Jessie Blackbourn, Fiona de Londras, and Lydia Morgan
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529206234
- eISBN:
- 9781529206289
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529206234.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
The United Kingdom should now be understood as a counter-terrorist state, that is a state in which counter-terrorism law, policy, discourse, and operations are mainstreamed across the domains of law ...
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The United Kingdom should now be understood as a counter-terrorist state, that is a state in which counter-terrorism law, policy, discourse, and operations are mainstreamed across the domains of law and government in forms that are conceptualised and designed as ‘permanent’ in at least some cases; in which non-state actors are responsibilised for counter-terrorism; and in which all persons are the subjects of counter-terrorism, although not to equal degrees. This book argues that counter-terrorism review—which it defines as the legal, political, and policy processes that consider the application and impacts of counter-terrorism law and policy in theory as well as in practice, with a view to assessing its merits and contributing towards its improvement—has the capacity to enhance accountability in the counter-terrorist state. Building on exclusive interviews with political actors and practitioners, as well as detailed empirical analysis of existing reviews—it presents the first comprehensive, critical analysis of counter-terrorism review in the United Kingdom. While this reveals substantial pockets of good practice, it also shows that the accountability enhancing potential of counter-terrorism review is limited in practice by executive domination, parliamentary limitations, persistent state secrecy, and the absence of trust in the counter-terrorist state.Less
The United Kingdom should now be understood as a counter-terrorist state, that is a state in which counter-terrorism law, policy, discourse, and operations are mainstreamed across the domains of law and government in forms that are conceptualised and designed as ‘permanent’ in at least some cases; in which non-state actors are responsibilised for counter-terrorism; and in which all persons are the subjects of counter-terrorism, although not to equal degrees. This book argues that counter-terrorism review—which it defines as the legal, political, and policy processes that consider the application and impacts of counter-terrorism law and policy in theory as well as in practice, with a view to assessing its merits and contributing towards its improvement—has the capacity to enhance accountability in the counter-terrorist state. Building on exclusive interviews with political actors and practitioners, as well as detailed empirical analysis of existing reviews—it presents the first comprehensive, critical analysis of counter-terrorism review in the United Kingdom. While this reveals substantial pockets of good practice, it also shows that the accountability enhancing potential of counter-terrorism review is limited in practice by executive domination, parliamentary limitations, persistent state secrecy, and the absence of trust in the counter-terrorist state.
James D. Tracy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199209118
- eISBN:
- 9780191706134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199209118.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
As Holland's “common means” became the chief revenue of the confederate provinces, the Lords States managed to fend off efforts, by Orange and then by Leicester, to impose centralized control on ...
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As Holland's “common means” became the chief revenue of the confederate provinces, the Lords States managed to fend off efforts, by Orange and then by Leicester, to impose centralized control on these precious cash receipts. To cover the gap between income and war expenses, Holland continued borrowing, using burgher loans organized by the magistrates. To pay off enough debt to keep the loans coming, the states raised the rates for real property taxes (underline verpondingen); magistrates used receipts to repay their burghers. But still more was needed for debt settlement; in 1586 the states revised the use of long‐term underline renten, now to be issued by the towns, in the name of the Lords States. Holland's war debt thus rested on a pyramid of credit, with the states at the top, burgher‐lenders at the bottom, and town magistrates playing the crucial role of fiscal intermediation.Less
As Holland's “common means” became the chief revenue of the confederate provinces, the Lords States managed to fend off efforts, by Orange and then by Leicester, to impose centralized control on these precious cash receipts. To cover the gap between income and war expenses, Holland continued borrowing, using burgher loans organized by the magistrates. To pay off enough debt to keep the loans coming, the states raised the rates for real property taxes (underline verpondingen); magistrates used receipts to repay their burghers. But still more was needed for debt settlement; in 1586 the states revised the use of long‐term underline renten, now to be issued by the towns, in the name of the Lords States. Holland's war debt thus rested on a pyramid of credit, with the states at the top, burgher‐lenders at the bottom, and town magistrates playing the crucial role of fiscal intermediation.
Jessie Blackbourn, Fiona de Londras, and Lydia Morgan
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529206234
- eISBN:
- 9781529206289
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529206234.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
Although counter-terrorism review often works well in the United Kingdom, challenges to realising the accountability potential of counter-terrorism review persist. In large part, those challenges ...
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Although counter-terrorism review often works well in the United Kingdom, challenges to realising the accountability potential of counter-terrorism review persist. In large part, those challenges reflect the persistence of exceptionalist thinking within the counter-terrorist state. This chapter zooms out from the detailed accounts given in Chapters 2 and 3 to problematise counter-terrorism review from the perspective of accountability. In doing so it dwells on four persistent challenges that emerge from the analysis of counter-terrorism review: the secret state, the abundance of executive control, the limitations of Parliament, and the absence of trust. These challenges have a serious impact on counter-terrorism review but, to a large extent, this chapter argues that their resolution may be beyond the reach of the assemblage itself.Less
Although counter-terrorism review often works well in the United Kingdom, challenges to realising the accountability potential of counter-terrorism review persist. In large part, those challenges reflect the persistence of exceptionalist thinking within the counter-terrorist state. This chapter zooms out from the detailed accounts given in Chapters 2 and 3 to problematise counter-terrorism review from the perspective of accountability. In doing so it dwells on four persistent challenges that emerge from the analysis of counter-terrorism review: the secret state, the abundance of executive control, the limitations of Parliament, and the absence of trust. These challenges have a serious impact on counter-terrorism review but, to a large extent, this chapter argues that their resolution may be beyond the reach of the assemblage itself.
Jessie Blackbourn, Fiona de Londras, and Lydia Morgan
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529206234
- eISBN:
- 9781529206289
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529206234.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This concluding chapter argues that, notwithstanding the successes of counter-terrorism review, the counter-terrorist state is not characterised by a commitment to meaningful accountability through ...
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This concluding chapter argues that, notwithstanding the successes of counter-terrorism review, the counter-terrorist state is not characterised by a commitment to meaningful accountability through evaluative counter-terrorism review. It argues that meaningful accountability requires a commitment to evaluation, to the diversification of evidence, to hearing and recognising the importance of communities’ experiences of the unintended social and security impacts of counter-terrorism, and to the possibility of change. These commitments are not yet in evidence, and without them the chapter argues the counter-terrorist state struggles to establish liberal democratic legitimacy. Such a shift would require the state to recognise that counter-terrorism is now an ordinary state of affairs and that, as a result, the state can no longer appeal to ‘the exception’ in the attempt to exempt itself from our ordinary constitutional expectations when taking steps to combat terrorism. Instead, the conclusion argues, it must inculcate a culture of justification in counter-terrorism that is based not only on bare claims of necessity, but on arguments of legitimacy, legality, long- and short-term effectiveness, rights-respectfulness, and openness to challenge.Less
This concluding chapter argues that, notwithstanding the successes of counter-terrorism review, the counter-terrorist state is not characterised by a commitment to meaningful accountability through evaluative counter-terrorism review. It argues that meaningful accountability requires a commitment to evaluation, to the diversification of evidence, to hearing and recognising the importance of communities’ experiences of the unintended social and security impacts of counter-terrorism, and to the possibility of change. These commitments are not yet in evidence, and without them the chapter argues the counter-terrorist state struggles to establish liberal democratic legitimacy. Such a shift would require the state to recognise that counter-terrorism is now an ordinary state of affairs and that, as a result, the state can no longer appeal to ‘the exception’ in the attempt to exempt itself from our ordinary constitutional expectations when taking steps to combat terrorism. Instead, the conclusion argues, it must inculcate a culture of justification in counter-terrorism that is based not only on bare claims of necessity, but on arguments of legitimacy, legality, long- and short-term effectiveness, rights-respectfulness, and openness to challenge.
Jack Knight and Melissa Schwartzberg (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781479842933
- eISBN:
- 9781479857609
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479842933.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In Privatization, a distinguished interdisciplinary group of scholars in political science, law and philosophy examine the implications of transferring state-provided or state-owned goods and ...
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In Privatization, a distinguished interdisciplinary group of scholars in political science, law and philosophy examine the implications of transferring state-provided or state-owned goods and services to the private sector. The twelve essays in this volume consider how we should evaluate the decision to privatize, both with respect to the quality of outcomes that might be produced, and in terms of the effects of privatization on the core values underlying democratic decision-making. Privatization also affects the structure of governance in a variety of important ways, and these essays evaluate the consequences of privatization on the state. This new addition to the NOMOS series sheds new light on these highly salient questions of contemporary political life and institutional design.Less
In Privatization, a distinguished interdisciplinary group of scholars in political science, law and philosophy examine the implications of transferring state-provided or state-owned goods and services to the private sector. The twelve essays in this volume consider how we should evaluate the decision to privatize, both with respect to the quality of outcomes that might be produced, and in terms of the effects of privatization on the core values underlying democratic decision-making. Privatization also affects the structure of governance in a variety of important ways, and these essays evaluate the consequences of privatization on the state. This new addition to the NOMOS series sheds new light on these highly salient questions of contemporary political life and institutional design.
Damien Van Puyvelde
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781474450225
- eISBN:
- 9781474465267
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474450225.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
In the 21st century, more than any other time, US agencies have relied on contractors to conduct core intelligence functions. This book charts the swell of intelligence outsourcing in the context of ...
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In the 21st century, more than any other time, US agencies have relied on contractors to conduct core intelligence functions. This book charts the swell of intelligence outsourcing in the context of American political culture and considers what this means for the relationship between the state, its national security apparatus and accountability within a liberal democracy. Through analysis of a series of case studies, recently declassified documents and exclusive interviews with national security experts in the public and private sectors, the book provides an in-depth and illuminating appraisal of the evolving accountability regime for intelligence contractors.Less
In the 21st century, more than any other time, US agencies have relied on contractors to conduct core intelligence functions. This book charts the swell of intelligence outsourcing in the context of American political culture and considers what this means for the relationship between the state, its national security apparatus and accountability within a liberal democracy. Through analysis of a series of case studies, recently declassified documents and exclusive interviews with national security experts in the public and private sectors, the book provides an in-depth and illuminating appraisal of the evolving accountability regime for intelligence contractors.
Alistair Mutch
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780748699155
- eISBN:
- 9781474412513
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748699155.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
Presbyterianism has shaped Scotland and its impact on the world. Behind its beliefs lie some distinctive practices of governance which endure even when belief fades. These practices place a ...
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Presbyterianism has shaped Scotland and its impact on the world. Behind its beliefs lie some distinctive practices of governance which endure even when belief fades. These practices place a particular emphasis on the detailed recording of decisions and what we can term a ‘systemic’ form of accountability. This book examines the emergence and consolidation of such practices in the eighteenth century Church of Scotland. Using extensive archival research and detailed local case studies, it contrasts them to what is termed a ‘personal’ form of accountability in England in the same period. This supports the contrast that has been made by other authors between a focus on system in Scotland, character in England. The wider impact of this approach to governance and accountability, especially in the United States of America, is explored, as is the enduring impact of these practices in shaping Scottish identity. The detailed exploration of these practices, drawing on the rich archives of the Church of Scotland, can help inform ongoing debates about Scotland and its place in Britain.Less
Presbyterianism has shaped Scotland and its impact on the world. Behind its beliefs lie some distinctive practices of governance which endure even when belief fades. These practices place a particular emphasis on the detailed recording of decisions and what we can term a ‘systemic’ form of accountability. This book examines the emergence and consolidation of such practices in the eighteenth century Church of Scotland. Using extensive archival research and detailed local case studies, it contrasts them to what is termed a ‘personal’ form of accountability in England in the same period. This supports the contrast that has been made by other authors between a focus on system in Scotland, character in England. The wider impact of this approach to governance and accountability, especially in the United States of America, is explored, as is the enduring impact of these practices in shaping Scottish identity. The detailed exploration of these practices, drawing on the rich archives of the Church of Scotland, can help inform ongoing debates about Scotland and its place in Britain.
Ann Russo
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780814777169
- eISBN:
- 9780814777176
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814777169.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
The book is divided into three sections: The first section, Cultivating Feminist Accountability, explores practices of accountability that embrace critical engagement of the power lines that shape ...
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The book is divided into three sections: The first section, Cultivating Feminist Accountability, explores practices of accountability that embrace critical engagement of the power lines that shape our identities, relationships, and communities as we engage in feminist movement building and social change. The second section, Building Community Accountability and Transformative Justice, explores the concept and practice of community accountability and transformative justice within the context of U.S.-based feminist antiviolence movements. It introduces the feminist-of-color led efforts to shift from the dominant paradigm of institutionalized social services and carceral legal reform to community-based support, intervention, accountability, and transformation. The third section, (Re)Imagining Feminist Solidarity Politics, explores how a framework of feminist accountability can serve to disrupt and disentangle US-based feminist storytelling about the issues facing women of the global south from US imperial logics. Such a shift is essential for making visible the deep and historic relationship between and across these global divides and for creating possibilities for a solidarity based in mutuality, reciprocity and respect.Less
The book is divided into three sections: The first section, Cultivating Feminist Accountability, explores practices of accountability that embrace critical engagement of the power lines that shape our identities, relationships, and communities as we engage in feminist movement building and social change. The second section, Building Community Accountability and Transformative Justice, explores the concept and practice of community accountability and transformative justice within the context of U.S.-based feminist antiviolence movements. It introduces the feminist-of-color led efforts to shift from the dominant paradigm of institutionalized social services and carceral legal reform to community-based support, intervention, accountability, and transformation. The third section, (Re)Imagining Feminist Solidarity Politics, explores how a framework of feminist accountability can serve to disrupt and disentangle US-based feminist storytelling about the issues facing women of the global south from US imperial logics. Such a shift is essential for making visible the deep and historic relationship between and across these global divides and for creating possibilities for a solidarity based in mutuality, reciprocity and respect.
Pauline Allen, Kath Checkland, Stephen Peckham, and Valerie Moran
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781447346111
- eISBN:
- 9781447346319
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447346111.003.0009
- Subject:
- Public Health and Epidemiology, Public Health
Chapter 9 draws together key themes arising from the book about issues raised by commissioning in the context of a quasi-market for healthcare in the English NHS, such as governance and ...
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Chapter 9 draws together key themes arising from the book about issues raised by commissioning in the context of a quasi-market for healthcare in the English NHS, such as governance and accountability, clinical engagement, co-ordination and fragmentation. The chapter presents an overview of how commissioning in health and healthcare has developed since 2010 and what the implications are for the future in the light of recent developments moving away from market style mechanisms to forms of local collaborative planning.Less
Chapter 9 draws together key themes arising from the book about issues raised by commissioning in the context of a quasi-market for healthcare in the English NHS, such as governance and accountability, clinical engagement, co-ordination and fragmentation. The chapter presents an overview of how commissioning in health and healthcare has developed since 2010 and what the implications are for the future in the light of recent developments moving away from market style mechanisms to forms of local collaborative planning.
Richard Dowling
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097188
- eISBN:
- 9781526104281
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097188.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
Looks at the difficult balancing act required by the needs of freedom of information versus law enforcement. Richard Dowling, an RTE investigative journalist with considerable experience of using FOI ...
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Looks at the difficult balancing act required by the needs of freedom of information versus law enforcement. Richard Dowling, an RTE investigative journalist with considerable experience of using FOI legislation nationally and internationally, notes that unlike other states with FOI legislation, the Irish state has traditionally excluded the police force from FOI. This is set to change now that the Government has included An Garda S í och á na in the revised FOI legislation. In consequence, this chapter examines and questions that extension in order to assess how effective it is likely to be in practice. It notes that many parts of the organisation are excluded from the new FOI provisions and examines why this is the case, and how the Irish Act compares to other similar jurisdictions where the police are subject to FOI. Irish exemptions are compared with the FOI regimes in other jurisdictions, such as the United States and the United Kingdom, particularly in relation to the release of Irish material, which – ironically – may sometimes be obtained ‘second-hand’ from agencies in other states that are subject to FOI. An examination of this, and recent reports regarding gardaí and crime, reveals that the current FOI legislation, while welcome, remains limited in its capacity to deal with the Irish state’s approach to policing and accountabilityLess
Looks at the difficult balancing act required by the needs of freedom of information versus law enforcement. Richard Dowling, an RTE investigative journalist with considerable experience of using FOI legislation nationally and internationally, notes that unlike other states with FOI legislation, the Irish state has traditionally excluded the police force from FOI. This is set to change now that the Government has included An Garda S í och á na in the revised FOI legislation. In consequence, this chapter examines and questions that extension in order to assess how effective it is likely to be in practice. It notes that many parts of the organisation are excluded from the new FOI provisions and examines why this is the case, and how the Irish Act compares to other similar jurisdictions where the police are subject to FOI. Irish exemptions are compared with the FOI regimes in other jurisdictions, such as the United States and the United Kingdom, particularly in relation to the release of Irish material, which – ironically – may sometimes be obtained ‘second-hand’ from agencies in other states that are subject to FOI. An examination of this, and recent reports regarding gardaí and crime, reveals that the current FOI legislation, while welcome, remains limited in its capacity to deal with the Irish state’s approach to policing and accountability
Wilson Wong
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622098299
- eISBN:
- 9789882206779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622098299.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter explores an influential political institution in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR): the civil service. It also investigates the structural and systemic features of the ...
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This chapter explores an influential political institution in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR): the civil service. It also investigates the structural and systemic features of the civil service and the special role that its top guns—the administrative officers—play in the governance of Hong Kong. The chapter then argues that civil servants have been powerful political actors both before and after the handover and that they were seen (and still regard themselves) as the guardians of public interests. The reforms of the civil service—such as the Accountability System for Principal Officials, public sector reform, and civil service reform—are reported. In addition, the impacts of these reforms on the civil service system are explained. The chapter concludes by pointing out that the civil service remains an influential actor in the governance of the HKSAR, although it is too early to tell whether its reforms will lead to a better system of government.Less
This chapter explores an influential political institution in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR): the civil service. It also investigates the structural and systemic features of the civil service and the special role that its top guns—the administrative officers—play in the governance of Hong Kong. The chapter then argues that civil servants have been powerful political actors both before and after the handover and that they were seen (and still regard themselves) as the guardians of public interests. The reforms of the civil service—such as the Accountability System for Principal Officials, public sector reform, and civil service reform—are reported. In addition, the impacts of these reforms on the civil service system are explained. The chapter concludes by pointing out that the civil service remains an influential actor in the governance of the HKSAR, although it is too early to tell whether its reforms will lead to a better system of government.
Daniel Callahan
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199682676
- eISBN:
- 9780191763168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199682676.003.0077
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
The principle of “accountability for reasonableness” seems both wise and full of common sense, but several doubts and questions remain. In a political system such as that in the U.S., where the ...
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The principle of “accountability for reasonableness” seems both wise and full of common sense, but several doubts and questions remain. In a political system such as that in the U.S., where the highly polarized and contentious debate on health care reform is which is ongoing, decision-makers would likely be unable to carry out these principles even if they were committed to them. Moreover, for a “fair deliberative process” to occur, a range of stakeholders in this process must exist, but the discussion content is unclear. To add to the murkiness, the definition of “more deliberative”, how to find “fair-minded people” to carry out “fair process”, and the best pedagogical method for educating all stakeholders in this principle are all currently ambiguous. While raising these questions, the author does not mean to deny that accountability for reasonableness is a reasonable idea.Less
The principle of “accountability for reasonableness” seems both wise and full of common sense, but several doubts and questions remain. In a political system such as that in the U.S., where the highly polarized and contentious debate on health care reform is which is ongoing, decision-makers would likely be unable to carry out these principles even if they were committed to them. Moreover, for a “fair deliberative process” to occur, a range of stakeholders in this process must exist, but the discussion content is unclear. To add to the murkiness, the definition of “more deliberative”, how to find “fair-minded people” to carry out “fair process”, and the best pedagogical method for educating all stakeholders in this principle are all currently ambiguous. While raising these questions, the author does not mean to deny that accountability for reasonableness is a reasonable idea.
Taro Okuda
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199682676
- eISBN:
- 9780191763168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199682676.003.0078
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This paper examines Norman Daniels’ approach toward “Accountability for Reasonableness” through an analogy with archives, especially with regard to qualification for deliberation, the relationship ...
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This paper examines Norman Daniels’ approach toward “Accountability for Reasonableness” through an analogy with archives, especially with regard to qualification for deliberation, the relationship between procedure and outcome, and the necessity for empirical evidence. First, when a deliberative process is adopted, we may encounter two questions: 1) Who is in an appropriate position to deliberate upon and resolve priority-setting decisions? 2) Who should manage and maintain the results of deliberation? To answer these, we take recourse to an analogy with the case of archivist. Secondly, a deliberative process may be suspected to silence counter-claims unknowingly through its procedure; therefore, it needs an agent equivalent to an archivist. Finally, despite Daniel’s concession, “Accountability for Reasonableness” does not necessarily require the obtainment of strict empirical evidence; simple ethical implication for policy making will suffice.Less
This paper examines Norman Daniels’ approach toward “Accountability for Reasonableness” through an analogy with archives, especially with regard to qualification for deliberation, the relationship between procedure and outcome, and the necessity for empirical evidence. First, when a deliberative process is adopted, we may encounter two questions: 1) Who is in an appropriate position to deliberate upon and resolve priority-setting decisions? 2) Who should manage and maintain the results of deliberation? To answer these, we take recourse to an analogy with the case of archivist. Secondly, a deliberative process may be suspected to silence counter-claims unknowingly through its procedure; therefore, it needs an agent equivalent to an archivist. Finally, despite Daniel’s concession, “Accountability for Reasonableness” does not necessarily require the obtainment of strict empirical evidence; simple ethical implication for policy making will suffice.
James Sabin and Norman Daniels
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199682676
- eISBN:
- 9780191763168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199682676.003.0081
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
Accountability for reasonableness is no panacea for various political problems. Daniel Callahan suggests that accountability for reasonableness requires strong leadership—perhaps the leadership of a ...
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Accountability for reasonableness is no panacea for various political problems. Daniel Callahan suggests that accountability for reasonableness requires strong leadership—perhaps the leadership of a judge—and we agree that proper management of the decision-making process requires strong leadership. Prof. Okuda suggests that there is an important historical component (he refers to “archives”), and the authors agree that it is the historical accumulation of a record of public rationales that constitutes the commitments of decision-makers over time. Prof. Inoue suggests that social consensus on a principle such as equality of opportunity may allow appropriate priority setting decisions, but the authors argue that such general principles are too indeterminate and the authors doubt there is social consensus on fine-grained principles that can resolve disagreements. The process requires participants selected appropriately given the context; they must be committed to finding mutually acceptable justifications. Ethical deliberation does not require technical expertise.Less
Accountability for reasonableness is no panacea for various political problems. Daniel Callahan suggests that accountability for reasonableness requires strong leadership—perhaps the leadership of a judge—and we agree that proper management of the decision-making process requires strong leadership. Prof. Okuda suggests that there is an important historical component (he refers to “archives”), and the authors agree that it is the historical accumulation of a record of public rationales that constitutes the commitments of decision-makers over time. Prof. Inoue suggests that social consensus on a principle such as equality of opportunity may allow appropriate priority setting decisions, but the authors argue that such general principles are too indeterminate and the authors doubt there is social consensus on fine-grained principles that can resolve disagreements. The process requires participants selected appropriately given the context; they must be committed to finding mutually acceptable justifications. Ethical deliberation does not require technical expertise.
Gary Watson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199753673
- eISBN:
- 9780199918829
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199753673.003.0013
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
Psychopathy underscores a persistent tension in our conception of moral agency. On the one hand, psychopaths are rational creatures who are capable of deliberately injuring, manipulating, and ...
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Psychopathy underscores a persistent tension in our conception of moral agency. On the one hand, psychopaths are rational creatures who are capable of deliberately injuring, manipulating, and defrauding. When they do so, they strike us as apt candidates for resentment and moral indignation, and we typically respond accordingly. On the other hand, psychopaths are constitutionally incapable recognizing the interests of others as making any valid claim on them. They are in this way disabled from participating in moral discourse and moral practice. This incapacity seems to be necessary for moral accountability. Their capacity for malice supports the attribution of responsible agency to them. Their lack of accountability supports the denial of responsibility. This tension explains the ambivalence that many feel toward psychopaths. This paper explores some implications of this tension for moral theory and practice, with special reference to T. M. Scanlon’s account of moral agency as the capacity for rational self-governance. I argue that Scanlon’s account fails to capture the condition of accountability and is furthermore at odds with a natural understanding of the agency required for contractualist moral theory. Nonetheless, we find in his work a conception of blame that illuminates our responses to psychopathic agency.Less
Psychopathy underscores a persistent tension in our conception of moral agency. On the one hand, psychopaths are rational creatures who are capable of deliberately injuring, manipulating, and defrauding. When they do so, they strike us as apt candidates for resentment and moral indignation, and we typically respond accordingly. On the other hand, psychopaths are constitutionally incapable recognizing the interests of others as making any valid claim on them. They are in this way disabled from participating in moral discourse and moral practice. This incapacity seems to be necessary for moral accountability. Their capacity for malice supports the attribution of responsible agency to them. Their lack of accountability supports the denial of responsibility. This tension explains the ambivalence that many feel toward psychopaths. This paper explores some implications of this tension for moral theory and practice, with special reference to T. M. Scanlon’s account of moral agency as the capacity for rational self-governance. I argue that Scanlon’s account fails to capture the condition of accountability and is furthermore at odds with a natural understanding of the agency required for contractualist moral theory. Nonetheless, we find in his work a conception of blame that illuminates our responses to psychopathic agency.
Jessie Blackbourn, Fiona de Londras, and Lydia Morgan
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529206234
- eISBN:
- 9781529206289
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529206234.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter outlines the core argument of the book and the methodological approach to the research. It develops the concept of counter-terrorism review as legal, political, and policy processes that ...
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This chapter outlines the core argument of the book and the methodological approach to the research. It develops the concept of counter-terrorism review as legal, political, and policy processes that consider the application and impacts of counter-terrorism law and policy in theory as well as in practice, with a view to assessing its merits and contributing towards its improvement. It also establishes the importance of considering counter-terrorism review as a distinct phenomenon with the potential either to legitimate or to enhance accountability in the contemporary counter-terrorist state.Less
This chapter outlines the core argument of the book and the methodological approach to the research. It develops the concept of counter-terrorism review as legal, political, and policy processes that consider the application and impacts of counter-terrorism law and policy in theory as well as in practice, with a view to assessing its merits and contributing towards its improvement. It also establishes the importance of considering counter-terrorism review as a distinct phenomenon with the potential either to legitimate or to enhance accountability in the contemporary counter-terrorist state.
Jessie Blackbourn, Fiona de Londras, and Lydia Morgan
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781529206234
- eISBN:
- 9781529206289
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529206234.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter presents an in-depth analysis of the (statutory and non-statutory) reviews that are possible in respect of two key parts of counter-terrorism: Prevent, and Terrorism Prevention and ...
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This chapter presents an in-depth analysis of the (statutory and non-statutory) reviews that are possible in respect of two key parts of counter-terrorism: Prevent, and Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures (TPIMs). In addition to describing the counter-terrorism review assemblage that attaches to Prevent and TPIMs, the chapter also identifies the reviews that have been undertaken over the five-year period from 1 January 2014 to 31 December 2018. For each of these, it includes a consideration of the standards against which these reviews evaluated the law or programme, identified by close textual analysis of the reviews themselves. This analysis shows that, in spite of the persistent reliance on review as a safeguard in counter-terrorism legislation, Parliament’s historical tendency not robustly to challenge security narratives from Government is remarkably resilient. While these mandated reviews do take place (and non-mandated or discretionary reviews seem to be less frequent), their success in evaluating the measures, engaging in reality, and showing capacity for action is questionable.Less
This chapter presents an in-depth analysis of the (statutory and non-statutory) reviews that are possible in respect of two key parts of counter-terrorism: Prevent, and Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures (TPIMs). In addition to describing the counter-terrorism review assemblage that attaches to Prevent and TPIMs, the chapter also identifies the reviews that have been undertaken over the five-year period from 1 January 2014 to 31 December 2018. For each of these, it includes a consideration of the standards against which these reviews evaluated the law or programme, identified by close textual analysis of the reviews themselves. This analysis shows that, in spite of the persistent reliance on review as a safeguard in counter-terrorism legislation, Parliament’s historical tendency not robustly to challenge security narratives from Government is remarkably resilient. While these mandated reviews do take place (and non-mandated or discretionary reviews seem to be less frequent), their success in evaluating the measures, engaging in reality, and showing capacity for action is questionable.
Sara B. Hobolt and James Tilley
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199665686
- eISBN:
- 9780191756115
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199665686.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
A key component of democratic accountability is that citizens understand ’who is to blame’. Nonetheless, little is known about how citizens attribute responsibility in the European Union, or how ...
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A key component of democratic accountability is that citizens understand ’who is to blame’. Nonetheless, little is known about how citizens attribute responsibility in the European Union, or how those perceptions of responsibility matter. This book presents the first comprehensive account of how citizens assign blame to the EU, how politicians and the media attempt to shift blame, and finally, how it matters for electoral democracy. Based on rich and unique data sources, Blaming Europe? sheds light on all three aspects of responsibility in the EU. First, it shows that while institutional differences between countries shape citizen judgements of EU responsibility, those judgements are also highly determined by pre-existing attitudes towards the EU. Second, it demonstrates that neither politicians nor the media assign much blame to the EU. Third, it establishes that, regardless of whether voters are capable of accurately assigning responsibility, they are not able to hold their EU representatives to account via the ballot box in European elections due to the lack of an identifiable ’European government’ to reward or punish. As a consequence, when citizens hold the EU responsible for poor performance, but are unable to sanction an EU incumbent, they lose trust in the EU as a whole instead. In conclusion, this book argues that this ’accountability deficit’ has significant implications for the future of the European Union.Less
A key component of democratic accountability is that citizens understand ’who is to blame’. Nonetheless, little is known about how citizens attribute responsibility in the European Union, or how those perceptions of responsibility matter. This book presents the first comprehensive account of how citizens assign blame to the EU, how politicians and the media attempt to shift blame, and finally, how it matters for electoral democracy. Based on rich and unique data sources, Blaming Europe? sheds light on all three aspects of responsibility in the EU. First, it shows that while institutional differences between countries shape citizen judgements of EU responsibility, those judgements are also highly determined by pre-existing attitudes towards the EU. Second, it demonstrates that neither politicians nor the media assign much blame to the EU. Third, it establishes that, regardless of whether voters are capable of accurately assigning responsibility, they are not able to hold their EU representatives to account via the ballot box in European elections due to the lack of an identifiable ’European government’ to reward or punish. As a consequence, when citizens hold the EU responsible for poor performance, but are unable to sanction an EU incumbent, they lose trust in the EU as a whole instead. In conclusion, this book argues that this ’accountability deficit’ has significant implications for the future of the European Union.
Colin Copus
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719088322
- eISBN:
- 9781526104236
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719088322.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter examines what is known from past studies about the roles of the councillor and reviews, briefly those studies to provide a framework for the rest of the book. It contributes to councillor ...
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The chapter examines what is known from past studies about the roles of the councillor and reviews, briefly those studies to provide a framework for the rest of the book. It contributes to councillor role theory by exploring how accountability of political leadership is often a missing part of councillors’ repertoire. The chapter explores the gap between councillors’ perceptions of the differing importance of their various roles and their behaviour in contributing to them and accounts for that gap. The chapter questions the neat distinctions often made between the internal council focused work of the councillor and the external community focused work by suggesting that such neat distinctions do not portray the reality of the messiness of the councillors’ experiences.Less
The chapter examines what is known from past studies about the roles of the councillor and reviews, briefly those studies to provide a framework for the rest of the book. It contributes to councillor role theory by exploring how accountability of political leadership is often a missing part of councillors’ repertoire. The chapter explores the gap between councillors’ perceptions of the differing importance of their various roles and their behaviour in contributing to them and accounts for that gap. The chapter questions the neat distinctions often made between the internal council focused work of the councillor and the external community focused work by suggesting that such neat distinctions do not portray the reality of the messiness of the councillors’ experiences.
Colin Copus
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719088322
- eISBN:
- 9781526104236
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719088322.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The chapter examines the strategies and approaches councillors develop to interact with a wide range of players in governance networks. It explores how, if at all, councillors attempt to influence ...
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The chapter examines the strategies and approaches councillors develop to interact with a wide range of players in governance networks. It explores how, if at all, councillors attempt to influence and shape the policies of public bodies beyond the council which spend public money and make policy decisions but do so without the democratic mandate granted to the councillor and council. The chapter examines the importance of the legitimacy to act granted councillors and councils by the electoral process when it comes to navigating governance networks and how that mandate can be used to secure the accountability of un-elected bodies and decision-makers. It examines the individual choices made by councillors about whether and how they will engage in networks beyond the council and suggests that to hold networks and their participants to account councils must support councillors in this activity as a central feature of their office.Less
The chapter examines the strategies and approaches councillors develop to interact with a wide range of players in governance networks. It explores how, if at all, councillors attempt to influence and shape the policies of public bodies beyond the council which spend public money and make policy decisions but do so without the democratic mandate granted to the councillor and council. The chapter examines the importance of the legitimacy to act granted councillors and councils by the electoral process when it comes to navigating governance networks and how that mandate can be used to secure the accountability of un-elected bodies and decision-makers. It examines the individual choices made by councillors about whether and how they will engage in networks beyond the council and suggests that to hold networks and their participants to account councils must support councillors in this activity as a central feature of their office.
