Ralph A. Cossa
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199261437
- eISBN:
- 9780191599309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261431.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
An examination is made of US policy towards and participation in several key regional multilateral organizations in the Asia–Pacific area, with the aim of establishing how central these organizations ...
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An examination is made of US policy towards and participation in several key regional multilateral organizations in the Asia–Pacific area, with the aim of establishing how central these organizations are to the overall development of US policy and the extent to which, and how, they influence or constrain US behaviour. The first section of the chapter reviews US strategic goals and briefly discusses some of the domestic and external factors that have led to the development and implementation of these goals in East Asia. The next section discusses multilateral security cooperation in the region, and gives an overview of regional multilateral security organizations, focusing primarily on the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Regional Forum (ARF), given its all‐encompassing nature and relatively advanced (by Asian standards) stage of development; other US‐instigated multilateral institutions and initiatives (the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO), and the Northeast Asia Cooperation Dialogue (NEACD) are touched upon briefly to assess how these more narrowly focused approaches also serve American interests. The third section looks at Asia–Pacific multilateral economic cooperation, and here the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) provides the centrepiece of the discussion; its role both in creating an Asia–Pacific economic community and, more recently, as a vehicle for political cooperation through the institutionalization of the US‐instigated Leaders’ Meetings, which bring many of the region's heads of state and government together annually, ostensibly for economic discussions. The conclusion to the chapter briefly evaluates the advantages and disadvantages of these organizations from a US perspective in order to understand better how security and economic multilateralism fits with the largely bilaterally oriented US national security strategy.Less
An examination is made of US policy towards and participation in several key regional multilateral organizations in the Asia–Pacific area, with the aim of establishing how central these organizations are to the overall development of US policy and the extent to which, and how, they influence or constrain US behaviour. The first section of the chapter reviews US strategic goals and briefly discusses some of the domestic and external factors that have led to the development and implementation of these goals in East Asia. The next section discusses multilateral security cooperation in the region, and gives an overview of regional multilateral security organizations, focusing primarily on the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Regional Forum (ARF), given its all‐encompassing nature and relatively advanced (by Asian standards) stage of development; other US‐instigated multilateral institutions and initiatives (the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO), and the Northeast Asia Cooperation Dialogue (NEACD) are touched upon briefly to assess how these more narrowly focused approaches also serve American interests. The third section looks at Asia–Pacific multilateral economic cooperation, and here the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum (APEC) provides the centrepiece of the discussion; its role both in creating an Asia–Pacific economic community and, more recently, as a vehicle for political cooperation through the institutionalization of the US‐instigated Leaders’ Meetings, which bring many of the region's heads of state and government together annually, ostensibly for economic discussions. The conclusion to the chapter briefly evaluates the advantages and disadvantages of these organizations from a US perspective in order to understand better how security and economic multilateralism fits with the largely bilaterally oriented US national security strategy.
Andy Kirkpatrick
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789888028795
- eISBN:
- 9789882206922
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888028795.001.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
The lingua franca role of English, coupled with its status as the official language of ASEAN, has important implications for language policy and language education. These include the relationship ...
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The lingua franca role of English, coupled with its status as the official language of ASEAN, has important implications for language policy and language education. These include the relationship between English, the respective national languages of ASEAN, and thousands of local languages. How can the demand for English be balanced against the need for people to acquire their national language and mother tongue? While many will also need a regional lingua franca, they are learning English as the first foreign language from primary school in all ASEAN countries. Might not this early introduction of English threaten local languages and children's ability to learn? Or can English be introduced and taught in such a way that it can complement local languages rather than replace them? The aim of this book is to explore questions such as these and then make recommendations on language policy and language education for regional policymakers.Less
The lingua franca role of English, coupled with its status as the official language of ASEAN, has important implications for language policy and language education. These include the relationship between English, the respective national languages of ASEAN, and thousands of local languages. How can the demand for English be balanced against the need for people to acquire their national language and mother tongue? While many will also need a regional lingua franca, they are learning English as the first foreign language from primary school in all ASEAN countries. Might not this early introduction of English threaten local languages and children's ability to learn? Or can English be introduced and taught in such a way that it can complement local languages rather than replace them? The aim of this book is to explore questions such as these and then make recommendations on language policy and language education for regional policymakers.
Daniel C. O'Neill
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9789888455966
- eISBN:
- 9789888455461
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888455966.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The “ASEAN Way” is based on the principle of consensus; any individual member state effectively has a veto over any proposal it does not support. This book analyzes how China uses its financial power ...
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The “ASEAN Way” is based on the principle of consensus; any individual member state effectively has a veto over any proposal it does not support. This book analyzes how China uses its financial power and influence to divide the member countries of ASEAN in order to prevent them from acting collectively to resolve their territorial disputes with China in the South China Sea. Comparative case studies of China’s relations with Cambodia, the Philippines, and Myanmar illustrate that the regime type in the country with which China is interacting plays an important role in enhancing or constraining China’s ability to influence the governments of developing states within ASEAN and globally. Authoritarian institutions facilitate Chinese influence while democratic institutions inhibit that influence. The book argues that as long as ASEAN includes developing, authoritarian regimes, and given that the United States and other global powers are unlikely to risk any serious conflict over each push of China’s maritime boundaries, little by little, China will assert its sovereignty over the South China Sea. Nevertheless, the book contends that if China chooses to engage in more sophisticated bilateral politics with democratic states, such as providing incentives to a broader range of interest groups, then China will have more success in projecting its power globally.Less
The “ASEAN Way” is based on the principle of consensus; any individual member state effectively has a veto over any proposal it does not support. This book analyzes how China uses its financial power and influence to divide the member countries of ASEAN in order to prevent them from acting collectively to resolve their territorial disputes with China in the South China Sea. Comparative case studies of China’s relations with Cambodia, the Philippines, and Myanmar illustrate that the regime type in the country with which China is interacting plays an important role in enhancing or constraining China’s ability to influence the governments of developing states within ASEAN and globally. Authoritarian institutions facilitate Chinese influence while democratic institutions inhibit that influence. The book argues that as long as ASEAN includes developing, authoritarian regimes, and given that the United States and other global powers are unlikely to risk any serious conflict over each push of China’s maritime boundaries, little by little, China will assert its sovereignty over the South China Sea. Nevertheless, the book contends that if China chooses to engage in more sophisticated bilateral politics with democratic states, such as providing incentives to a broader range of interest groups, then China will have more success in projecting its power globally.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199556267
- eISBN:
- 9780191725609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199556267.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The second case looks at the region of East Asia, again frequently described as having been hegemonic, mostly reflecting the widespread US alliances in the area. Much of the contemporary debate is ...
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The second case looks at the region of East Asia, again frequently described as having been hegemonic, mostly reflecting the widespread US alliances in the area. Much of the contemporary debate is about whether the region is now undergoing a power transition, as China's economy has bounced back quickly from the global recession, and it has been seen as a powerful motor of regional economic integration ever since the Asian financial crisis of the 1990s. Is the USA losing any hegemony in the region, or simply its primacy in the face of greater multipolarity? The chapter considers the debates about current regional order, and whether it is being led by regional small-power initiatives, such as through ASEAN, or by great-power initiatives coming from China or the USA. Its main conclusion is that any US hegemony in the region has always been incomplete, and a singular hegemony seems precarious for the future. A coalitional hegemony would be deeply divisive, as it would exclude China. Hence, the most plausible future model is a form of collective hegemony, one that is multilayered and displays a complex hierarchy.Less
The second case looks at the region of East Asia, again frequently described as having been hegemonic, mostly reflecting the widespread US alliances in the area. Much of the contemporary debate is about whether the region is now undergoing a power transition, as China's economy has bounced back quickly from the global recession, and it has been seen as a powerful motor of regional economic integration ever since the Asian financial crisis of the 1990s. Is the USA losing any hegemony in the region, or simply its primacy in the face of greater multipolarity? The chapter considers the debates about current regional order, and whether it is being led by regional small-power initiatives, such as through ASEAN, or by great-power initiatives coming from China or the USA. Its main conclusion is that any US hegemony in the region has always been incomplete, and a singular hegemony seems precarious for the future. A coalitional hegemony would be deeply divisive, as it would exclude China. Hence, the most plausible future model is a form of collective hegemony, one that is multilayered and displays a complex hierarchy.
Daniel C. O'Neill
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9789888455966
- eISBN:
- 9789888455461
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888455966.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter introduces ASEAN and the “ASEAN Way” of taking actions based on consensus as well as both the theoretical and practical difficulties that presents for successful collective action by the ...
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This chapter introduces ASEAN and the “ASEAN Way” of taking actions based on consensus as well as both the theoretical and practical difficulties that presents for successful collective action by the members of the organization. Emphasizing the theoretical insights of Ruggie and other scholars concerning multilateralism as well as theories of collective action, the chapter provides insight into the factors that inhibit a common ASEAN response to the disputes in the South China Sea. The chapter further highlights the diversity among ASEAN member states, including geographic, cultural, political, and economic differences, as well as their own territorial disputes both in and outside of the South China Sea, that further inhibit collective action. Finally, the chapter provides data on China’s foreign direct investment (FDI) into the region, which, the book argues, provides China with increased influence over some ASEAN members.Less
This chapter introduces ASEAN and the “ASEAN Way” of taking actions based on consensus as well as both the theoretical and practical difficulties that presents for successful collective action by the members of the organization. Emphasizing the theoretical insights of Ruggie and other scholars concerning multilateralism as well as theories of collective action, the chapter provides insight into the factors that inhibit a common ASEAN response to the disputes in the South China Sea. The chapter further highlights the diversity among ASEAN member states, including geographic, cultural, political, and economic differences, as well as their own territorial disputes both in and outside of the South China Sea, that further inhibit collective action. Finally, the chapter provides data on China’s foreign direct investment (FDI) into the region, which, the book argues, provides China with increased influence over some ASEAN members.
William W. Grimes
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641987
- eISBN:
- 9780191741586
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641987.003.0006
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy, Finance, Accounting, and Banking
The Global Financial Crisis has severely weakened the legitimacy of the US-led global financial system. This has not only led to efforts to remake the global system through the G20 and related ...
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The Global Financial Crisis has severely weakened the legitimacy of the US-led global financial system. This has not only led to efforts to remake the global system through the G20 and related process but has also aroused interest in regional alternatives to the global architecture. Considerable attention has understandably been focused on Europe, but the global crisis also has profound implications for East Asia. Clichés about the ‘rise of East Asia’ obscure the very real contest now being fought over the shape of regional financial cooperation in East Asia, particularly through the ASEAN + 3. This chapter investigates the impact of two variables that theories predict will be of particular importance going forward: (a) the increasing desire of East Asian neighbors to contain Chinese influence in the region and (b) the increased number of ASEAN + 3 participants that have also become official participants in the global-level discussions due to the formation of the G20. The chapter concludes that these changes are likely to increase the tensions inside ASEAN + 3, even as the demand for regionalist solutions increases.Less
The Global Financial Crisis has severely weakened the legitimacy of the US-led global financial system. This has not only led to efforts to remake the global system through the G20 and related process but has also aroused interest in regional alternatives to the global architecture. Considerable attention has understandably been focused on Europe, but the global crisis also has profound implications for East Asia. Clichés about the ‘rise of East Asia’ obscure the very real contest now being fought over the shape of regional financial cooperation in East Asia, particularly through the ASEAN + 3. This chapter investigates the impact of two variables that theories predict will be of particular importance going forward: (a) the increasing desire of East Asian neighbors to contain Chinese influence in the region and (b) the increased number of ASEAN + 3 participants that have also become official participants in the global-level discussions due to the formation of the G20. The chapter concludes that these changes are likely to increase the tensions inside ASEAN + 3, even as the demand for regionalist solutions increases.
Peter C. Y. Chow and Mitchell H. Kellman
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195078954
- eISBN:
- 9780199855001
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195078954.003.0010
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
A general concern among development economists is whether there will be another group of “baby tigers” in the world economy. This chapter examines the prospects of the next tier of NICs—notably the ...
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A general concern among development economists is whether there will be another group of “baby tigers” in the world economy. This chapter examines the prospects of the next tier of NICs—notably the ASEAN countries—by surveying their records of trade growth using various aspects of the trade performance of Korea and Taiwan as benchmarks. Using the RCA similarity criteria, this chapter asserts that the “most likely to succeed” are Thailand and Malaysia to become the candidates of the next tier of the NICs. Further, an analysis of the relationships between ASEAN patterns of revealed comparative advantage with those of the two city-states, Hong Kong and Singapore, also provided the same conclusions. While Thailand leads, evidence shows that Indonesia is clearly lagging in the race to become tomorrow's NICs. The latter part of this chapter assesses the dynamic trade expansion in ASEAN countries.Less
A general concern among development economists is whether there will be another group of “baby tigers” in the world economy. This chapter examines the prospects of the next tier of NICs—notably the ASEAN countries—by surveying their records of trade growth using various aspects of the trade performance of Korea and Taiwan as benchmarks. Using the RCA similarity criteria, this chapter asserts that the “most likely to succeed” are Thailand and Malaysia to become the candidates of the next tier of the NICs. Further, an analysis of the relationships between ASEAN patterns of revealed comparative advantage with those of the two city-states, Hong Kong and Singapore, also provided the same conclusions. While Thailand leads, evidence shows that Indonesia is clearly lagging in the race to become tomorrow's NICs. The latter part of this chapter assesses the dynamic trade expansion in ASEAN countries.
Jürgen Rüland
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781503602854
- eISBN:
- 9781503604544
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503602854.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book challenges the proposition that regional organizations across the world exhibit increasing similarities with the European Union as a result of norm diffusion. It examines how and to what ...
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This book challenges the proposition that regional organizations across the world exhibit increasing similarities with the European Union as a result of norm diffusion. It examines how and to what extent Indonesian foreign policy stakeholders—the government, civil society, legislators, the academe, the press and business representatives—sought to influence reforms of Southeast Asian regionalism by adopting ideas and norms of regional integration championed by the EU. Triggering the Indonesian debate on regionalism was the decision of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Indonesia is a founding member, to draft an ASEAN Charter, a quasi-constitutional document adjusting the grouping’s repository of cooperation norms to a changing international environment. Applying and developing further Amitav Acharya’s theory of “constitutive localization,” the analysis of the ASEAN Charter debate shows that—to varying degrees—Indonesian foreign policy stakeholders transfer the terminology of European integration to ASEAN’s organizational structure, but that they adopt only partially, if at all, the normative substance of the EU model for regional integration. Instead, they skillfully reconcile alien norms with local norms, with the effect of retaining what could be called an Indonesian way of foreign policy-making.Less
This book challenges the proposition that regional organizations across the world exhibit increasing similarities with the European Union as a result of norm diffusion. It examines how and to what extent Indonesian foreign policy stakeholders—the government, civil society, legislators, the academe, the press and business representatives—sought to influence reforms of Southeast Asian regionalism by adopting ideas and norms of regional integration championed by the EU. Triggering the Indonesian debate on regionalism was the decision of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Indonesia is a founding member, to draft an ASEAN Charter, a quasi-constitutional document adjusting the grouping’s repository of cooperation norms to a changing international environment. Applying and developing further Amitav Acharya’s theory of “constitutive localization,” the analysis of the ASEAN Charter debate shows that—to varying degrees—Indonesian foreign policy stakeholders transfer the terminology of European integration to ASEAN’s organizational structure, but that they adopt only partially, if at all, the normative substance of the EU model for regional integration. Instead, they skillfully reconcile alien norms with local norms, with the effect of retaining what could be called an Indonesian way of foreign policy-making.
David W. P. Elliott
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780195383348
- eISBN:
- 9780199979172
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195383348.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Despite political backlash from the collapse of the Soviet Union, Vietnam cautiously proceeded along a path of normalization with ASEAN and the United States. Vietnam's entry into ASEAN was a major ...
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Despite political backlash from the collapse of the Soviet Union, Vietnam cautiously proceeded along a path of normalization with ASEAN and the United States. Vietnam's entry into ASEAN was a major break with past thinking and a critical step toward full integration in the global system. In retrospect this was the period when Vietnam went so far along the path of full integration that it couldn't pull back, even when reverse currents set in. Was the progress toward integration driven by compelling events, the persuasiveness of “new thinking”? Where did it come from and what influence did it have? Emerging new interest groups, weakening of conservatives and erosion of resistance to reform, realpolitik (need to find an alternative to isolation to counterbalance China), generational change, drift and going with the flow? Or a combination of the above. These questions are pursued throughout the remainder of the book.Less
Despite political backlash from the collapse of the Soviet Union, Vietnam cautiously proceeded along a path of normalization with ASEAN and the United States. Vietnam's entry into ASEAN was a major break with past thinking and a critical step toward full integration in the global system. In retrospect this was the period when Vietnam went so far along the path of full integration that it couldn't pull back, even when reverse currents set in. Was the progress toward integration driven by compelling events, the persuasiveness of “new thinking”? Where did it come from and what influence did it have? Emerging new interest groups, weakening of conservatives and erosion of resistance to reform, realpolitik (need to find an alternative to isolation to counterbalance China), generational change, drift and going with the flow? Or a combination of the above. These questions are pursued throughout the remainder of the book.
Jürgen Rüland
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781503602854
- eISBN:
- 9781503604544
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503602854.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Economic interest groups proliferated after the end of the Suharto regime. They, too, became major stakeholders in foreign policy decisions, especially those with implications for the international ...
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Economic interest groups proliferated after the end of the Suharto regime. They, too, became major stakeholders in foreign policy decisions, especially those with implications for the international competitiveness of Indonesian businesses. The chapter investigates how and to what extent business representatives localized EU norms of regional integration. Interestingly, public contributions of business interests to the Charter debate were rare, and the economic implications of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) envisaged in the Charter were discussed only much later. Yet responses to the AEC’s common market and production base differed. While EU-style market-opening reforms were supported by large, export-oriented firms, the majority of small- and medium-scale industries producing for the domestic market rejected them. Business representatives localized reforms imitating the EU model, too, thereby relying on ancient prosperity ideas, the vulnerability discourse, leadership, and soft power.Less
Economic interest groups proliferated after the end of the Suharto regime. They, too, became major stakeholders in foreign policy decisions, especially those with implications for the international competitiveness of Indonesian businesses. The chapter investigates how and to what extent business representatives localized EU norms of regional integration. Interestingly, public contributions of business interests to the Charter debate were rare, and the economic implications of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) envisaged in the Charter were discussed only much later. Yet responses to the AEC’s common market and production base differed. While EU-style market-opening reforms were supported by large, export-oriented firms, the majority of small- and medium-scale industries producing for the domestic market rejected them. Business representatives localized reforms imitating the EU model, too, thereby relying on ancient prosperity ideas, the vulnerability discourse, leadership, and soft power.
Daniel C. O'Neill
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9789888455966
- eISBN:
- 9789888455461
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888455966.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter introduces the rival territorial claimants, all of whom, besides China and Taiwan, are members of ASEAN, and their claims in the South China Sea. It provides historical background for ...
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This chapter introduces the rival territorial claimants, all of whom, besides China and Taiwan, are members of ASEAN, and their claims in the South China Sea. It provides historical background for several of the claims to the Paracel and Spratly island chains, focusing on those of China, which has been most successful in actualizing its claims. It analyses the shifts over time in China’s foreign policy in the region, highlighting efforts at cooperation near the turn of the century and China’s more aggressively asserting its claims in recent years. It lays out the two tales the book tells: the story of China’s efforts to divide ASEAN in pursuit of its territorial claims and the broader story of how China uses its financial power to influence foreign governments in developing states. The chapter also provides a justification for the selection of the three case studies in the book: China’s relations with Cambodia, the Philippines, and Myanmar, emphasizing variation in the key variable of political regime type. Finally, it introduces each subsequent chapter.Less
This chapter introduces the rival territorial claimants, all of whom, besides China and Taiwan, are members of ASEAN, and their claims in the South China Sea. It provides historical background for several of the claims to the Paracel and Spratly island chains, focusing on those of China, which has been most successful in actualizing its claims. It analyses the shifts over time in China’s foreign policy in the region, highlighting efforts at cooperation near the turn of the century and China’s more aggressively asserting its claims in recent years. It lays out the two tales the book tells: the story of China’s efforts to divide ASEAN in pursuit of its territorial claims and the broader story of how China uses its financial power to influence foreign governments in developing states. The chapter also provides a justification for the selection of the three case studies in the book: China’s relations with Cambodia, the Philippines, and Myanmar, emphasizing variation in the key variable of political regime type. Finally, it introduces each subsequent chapter.
Daniel C. O'Neill
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9789888455966
- eISBN:
- 9789888455461
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888455966.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyzes each ASEAN member state’s territorial claims and disputes both in and outside of the South China Sea as well as its current position regarding ASEAN efforts to negotiate ...
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This chapter analyzes each ASEAN member state’s territorial claims and disputes both in and outside of the South China Sea as well as its current position regarding ASEAN efforts to negotiate multilaterally with China over rival South China Sea claims. It highlights the broad support for freedom of navigation within ASEAN as well as the stated desire of each government to pursue a peaceful resolution based on the Code of Conduct with China that the ASEAN members agreed to develop in Phnom Penh in 2002. The chapter makes clear that, despite the many overlapping and competing maritime territorial claims among ASEAN member states, these states have managed to cooperate to resolve disputes outside of the South China Sea and, unlike China, since the signing of the DOC have largely refrained from taking provocative actions related to contested claims within the region. The chapter further notes the important differences in the dynamics between, and preferences of, China and the rival ASEAN claimants in the South China Sea when compared to the cases of successful dispute resolution discussed in the chapter; the most obvious difference is the asymmetry in the balance of power between China and the other claimants.Less
This chapter analyzes each ASEAN member state’s territorial claims and disputes both in and outside of the South China Sea as well as its current position regarding ASEAN efforts to negotiate multilaterally with China over rival South China Sea claims. It highlights the broad support for freedom of navigation within ASEAN as well as the stated desire of each government to pursue a peaceful resolution based on the Code of Conduct with China that the ASEAN members agreed to develop in Phnom Penh in 2002. The chapter makes clear that, despite the many overlapping and competing maritime territorial claims among ASEAN member states, these states have managed to cooperate to resolve disputes outside of the South China Sea and, unlike China, since the signing of the DOC have largely refrained from taking provocative actions related to contested claims within the region. The chapter further notes the important differences in the dynamics between, and preferences of, China and the rival ASEAN claimants in the South China Sea when compared to the cases of successful dispute resolution discussed in the chapter; the most obvious difference is the asymmetry in the balance of power between China and the other claimants.
Daniel C. O'Neill
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9789888455966
- eISBN:
- 9789888455461
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888455966.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The chapter summarizes the book’s findings on China’s efforts to divide ASEAN and conquer the South China Sea, using variation in member state’s reactions to the decision in favor of the Philippines ...
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The chapter summarizes the book’s findings on China’s efforts to divide ASEAN and conquer the South China Sea, using variation in member state’s reactions to the decision in favor of the Philippines by the tribunal at the Permanent Court of Arbitration to illustrate the impact of China’s influence. The book concludes that because of the inherent differences within ASEAN, especially in political institutions, as well as the intrinsic difficulties of effective multilateralism and collective action, ASEAN will be unlikely to come together to force China to the negotiating table, as long as China wishes to resist taking a seat. The chapter notes that China’s efforts to influence states in the region have not always been successful, as the case studies illustrate; China has advantages in influencing developing state, authoritarian governments but faces more and higher hurdles in its efforts to influence developing state governments operating within relatively democratic institutions. A brief comparative analysis of China’s bilateral relations in Latin America suggests that the book’s findings are generalizable to China’s relations with developing states globally. The book concludes that the potential evolution of political institutions toward democracy is a form of long-term political risk facing Chinese efforts to influence developing state governments.Less
The chapter summarizes the book’s findings on China’s efforts to divide ASEAN and conquer the South China Sea, using variation in member state’s reactions to the decision in favor of the Philippines by the tribunal at the Permanent Court of Arbitration to illustrate the impact of China’s influence. The book concludes that because of the inherent differences within ASEAN, especially in political institutions, as well as the intrinsic difficulties of effective multilateralism and collective action, ASEAN will be unlikely to come together to force China to the negotiating table, as long as China wishes to resist taking a seat. The chapter notes that China’s efforts to influence states in the region have not always been successful, as the case studies illustrate; China has advantages in influencing developing state, authoritarian governments but faces more and higher hurdles in its efforts to influence developing state governments operating within relatively democratic institutions. A brief comparative analysis of China’s bilateral relations in Latin America suggests that the book’s findings are generalizable to China’s relations with developing states globally. The book concludes that the potential evolution of political institutions toward democracy is a form of long-term political risk facing Chinese efforts to influence developing state governments.
Lye Lin-Heng and Chang Youngho
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199271610
- eISBN:
- 9780191709289
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271610.003.0016
- Subject:
- Law, Environmental and Energy Law
This chapter begins by introducing the topic of energy security. It then provides an overview of Singapore's energy needs and its sources of energy. It gives an historical overview of Singapore's oil ...
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This chapter begins by introducing the topic of energy security. It then provides an overview of Singapore's energy needs and its sources of energy. It gives an historical overview of Singapore's oil trade and gas markets. It examines Singapore's energy security policies, including the restructuring of the Singapore power industry. It investigates energy security in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It highlights that Singapore is highly dependent on energy because energy is used as an intermediate input for its production processes, and that it is also a final commodity for the market. It adds that all the energy Singapore uses is imported, with oil as the dominant import, but with an increasing share in natural gas.Less
This chapter begins by introducing the topic of energy security. It then provides an overview of Singapore's energy needs and its sources of energy. It gives an historical overview of Singapore's oil trade and gas markets. It examines Singapore's energy security policies, including the restructuring of the Singapore power industry. It investigates energy security in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It highlights that Singapore is highly dependent on energy because energy is used as an intermediate input for its production processes, and that it is also a final commodity for the market. It adds that all the energy Singapore uses is imported, with oil as the dominant import, but with an increasing share in natural gas.
Sonia E. Rolland
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199600885
- eISBN:
- 9780191738364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199600885.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter presents findings regarding special and differential treatment and the adjudication of development principally in international economic law, bringing to light creative approaches to ...
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This chapter presents findings regarding special and differential treatment and the adjudication of development principally in international economic law, bringing to light creative approaches to dealing with treaty participants in widely different developmental circumstances. Many of the themes that WTO members grapple with, such as the cost of implementing obligations, capacity constraints, and the need for technical assistance, are also pervasive in other treaties. However, some treaties or organizations take a much bolder stance on asymmetric commitments between members with different economic, social, and political conditions. The manner in which such differentiated commitments are built into parties' legal obligations can also differ strikingly from the WTO's more limitative perspective.Less
This chapter presents findings regarding special and differential treatment and the adjudication of development principally in international economic law, bringing to light creative approaches to dealing with treaty participants in widely different developmental circumstances. Many of the themes that WTO members grapple with, such as the cost of implementing obligations, capacity constraints, and the need for technical assistance, are also pervasive in other treaties. However, some treaties or organizations take a much bolder stance on asymmetric commitments between members with different economic, social, and political conditions. The manner in which such differentiated commitments are built into parties' legal obligations can also differ strikingly from the WTO's more limitative perspective.
Jürgen Rüland
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781503602854
- eISBN:
- 9781503604544
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503602854.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter seeks to establish what Acharya has termed the “cognitive prior.” It explores extant Indonesian ideas on foreign policymaking and ASEAN cooperation. Europeanizing changes were triggered ...
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This chapter seeks to establish what Acharya has termed the “cognitive prior.” It explores extant Indonesian ideas on foreign policymaking and ASEAN cooperation. Europeanizing changes were triggered by the Asian Financial Crisis (1997–1998), which discredited the ASEAN Way as ASEAN’s established repository of cooperation norms. The chapter shows how the worldviews of Indonesian foreign policy elites have been shaped by adverse historical experiences, which have evoked on the one hand strong sentiments of insecurity and vulnerability, on the other, a strong sense of entitlement to regional leadership. At the regional level, the cognitive prior is strongly influenced by Westphalian sovereignty norms. In the aftermath of the Asian Financial Crisis the ASEAN Way was challenged by external and domestic critics, climaxing with the ASEAN Charter debate. The chapter ends with an analysis of the institutional changes the Charter inaugurated and the ideas and norms it seemingly appropriated from the EU.Less
This chapter seeks to establish what Acharya has termed the “cognitive prior.” It explores extant Indonesian ideas on foreign policymaking and ASEAN cooperation. Europeanizing changes were triggered by the Asian Financial Crisis (1997–1998), which discredited the ASEAN Way as ASEAN’s established repository of cooperation norms. The chapter shows how the worldviews of Indonesian foreign policy elites have been shaped by adverse historical experiences, which have evoked on the one hand strong sentiments of insecurity and vulnerability, on the other, a strong sense of entitlement to regional leadership. At the regional level, the cognitive prior is strongly influenced by Westphalian sovereignty norms. In the aftermath of the Asian Financial Crisis the ASEAN Way was challenged by external and domestic critics, climaxing with the ASEAN Charter debate. The chapter ends with an analysis of the institutional changes the Charter inaugurated and the ideas and norms it seemingly appropriated from the EU.
Frédéric Grare
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- December 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190859336
- eISBN:
- 9780190872595
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190859336.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
India’s attempt to join the process of regional integration was marked by ambivalence. India did bypass its own region to seek integration in the adjacent one, ignoring SAARC to seek membership in ...
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India’s attempt to join the process of regional integration was marked by ambivalence. India did bypass its own region to seek integration in the adjacent one, ignoring SAARC to seek membership in some of the ASEAN led institutions. Operating by consensus through non-binding agreements, ASEAN-centered regionalism suited India’s needs for recognition and protected it against the negative repercussions of regional tensions while preventing the rise of potential regional hegemonys. Through its participation in a regional security architecture led by ASEAN rules, India established a normative buffer while being able to influence decisions. However, ASEAN’s centrality (i.e.; consensus based and a unanimous position reflecting common strategic vision) is gradually being eroded by US-China proxy struggle for influence, eroding the foundation of India’s relations with ASEAN, as it may draw New Delhi into the zero-sum game situation it has so far tried to avoid.Less
India’s attempt to join the process of regional integration was marked by ambivalence. India did bypass its own region to seek integration in the adjacent one, ignoring SAARC to seek membership in some of the ASEAN led institutions. Operating by consensus through non-binding agreements, ASEAN-centered regionalism suited India’s needs for recognition and protected it against the negative repercussions of regional tensions while preventing the rise of potential regional hegemonys. Through its participation in a regional security architecture led by ASEAN rules, India established a normative buffer while being able to influence decisions. However, ASEAN’s centrality (i.e.; consensus based and a unanimous position reflecting common strategic vision) is gradually being eroded by US-China proxy struggle for influence, eroding the foundation of India’s relations with ASEAN, as it may draw New Delhi into the zero-sum game situation it has so far tried to avoid.
Heng Yee-Kuang
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781479866304
- eISBN:
- 9781479826308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479866304.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The tiny Southeast Asian city-state of Singapore has a reputation for adroit and nimble diplomacy, built upon an ingrained desire to overcome its vulnerability by maintaining its strategic relevance ...
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The tiny Southeast Asian city-state of Singapore has a reputation for adroit and nimble diplomacy, built upon an ingrained desire to overcome its vulnerability by maintaining its strategic relevance and economic prosperity in an international system that is seen as essentially anarchic. As its neighborhood experiences major shifts in the strategic and economic domains, Singapore finds itself once again having to strike a balance between getting out of harm’s way and capitalizing on opportunities.Less
The tiny Southeast Asian city-state of Singapore has a reputation for adroit and nimble diplomacy, built upon an ingrained desire to overcome its vulnerability by maintaining its strategic relevance and economic prosperity in an international system that is seen as essentially anarchic. As its neighborhood experiences major shifts in the strategic and economic domains, Singapore finds itself once again having to strike a balance between getting out of harm’s way and capitalizing on opportunities.
Robert J. Barro and Jong-Wha Lee
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199753987
- eISBN:
- 9780199896783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199753987.003.0008
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter analyzes the effects of the formation of a regional trade agreement on the level and nature of multinational firm activity. This chapter examines aggregate data that capture the response ...
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This chapter analyzes the effects of the formation of a regional trade agreement on the level and nature of multinational firm activity. This chapter examines aggregate data that capture the response of United States (US) multinational firms to the formation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) free trade agreement. Observed patterns guide the development of a model in which heterogeneous firms from a source country decide how to serve two foreign markets. Following a reduction in tariffs on trade between the two foreign countries, the model predicts growth in the number of source-country firms engaging in foreign direct investment, growth in the size of affiliates that are active in reforming countries both before and after the tariff reduction, and an increase in the extent to which the sales of affiliates in reforming countries are directed toward other reforming countries. Analysis of firm-level responses to the creation of the ASEAN free trade agreement yields results that are consistent with these predictions.Less
This chapter analyzes the effects of the formation of a regional trade agreement on the level and nature of multinational firm activity. This chapter examines aggregate data that capture the response of United States (US) multinational firms to the formation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) free trade agreement. Observed patterns guide the development of a model in which heterogeneous firms from a source country decide how to serve two foreign markets. Following a reduction in tariffs on trade between the two foreign countries, the model predicts growth in the number of source-country firms engaging in foreign direct investment, growth in the size of affiliates that are active in reforming countries both before and after the tariff reduction, and an increase in the extent to which the sales of affiliates in reforming countries are directed toward other reforming countries. Analysis of firm-level responses to the creation of the ASEAN free trade agreement yields results that are consistent with these predictions.
Andy Kirkpatrick
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789888028795
- eISBN:
- 9789882206922
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888028795.003.0001
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
This chapter provides a brief summary of the context in which the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established with the signing of the Bangkok Declaration in August 1967 by the five ...
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This chapter provides a brief summary of the context in which the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established with the signing of the Bangkok Declaration in August 1967 by the five founding member countries, and examines the role of the English language. It discusses the role of English language and other languages within the organization. The chapter also compares the main principles of the original 1967 Bangkok Declaration with those of the recently signed charter of the ASEAN.Less
This chapter provides a brief summary of the context in which the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established with the signing of the Bangkok Declaration in August 1967 by the five founding member countries, and examines the role of the English language. It discusses the role of English language and other languages within the organization. The chapter also compares the main principles of the original 1967 Bangkok Declaration with those of the recently signed charter of the ASEAN.
