banks ought not to engage in quasi-fiscal activities. Finally, central banks should stick to their knitting and central bankers should not become participants in public debates and deeply political arguments about matters beyond their mandate and competence, including fiscal policy and structural reform.
Irit Samet
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- February 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198766773
- eISBN:
- 9780191821042
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198766773.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
The Law of Equity is a unique junction where doctrinal private law, moral theory, and social perceptions of justice meet. This book explores the general principles that underlie Equity’s intervention ...
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The Law of Equity is a unique junction where doctrinal private law, moral theory, and social perceptions of justice meet. This book explores the general principles that underlie Equity’s intervention in the Common Law, with Chapter 1 arguing that Equity should be preserved as a separate body of law which aims to align moral and legal duties in private law. Chapter 2 discusses the importance of proprietary estoppel and concludes with the argument that Equity, via the doctrine of proprietary estoppel, is redressing a significant failure in the Common Law to tackle behaviour that disregards both morality and efficiency. Chapter 3 deals with fiduciary law, highlighting the disadvantages of transforming the equitable duty of loyalty into an ordinary contractual obligation. Chapter 4 examines the clean hands doctrine, in which Equity employs the concept of integrity to construct a coherent system of reasoning about this highly-complex area. Finally, Chapter 5 discusses some findings from the analysis of fiduciary law, proprietary estoppel, and the clean hands doctrine. It highlights the family resemblance between the different doctrines we survey, and points out three areas where the distinctive nature of Equity serves the legal ideal of Accountability Correspondence, in a way that often increases the efficiency of the system.Less
The Law of Equity is a unique junction where doctrinal private law, moral theory, and social perceptions of justice meet. This book explores the general principles that underlie Equity’s intervention in the Common Law, with Chapter 1 arguing that Equity should be preserved as a separate body of law which aims to align moral and legal duties in private law. Chapter 2 discusses the importance of proprietary estoppel and concludes with the argument that Equity, via the doctrine of proprietary estoppel, is redressing a significant failure in the Common Law to tackle behaviour that disregards both morality and efficiency. Chapter 3 deals with fiduciary law, highlighting the disadvantages of transforming the equitable duty of loyalty into an ordinary contractual obligation. Chapter 4 examines the clean hands doctrine, in which Equity employs the concept of integrity to construct a coherent system of reasoning about this highly-complex area. Finally, Chapter 5 discusses some findings from the analysis of fiduciary law, proprietary estoppel, and the clean hands doctrine. It highlights the family resemblance between the different doctrines we survey, and points out three areas where the distinctive nature of Equity serves the legal ideal of Accountability Correspondence, in a way that often increases the efficiency of the system.
Nadejda K Marinova
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- June 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190623418
- eISBN:
- 9780190623432
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190623418.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Comparative Politics
This book focuses on a previously unexamined phenomenon: how host governments utilize diasporas to advance their foreign policy agendas in mutually beneficial ways. The book advances a four-factor ...
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This book focuses on a previously unexamined phenomenon: how host governments utilize diasporas to advance their foreign policy agendas in mutually beneficial ways. The book advances a four-factor theoretical model to analyze the phenomenon for when this occurs, and it delves into the multiple avenues across which it takes place, in a variety of regimes, and across political, security, and commercial matters, proposing a classification with examples worldwide. It shows how, with the endorsement of the host government, select diaspora groups become spokespersons for a heterogeneous diaspora at large, advancing their interests and those of the host state. The contribution is grounded in research on diaspora and migration, ethnic lobbies, and transnationalism. The eight cases of testing the model include the Lebanese-American diaspora on policy toward Syria and Lebanon under George W. Bush, including UN Security Council Resolution 1559 and the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act; the Iraqi National Congress and the US administration in “selling” the 2003 Iraq war to the US and international public; the two ends of the political spectrum of Cuban-American organizations on Cuba policy under Presidents Carter and Reagan; the Iranian government’s use of Shi’i clerics from the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq (1982–2003) vis-à-vis Iraq and with Iraqi refugees and prisoners of war. In commercial matters, it includes the multidiaspora International Diaspora Engagement Alliance (IdEA) of the US State Department (2011–) directed at homeland development; and the Brazilian state and Syro-Lebanese members of the Arab-Brazilian Chamber of Commerce since the 1970s, as an intermediary with the Arab League.Less
This book focuses on a previously unexamined phenomenon: how host governments utilize diasporas to advance their foreign policy agendas in mutually beneficial ways. The book advances a four-factor theoretical model to analyze the phenomenon for when this occurs, and it delves into the multiple avenues across which it takes place, in a variety of regimes, and across political, security, and commercial matters, proposing a classification with examples worldwide. It shows how, with the endorsement of the host government, select diaspora groups become spokespersons for a heterogeneous diaspora at large, advancing their interests and those of the host state. The contribution is grounded in research on diaspora and migration, ethnic lobbies, and transnationalism. The eight cases of testing the model include the Lebanese-American diaspora on policy toward Syria and Lebanon under George W. Bush, including UN Security Council Resolution 1559 and the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act; the Iraqi National Congress and the US administration in “selling” the 2003 Iraq war to the US and international public; the two ends of the political spectrum of Cuban-American organizations on Cuba policy under Presidents Carter and Reagan; the Iranian government’s use of Shi’i clerics from the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq (1982–2003) vis-à-vis Iraq and with Iraqi refugees and prisoners of war. In commercial matters, it includes the multidiaspora International Diaspora Engagement Alliance (IdEA) of the US State Department (2011–) directed at homeland development; and the Brazilian state and Syro-Lebanese members of the Arab-Brazilian Chamber of Commerce since the 1970s, as an intermediary with the Arab League.
Jack Knight and Melissa Schwartzberg (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781479842933
- eISBN:
- 9781479857609
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479842933.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In Privatization, a distinguished interdisciplinary group of scholars in political science, law and philosophy examine the implications of transferring state-provided or state-owned goods and ...
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In Privatization, a distinguished interdisciplinary group of scholars in political science, law and philosophy examine the implications of transferring state-provided or state-owned goods and services to the private sector. The twelve essays in this volume consider how we should evaluate the decision to privatize, both with respect to the quality of outcomes that might be produced, and in terms of the effects of privatization on the core values underlying democratic decision-making. Privatization also affects the structure of governance in a variety of important ways, and these essays evaluate the consequences of privatization on the state. This new addition to the NOMOS series sheds new light on these highly salient questions of contemporary political life and institutional design.Less
In Privatization, a distinguished interdisciplinary group of scholars in political science, law and philosophy examine the implications of transferring state-provided or state-owned goods and services to the private sector. The twelve essays in this volume consider how we should evaluate the decision to privatize, both with respect to the quality of outcomes that might be produced, and in terms of the effects of privatization on the core values underlying democratic decision-making. Privatization also affects the structure of governance in a variety of important ways, and these essays evaluate the consequences of privatization on the state. This new addition to the NOMOS series sheds new light on these highly salient questions of contemporary political life and institutional design.
Ann Russo
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780814777169
- eISBN:
- 9780814777176
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814777169.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
The book is divided into three sections: The first section, Cultivating Feminist Accountability, explores practices of accountability that embrace critical engagement of the power lines that shape ...
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The book is divided into three sections: The first section, Cultivating Feminist Accountability, explores practices of accountability that embrace critical engagement of the power lines that shape our identities, relationships, and communities as we engage in feminist movement building and social change. The second section, Building Community Accountability and Transformative Justice, explores the concept and practice of community accountability and transformative justice within the context of U.S.-based feminist antiviolence movements. It introduces the feminist-of-color led efforts to shift from the dominant paradigm of institutionalized social services and carceral legal reform to community-based support, intervention, accountability, and transformation. The third section, (Re)Imagining Feminist Solidarity Politics, explores how a framework of feminist accountability can serve to disrupt and disentangle US-based feminist storytelling about the issues facing women of the global south from US imperial logics. Such a shift is essential for making visible the deep and historic relationship between and across these global divides and for creating possibilities for a solidarity based in mutuality, reciprocity and respect.Less
The book is divided into three sections: The first section, Cultivating Feminist Accountability, explores practices of accountability that embrace critical engagement of the power lines that shape our identities, relationships, and communities as we engage in feminist movement building and social change. The second section, Building Community Accountability and Transformative Justice, explores the concept and practice of community accountability and transformative justice within the context of U.S.-based feminist antiviolence movements. It introduces the feminist-of-color led efforts to shift from the dominant paradigm of institutionalized social services and carceral legal reform to community-based support, intervention, accountability, and transformation. The third section, (Re)Imagining Feminist Solidarity Politics, explores how a framework of feminist accountability can serve to disrupt and disentangle US-based feminist storytelling about the issues facing women of the global south from US imperial logics. Such a shift is essential for making visible the deep and historic relationship between and across these global divides and for creating possibilities for a solidarity based in mutuality, reciprocity and respect.
James B. Jacobs
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195176582
- eISBN:
- 9780199850020
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195176582.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This chapter considers the feasibility of perfecting the FFA-GCA-Brady Law regime by extending the background check and waiting period requirement to sales at gun shows and ultimately to all ...
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This chapter considers the feasibility of perfecting the FFA-GCA-Brady Law regime by extending the background check and waiting period requirement to sales at gun shows and ultimately to all secondary sales. In particular, it focuses on the proposed Gun Show Accountability Act (GSAA) that proponents put forward as a plan for “closing the gun show loophole”. Subjecting all firearms purchasers at gun shows to a background check ought to be a step foward regardless of whether the seller has a license and a place of business. But the logistics of implementing and enforcing a universal background check for all firearms purchasers are daunting. At a minimum, it would require a comprehensive gun registration program.Less
This chapter considers the feasibility of perfecting the FFA-GCA-Brady Law regime by extending the background check and waiting period requirement to sales at gun shows and ultimately to all secondary sales. In particular, it focuses on the proposed Gun Show Accountability Act (GSAA) that proponents put forward as a plan for “closing the gun show loophole”. Subjecting all firearms purchasers at gun shows to a background check ought to be a step foward regardless of whether the seller has a license and a place of business. But the logistics of implementing and enforcing a universal background check for all firearms purchasers are daunting. At a minimum, it would require a comprehensive gun registration program.
