Martin Randall
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748638529
- eISBN:
- 9780748651825
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748638529.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature
This book explores the fiction, poetry, theatre and cinema that have represented the 9/11 attacks. Works by Martin Amis, Ian McEwan, Don DeLillo, Simon Armitage and Mohsin Hamid are discussed in ...
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This book explores the fiction, poetry, theatre and cinema that have represented the 9/11 attacks. Works by Martin Amis, Ian McEwan, Don DeLillo, Simon Armitage and Mohsin Hamid are discussed in relation to the specific problems of writing about such a visually spectacular ‘event’ that has had enormous global implications. Other chapters analyse initial responses to 9/11, the intriguing tensions between fiction and non-fiction, the challenge of describing traumatic history and the ways in which the terrorist attacks have been discussed culturally in the decade since September 11. The book: contributes to the growing literature on 9/11, presenting an overview of some of the main texts that have represented the attacks and their aftermath; focuses on Don DeLillo, adding to the literature surrounding this major American novelist; focuses on Martin Amis, adding to the growing critical work on this much-discussed British novelist and essayist; and provides a critical analysis of the Oscar-winning film Man on Wire, regarding its oblique references to 9/11.Less
This book explores the fiction, poetry, theatre and cinema that have represented the 9/11 attacks. Works by Martin Amis, Ian McEwan, Don DeLillo, Simon Armitage and Mohsin Hamid are discussed in relation to the specific problems of writing about such a visually spectacular ‘event’ that has had enormous global implications. Other chapters analyse initial responses to 9/11, the intriguing tensions between fiction and non-fiction, the challenge of describing traumatic history and the ways in which the terrorist attacks have been discussed culturally in the decade since September 11. The book: contributes to the growing literature on 9/11, presenting an overview of some of the main texts that have represented the attacks and their aftermath; focuses on Don DeLillo, adding to the literature surrounding this major American novelist; focuses on Martin Amis, adding to the growing critical work on this much-discussed British novelist and essayist; and provides a critical analysis of the Oscar-winning film Man on Wire, regarding its oblique references to 9/11.
Jesper Doolaard
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496813329
- eISBN:
- 9781496813367
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496813329.003.0006
- Subject:
- Music, Popular
This chapter explores how the release of “Love and Theft” coincided with the 9/11 terrorist attacks, and how it strongly affected the album's immediate reception. This association was particularly ...
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This chapter explores how the release of “Love and Theft” coincided with the 9/11 terrorist attacks, and how it strongly affected the album's immediate reception. This association was particularly strong due to the lyrical and thematic content of the album, which somehow seemed to “fit” the events of 9/11—fit them so well, in fact, that it led some reviewers to ascribe Bob Dylan with a prophetic quality. The connection between art and 9/11 has been a subject of lively debate ever since the terrorist attacks. Much of this debate has centered around the question of how “post-9/11 art” can help reflect on, or help deal with, the trauma of the 9/11 events.Less
This chapter explores how the release of “Love and Theft” coincided with the 9/11 terrorist attacks, and how it strongly affected the album's immediate reception. This association was particularly strong due to the lyrical and thematic content of the album, which somehow seemed to “fit” the events of 9/11—fit them so well, in fact, that it led some reviewers to ascribe Bob Dylan with a prophetic quality. The connection between art and 9/11 has been a subject of lively debate ever since the terrorist attacks. Much of this debate has centered around the question of how “post-9/11 art” can help reflect on, or help deal with, the trauma of the 9/11 events.
Allan Young
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804754057
- eISBN:
- 9780804768122
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804754057.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter reviews an evolution in the construction of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) following the 9/11 attacks in the United States. It covers the epidemiology of post-9/11 PTSD and the ...
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This chapter reviews an evolution in the construction of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) following the 9/11 attacks in the United States. It covers the epidemiology of post-9/11 PTSD and the emergence of a novel variation, “PTSD of the virtual kind.” In addition, the efforts to conceptualize resilience and to attract financial and institutional support for assessing and promoting resilience are explored. PTSD has an inner logic—a memory logic that is specific to PTSD and an evolutionary logic that is shared with other anxiety disorders. It is observed that the 9/11 events displayed continuing anxiety, and justified a program of political and military responses—the “War on Terrorism.” PTSD of the virtual kind is a historical development of a “form of life” that began to form towards the end of the nineteenth century and that has been progressively revised in connection with episodes of world historical violence.Less
This chapter reviews an evolution in the construction of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) following the 9/11 attacks in the United States. It covers the epidemiology of post-9/11 PTSD and the emergence of a novel variation, “PTSD of the virtual kind.” In addition, the efforts to conceptualize resilience and to attract financial and institutional support for assessing and promoting resilience are explored. PTSD has an inner logic—a memory logic that is specific to PTSD and an evolutionary logic that is shared with other anxiety disorders. It is observed that the 9/11 events displayed continuing anxiety, and justified a program of political and military responses—the “War on Terrorism.” PTSD of the virtual kind is a historical development of a “form of life” that began to form towards the end of the nineteenth century and that has been progressively revised in connection with episodes of world historical violence.
Todd H. Hall
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801453014
- eISBN:
- 9781501701139
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801453014.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter investigates the diplomacy of sympathy in the context of the responses of the Russian Federation (RF) and the People's Republic of China (PRC) to the 9/11 attacks on the United States. ...
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This chapter investigates the diplomacy of sympathy in the context of the responses of the Russian Federation (RF) and the People's Republic of China (PRC) to the 9/11 attacks on the United States. Following the attacks, both the RF and PRC not only yielded to a U.S. presence on their inner flanks, they proactively facilitated it. They also provided other forms of aid and assistance without seeking to lock in any concrete concessions in return. Such behavior defies expectations that great powers should seek to hinder the military encroachment of other great powers into their neighborhoods. It also defies the traditional expectation of statecraft that states should bargain for advantage wherever possible. The chapter argues that the choices and behavior of RF and PRC officials at the time—including their statements and symbolic gestures—only make sense when understood as part of a strong diplomacy of sympathy strategy, one aimed at seizing the opportunity of the moment to reboot relations with the United States and reframe their own domestic struggles as part of a larger fight against terrorism.Less
This chapter investigates the diplomacy of sympathy in the context of the responses of the Russian Federation (RF) and the People's Republic of China (PRC) to the 9/11 attacks on the United States. Following the attacks, both the RF and PRC not only yielded to a U.S. presence on their inner flanks, they proactively facilitated it. They also provided other forms of aid and assistance without seeking to lock in any concrete concessions in return. Such behavior defies expectations that great powers should seek to hinder the military encroachment of other great powers into their neighborhoods. It also defies the traditional expectation of statecraft that states should bargain for advantage wherever possible. The chapter argues that the choices and behavior of RF and PRC officials at the time—including their statements and symbolic gestures—only make sense when understood as part of a strong diplomacy of sympathy strategy, one aimed at seizing the opportunity of the moment to reboot relations with the United States and reframe their own domestic struggles as part of a larger fight against terrorism.
Mateo Taussig-rubbo
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804775366
- eISBN:
- 9780804780704
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804775366.003.0017
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
This chapter notes that the attacks of September 11, 2001, led to the designation of property damaged in the attacks as “sacred” by officials and others. This new designation was applied both to real ...
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This chapter notes that the attacks of September 11, 2001, led to the designation of property damaged in the attacks as “sacred” by officials and others. This new designation was applied both to real property and to souvenirs of the attacks. Some of the objects in question were unremarkable, often nothing more than rubble. However, for those who possessed them, they seemed to have transcended such banal categorizations. This chapter examines the form of value created through destruction. It asks who lays claim to that value, to what purposes it is directed, how it attaches to material objects and land, and whether it overwhelms the usual legal understandings of property and ownership or can be subordinated to them.Less
This chapter notes that the attacks of September 11, 2001, led to the designation of property damaged in the attacks as “sacred” by officials and others. This new designation was applied both to real property and to souvenirs of the attacks. Some of the objects in question were unremarkable, often nothing more than rubble. However, for those who possessed them, they seemed to have transcended such banal categorizations. This chapter examines the form of value created through destruction. It asks who lays claim to that value, to what purposes it is directed, how it attaches to material objects and land, and whether it overwhelms the usual legal understandings of property and ownership or can be subordinated to them.
Mark Juergensmeyer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199781577
- eISBN:
- 9780199932887
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199781577.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Can the control of a government by religious extremists be a legitimate, if not legal, reason for an international military intervention in a country? This is one of the key issues behind the US ...
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Can the control of a government by religious extremists be a legitimate, if not legal, reason for an international military intervention in a country? This is one of the key issues behind the US military invasion and occupation of Afghanistan in 2001, and keeping the country safe from the Taliban is one of the reasons for the America’s continued military presence there. This essay examines the assumptions behind that logic, and looks at the possibility of the evolution of authoritarian religious regimes into forms of government that are compatible with democracy and human rights.Less
Can the control of a government by religious extremists be a legitimate, if not legal, reason for an international military intervention in a country? This is one of the key issues behind the US military invasion and occupation of Afghanistan in 2001, and keeping the country safe from the Taliban is one of the reasons for the America’s continued military presence there. This essay examines the assumptions behind that logic, and looks at the possibility of the evolution of authoritarian religious regimes into forms of government that are compatible with democracy and human rights.
Norma M. Riccucci
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781479845040
- eISBN:
- 9781479896356
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479845040.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter provides a brief discussion of the historical antecedents of privacy rights. Against this backdrop, it then examines how multiple policy players or stakeholders became involved in the ...
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This chapter provides a brief discussion of the historical antecedents of privacy rights. Against this backdrop, it then examines how multiple policy players or stakeholders became involved in the battle between liberty and safety. The institutional model of policy making applies here. In particular, it illustrates how the federal government developed a series of byzantine, convoluted laws and secret edicts in the form of policy drifts that it claimed would help win the war on terror and bring some sense of safety and security to the American people.Less
This chapter provides a brief discussion of the historical antecedents of privacy rights. Against this backdrop, it then examines how multiple policy players or stakeholders became involved in the battle between liberty and safety. The institutional model of policy making applies here. In particular, it illustrates how the federal government developed a series of byzantine, convoluted laws and secret edicts in the form of policy drifts that it claimed would help win the war on terror and bring some sense of safety and security to the American people.
Douglas Little
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469626802
- eISBN:
- 9781469628042
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626802.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
George W. Bush regarded economic globalization and democratic enlargement as insufficient to contain Iraq, Iran, and other “rogue states.” As a result, he stocked his administration with hard-line ...
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George W. Bush regarded economic globalization and democratic enlargement as insufficient to contain Iraq, Iran, and other “rogue states.” As a result, he stocked his administration with hard-line Cold Warriors whose strategy for handling regional troublemakers like Saddam Hussein came straight out of Eisenhower’s America—rollback. When Al-Qaeda terrorists attacked the U.S. homeland on 11 September 2001, the Bush administration unleashed a “global war on terror,” expanding the Cold War national security state and embracing preventive war as the surest guarantees against a second 9/11. In the process, the new “green threat” of radical Islam replaced the old “red threat” of international communism. The initial testing ground for the Bush Doctrine was Iraq, where an American blitzkrieg rapidly morphed into a brutal low-intensity war against insurgents which blackened America’s reputation and strengthened the hand of Muslim extremists. Although Bush #43 made exporting “freedom” a key goal during his second term, by early 2009 rogue state rollback had backfired in the Middle East.Less
George W. Bush regarded economic globalization and democratic enlargement as insufficient to contain Iraq, Iran, and other “rogue states.” As a result, he stocked his administration with hard-line Cold Warriors whose strategy for handling regional troublemakers like Saddam Hussein came straight out of Eisenhower’s America—rollback. When Al-Qaeda terrorists attacked the U.S. homeland on 11 September 2001, the Bush administration unleashed a “global war on terror,” expanding the Cold War national security state and embracing preventive war as the surest guarantees against a second 9/11. In the process, the new “green threat” of radical Islam replaced the old “red threat” of international communism. The initial testing ground for the Bush Doctrine was Iraq, where an American blitzkrieg rapidly morphed into a brutal low-intensity war against insurgents which blackened America’s reputation and strengthened the hand of Muslim extremists. Although Bush #43 made exporting “freedom” a key goal during his second term, by early 2009 rogue state rollback had backfired in the Middle East.
Yuval Ginbar
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199540914
- eISBN:
- 9780191716256
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199540914.003.0015
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter describes and analyzes the ‘high value detainees’ (HVD) model of quasi-legalized torture in the USA's war on terror following the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Initially its legal basis ...
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This chapter describes and analyzes the ‘high value detainees’ (HVD) model of quasi-legalized torture in the USA's war on terror following the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Initially its legal basis consisted of documents by the executive's legal advisers and executive orders, which combined classifying certain war on terror detainees as having no legal rights, either under US or international law — a very narrow definition of torture — and a view that the President's constitutionally granted powers as armed forces Commander-in-Chief during war are unlimited, including the power to order torture. Later executive orders, legislation, and court rulings modified the model, but as of 2007 US courts were still unwilling to exclude the possibility of torture or detainees during urgent interrogations being lawful. Methods, including enforced disappearances, waterboarding, sleep and sensory deprivation, painful positions, violence, intimidation, and humiliation were used far beyond even what instructions allowed.Less
This chapter describes and analyzes the ‘high value detainees’ (HVD) model of quasi-legalized torture in the USA's war on terror following the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Initially its legal basis consisted of documents by the executive's legal advisers and executive orders, which combined classifying certain war on terror detainees as having no legal rights, either under US or international law — a very narrow definition of torture — and a view that the President's constitutionally granted powers as armed forces Commander-in-Chief during war are unlimited, including the power to order torture. Later executive orders, legislation, and court rulings modified the model, but as of 2007 US courts were still unwilling to exclude the possibility of torture or detainees during urgent interrogations being lawful. Methods, including enforced disappearances, waterboarding, sleep and sensory deprivation, painful positions, violence, intimidation, and humiliation were used far beyond even what instructions allowed.
Yuval Ginbar
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199540914
- eISBN:
- 9780191716256
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199540914.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter addresses the wider issue that a moral agent facing a ticking bomb situation (TBS) should consider: whether ultimately a decision to torture the terrorist or not should be determined by ...
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This chapter addresses the wider issue that a moral agent facing a ticking bomb situation (TBS) should consider: whether ultimately a decision to torture the terrorist or not should be determined by consequences or by absolute moral prohibitions. First, the consequences of not torturing in the scenario and the planned terrorist attack occurring are described, illustrated by the 9/11 terrorist attacks on New York and a terrorist attack in Jerusalem. Then the two prominent moral-philosophical views clashing over the morality of action, including in such extreme emergencies, are outlined: on the one hand consequentialism (or utilitarianism), advocated by the likes of Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill, and determining the morality of actions by their consequences; on the other deontology, whose main advocate was Immanuel Kant, which emphasizes duties to oneself and others, and stipulates that certain types of acts must be prohibited absolutely (‘no-go areas’).Less
This chapter addresses the wider issue that a moral agent facing a ticking bomb situation (TBS) should consider: whether ultimately a decision to torture the terrorist or not should be determined by consequences or by absolute moral prohibitions. First, the consequences of not torturing in the scenario and the planned terrorist attack occurring are described, illustrated by the 9/11 terrorist attacks on New York and a terrorist attack in Jerusalem. Then the two prominent moral-philosophical views clashing over the morality of action, including in such extreme emergencies, are outlined: on the one hand consequentialism (or utilitarianism), advocated by the likes of Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill, and determining the morality of actions by their consequences; on the other deontology, whose main advocate was Immanuel Kant, which emphasizes duties to oneself and others, and stipulates that certain types of acts must be prohibited absolutely (‘no-go areas’).
Robert H. Wagstaff
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199301553
- eISBN:
- 9780199344895
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199301553.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Comparative Law
This chapter describes the September 11, 2001 US terror attacks, the July 7, 2005 London terror bombings, and the sequelae of government action. It describes the perversion of leadership in the US ...
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This chapter describes the September 11, 2001 US terror attacks, the July 7, 2005 London terror bombings, and the sequelae of government action. It describes the perversion of leadership in the US from arrest without probable cause to indefinite detention without charge and outright torture, the creation of a legal ‘black hole’ (Guantanamo), and the presumption of guilt with a pronouncement by President Bush that the Guantanamo detainees represent the ‘worst of the worst’. The UK Blair government implemented the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act which provided for arrest of aliens upon suspicion and indefinite detention at Belmarsh Prison. The war crimes of abuse and torture were officially sanctioned at the highest level of government in the US, approved by a compliant Department of Justice which perverted both its responsibilities and the law, and the UK acquiesced. The US took off the gloves and the UK held them.Less
This chapter describes the September 11, 2001 US terror attacks, the July 7, 2005 London terror bombings, and the sequelae of government action. It describes the perversion of leadership in the US from arrest without probable cause to indefinite detention without charge and outright torture, the creation of a legal ‘black hole’ (Guantanamo), and the presumption of guilt with a pronouncement by President Bush that the Guantanamo detainees represent the ‘worst of the worst’. The UK Blair government implemented the Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act which provided for arrest of aliens upon suspicion and indefinite detention at Belmarsh Prison. The war crimes of abuse and torture were officially sanctioned at the highest level of government in the US, approved by a compliant Department of Justice which perverted both its responsibilities and the law, and the UK acquiesced. The US took off the gloves and the UK held them.
Barbara Herrnstein Smith
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748620234
- eISBN:
- 9780748671670
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748620234.003.0002
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
The second chapter offers historical perspectives on the charge of relativism recurrently lodged against challenges to traditional claims of absolute, objective and/or universal truth. It begins by ...
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The second chapter offers historical perspectives on the charge of relativism recurrently lodged against challenges to traditional claims of absolute, objective and/or universal truth. It begins by examining a set of current denunciations of “postmodern relativism" that involve, respectively, historians' treatments of the Holocaust and journalistic responses to the 9/11 attacks. It goes on to discuss the work of several important intellectual historians, who, along with various avant-garde artists, critics and writers, were identified with relativism in the Modernist period. It concludes with the suggestion that the “relativism” denounced in these and comparable cases (e. g., constructivist science studies, multiculturalist literary theory or cosmopolitan political theory) is a phantom heresy, with claims and implications (quietism, pessimism, solipsism, the equality of everything, etc.) that are maintained by nobody and not logically implied but invoked by anti-relativists to protect dubious orthodoxy under siege.Less
The second chapter offers historical perspectives on the charge of relativism recurrently lodged against challenges to traditional claims of absolute, objective and/or universal truth. It begins by examining a set of current denunciations of “postmodern relativism" that involve, respectively, historians' treatments of the Holocaust and journalistic responses to the 9/11 attacks. It goes on to discuss the work of several important intellectual historians, who, along with various avant-garde artists, critics and writers, were identified with relativism in the Modernist period. It concludes with the suggestion that the “relativism” denounced in these and comparable cases (e. g., constructivist science studies, multiculturalist literary theory or cosmopolitan political theory) is a phantom heresy, with claims and implications (quietism, pessimism, solipsism, the equality of everything, etc.) that are maintained by nobody and not logically implied but invoked by anti-relativists to protect dubious orthodoxy under siege.
Lynn C. Klotz and Edward J. Sylvester
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226444055
- eISBN:
- 9780226444079
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226444079.001.0001
- Subject:
- Biology, Biotechnology
In the years since the 9/11 attacks—and the subsequent lethal anthrax letters—the United States has spent billions of dollars on measures to defend the population against the threat of biological ...
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In the years since the 9/11 attacks—and the subsequent lethal anthrax letters—the United States has spent billions of dollars on measures to defend the population against the threat of biological weapons. But as this book argues, all that money and effort hasn't made us any safer—in fact, it has made us more vulnerable. The book reveals the mistakes made to this point and lays out the necessary steps to set us on the path toward true biosecurity. The fundamental problem with the current approach, according to the book, is the danger caused by the sheer size and secrecy of our biodefense effort. Thousands of scientists spread throughout hundreds of locations are now working with lethal bioweapons agents—but their inability to make their work public causes suspicion among our enemies and allies alike, even as the enormous number of laboratories greatly multiplies the inherent risk of deadly accidents or theft. Meanwhile, vital public health needs go unmet because of this new biodefense focus. True biosecurity, the chapters argue, will require a multipronged effort based in an understanding of the complexity of the issue, guided by scientific ethics, and watched over by a vigilant citizenry attentive to the difference between fear mongering and true analysis of risk.Less
In the years since the 9/11 attacks—and the subsequent lethal anthrax letters—the United States has spent billions of dollars on measures to defend the population against the threat of biological weapons. But as this book argues, all that money and effort hasn't made us any safer—in fact, it has made us more vulnerable. The book reveals the mistakes made to this point and lays out the necessary steps to set us on the path toward true biosecurity. The fundamental problem with the current approach, according to the book, is the danger caused by the sheer size and secrecy of our biodefense effort. Thousands of scientists spread throughout hundreds of locations are now working with lethal bioweapons agents—but their inability to make their work public causes suspicion among our enemies and allies alike, even as the enormous number of laboratories greatly multiplies the inherent risk of deadly accidents or theft. Meanwhile, vital public health needs go unmet because of this new biodefense focus. True biosecurity, the chapters argue, will require a multipronged effort based in an understanding of the complexity of the issue, guided by scientific ethics, and watched over by a vigilant citizenry attentive to the difference between fear mongering and true analysis of risk.
Inderjeet Parmar
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- November 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780231146296
- eISBN:
- 9780231517935
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231146296.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter analyzes the impact of the overarching by-product of the major foundations' efforts—the economic order based on capitalist globalization—in the post-Cold War era and beyond. Major ...
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This chapter analyzes the impact of the overarching by-product of the major foundations' efforts—the economic order based on capitalist globalization—in the post-Cold War era and beyond. Major foundations remain supportive of existing international organizations and new organizations more suited to global conditions, with the likes of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. The Ford Foundation awards monetary grants to the World Bank for funding a microfinancing consultative group—a project that eases the loaning process in mainstream commercial banks. Another is the support of the Rockefeller Foundation to IMF's global programs, without which the world would return to the economic crises of the 1930s. Although they focused on the global sources for solutions to domestic problems, the 9/11 terrorist attacks, however, dealt a temporary blow to the trend. Nonetheless, the chapter follows the foundation-led globalization as this eventually spurred the emergence of the democratic peace theory (DPT).Less
This chapter analyzes the impact of the overarching by-product of the major foundations' efforts—the economic order based on capitalist globalization—in the post-Cold War era and beyond. Major foundations remain supportive of existing international organizations and new organizations more suited to global conditions, with the likes of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. The Ford Foundation awards monetary grants to the World Bank for funding a microfinancing consultative group—a project that eases the loaning process in mainstream commercial banks. Another is the support of the Rockefeller Foundation to IMF's global programs, without which the world would return to the economic crises of the 1930s. Although they focused on the global sources for solutions to domestic problems, the 9/11 terrorist attacks, however, dealt a temporary blow to the trend. Nonetheless, the chapter follows the foundation-led globalization as this eventually spurred the emergence of the democratic peace theory (DPT).
Robert G. Kaufman
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124346
- eISBN:
- 9780813134987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124346.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The reasoning behind the Bush administration's strategy in fighting terrorism, also known as the Bush Doctrine, rests primarily on the belief that preemptive rather than reactive force is necessary ...
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The reasoning behind the Bush administration's strategy in fighting terrorism, also known as the Bush Doctrine, rests primarily on the belief that preemptive rather than reactive force is necessary in the US's fight against terror—as was highlighted by the events of September 11, 2001—and that a democratic regime change is needed in the Middle East, where a culture of tyranny and radicalism exists. This book contends that the Bush Doctrine is based on the principles of moral democratic realism, which is supported by two major premises: that preserving the vitality and integrity of a free society remains the fundamental goal of American foreign policy; and that the country's strategy should be guided by the virtue of prudence by not merely choosing the right ends but also the right means to achieve them.Less
The reasoning behind the Bush administration's strategy in fighting terrorism, also known as the Bush Doctrine, rests primarily on the belief that preemptive rather than reactive force is necessary in the US's fight against terror—as was highlighted by the events of September 11, 2001—and that a democratic regime change is needed in the Middle East, where a culture of tyranny and radicalism exists. This book contends that the Bush Doctrine is based on the principles of moral democratic realism, which is supported by two major premises: that preserving the vitality and integrity of a free society remains the fundamental goal of American foreign policy; and that the country's strategy should be guided by the virtue of prudence by not merely choosing the right ends but also the right means to achieve them.
Dilip Hiro
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190944650
- eISBN:
- 9780190055905
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
As de facto ruler, Crown Prince Abdullah aided the Taliban, a hard line Islamic fundamentalist party in Afghanistan, created by Pakistan in 1994 during the civil war. Assisted by Islamabad and ...
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As de facto ruler, Crown Prince Abdullah aided the Taliban, a hard line Islamic fundamentalist party in Afghanistan, created by Pakistan in 1994 during the civil war. Assisted by Islamabad and Riyadh, the Taliban captured Kabul in September 1996. In their spring and summer 1998 offensives, they seized more territory. During their capture of Mazare Sharif, eleven diplomats from Iran’s consulate “disappeared”. The subsequent tensions between Iran and the Taliban escalated to the point when Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards carried out military exercises near the Afghan border. Thus pressured, the Taliban handed over the Iranian diplomats’ corpses. President Khatami was quick to condemn the 9/11 attacks masterminded by Osama bin Laden based in Afghanistan. In contrast, the widely shared view of senior Saudi princes was that 9/11 was part of the Zionist conspiracy to get Washington fired up to launch a worldwide campaign against Islamic terrorism. Iran clandestinely supplied intelligence on the Taliban on the eve of Washington’s anti-Taliban campaign in October 2001. Yet in January 2002, President George W. Bush included Iran along with Iraq in his “Axis of Evil.” Ignoring Abdullah’s opposition to aggression against any Arab country, Bush ordered invasion and occupation of Iraq in March 2003.Less
As de facto ruler, Crown Prince Abdullah aided the Taliban, a hard line Islamic fundamentalist party in Afghanistan, created by Pakistan in 1994 during the civil war. Assisted by Islamabad and Riyadh, the Taliban captured Kabul in September 1996. In their spring and summer 1998 offensives, they seized more territory. During their capture of Mazare Sharif, eleven diplomats from Iran’s consulate “disappeared”. The subsequent tensions between Iran and the Taliban escalated to the point when Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards carried out military exercises near the Afghan border. Thus pressured, the Taliban handed over the Iranian diplomats’ corpses. President Khatami was quick to condemn the 9/11 attacks masterminded by Osama bin Laden based in Afghanistan. In contrast, the widely shared view of senior Saudi princes was that 9/11 was part of the Zionist conspiracy to get Washington fired up to launch a worldwide campaign against Islamic terrorism. Iran clandestinely supplied intelligence on the Taliban on the eve of Washington’s anti-Taliban campaign in October 2001. Yet in January 2002, President George W. Bush included Iran along with Iraq in his “Axis of Evil.” Ignoring Abdullah’s opposition to aggression against any Arab country, Bush ordered invasion and occupation of Iraq in March 2003.
Richard Taruskin
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520249776
- eISBN:
- 9780520942790
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520249776.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, Theory, Analysis, Composition
This book gathers the author's writing on the arts and politics, ranging in approach from occasional pieces for major newspapers such as the New York Times to full-scale critical essays for leading ...
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This book gathers the author's writing on the arts and politics, ranging in approach from occasional pieces for major newspapers such as the New York Times to full-scale critical essays for leading intellectual journals. The works presented in this book consider contemporary composition and performance, the role of critics and historians in the life of the arts, and the fraught terrain where ethics and aesthetics interact and at times conflict. Many of the works collected here have themselves excited wide debate, including the title chapter, which considers the rights and obligations of artists in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. In a series of postscripts written especially for this volume, the book addresses the debates which was stirred up by the author by his insisting that art is not a utopian escape and that artists inhabit the same world as the rest of society. Among the book's forty-two chapters are two public addresses—one about the prospects for classical music at the end of the second millennium C. E., the other a revisiting of the performance issues previously discussed in the author's Text and Act (1995)—that appear in print for the first time.Less
This book gathers the author's writing on the arts and politics, ranging in approach from occasional pieces for major newspapers such as the New York Times to full-scale critical essays for leading intellectual journals. The works presented in this book consider contemporary composition and performance, the role of critics and historians in the life of the arts, and the fraught terrain where ethics and aesthetics interact and at times conflict. Many of the works collected here have themselves excited wide debate, including the title chapter, which considers the rights and obligations of artists in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. In a series of postscripts written especially for this volume, the book addresses the debates which was stirred up by the author by his insisting that art is not a utopian escape and that artists inhabit the same world as the rest of society. Among the book's forty-two chapters are two public addresses—one about the prospects for classical music at the end of the second millennium C. E., the other a revisiting of the performance issues previously discussed in the author's Text and Act (1995)—that appear in print for the first time.
Harriet F. Senie
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190248390
- eISBN:
- 9780190248437
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190248390.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History, American History: 20th Century
The introduction introduces key themes of the book: myths of national identity challenged by the Vietnam War, Oklahoma City bombing, Columbine shootings, and the 9/11 attacks; the conflation of ...
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The introduction introduces key themes of the book: myths of national identity challenged by the Vietnam War, Oklahoma City bombing, Columbine shootings, and the 9/11 attacks; the conflation of heroes and victims in the memorials to these national tragedies rather than an exploration of the events themselves; the relationship of the Holocaust to the key memorials discussed; and the failure to acknowledge distinctions among categories of victims. It also includes a summary of the pertinent literature and the content of each chapter.Less
The introduction introduces key themes of the book: myths of national identity challenged by the Vietnam War, Oklahoma City bombing, Columbine shootings, and the 9/11 attacks; the conflation of heroes and victims in the memorials to these national tragedies rather than an exploration of the events themselves; the relationship of the Holocaust to the key memorials discussed; and the failure to acknowledge distinctions among categories of victims. It also includes a summary of the pertinent literature and the content of each chapter.
Daniel Martin
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780748697458
- eISBN:
- 9781474412179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748697458.003.0004
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter focuses on the last of Tartan Film’s theatrical releases before the official adoption of the Asia Extreme brand: the scandalous Japanese action film Battle Royale (Kinji Fukasaku, 2000). ...
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This chapter focuses on the last of Tartan Film’s theatrical releases before the official adoption of the Asia Extreme brand: the scandalous Japanese action film Battle Royale (Kinji Fukasaku, 2000). From initial censorship concerns about the film in its native Japan, Tartan’s publicity department capitalised on Orientalist fears of the East to take advantage of the film’s ‘dangerous’ status and its potential to create outrage. Analysis traces the film’s controversy from the hysterical reaction to the film’s release in Japan, where it was associated with youth violence and triggered a parliamentary debate, to Tartan’s aggressive marketing campaign in the UK, which formed a symbiotic relationship with the film’s sensationalist status in both journalistic and critical press articles. Various factors affecting the film’s British reception will be examined, including the troubling timing of the film’s release, just three days after the 9/11 terrorist attacks in America. This chapter includes a comprehensive timeline of multimedia releases, demonstrating the cultural impact and earning potential of the Battle Royale franchise in Japan and the UK.Less
This chapter focuses on the last of Tartan Film’s theatrical releases before the official adoption of the Asia Extreme brand: the scandalous Japanese action film Battle Royale (Kinji Fukasaku, 2000). From initial censorship concerns about the film in its native Japan, Tartan’s publicity department capitalised on Orientalist fears of the East to take advantage of the film’s ‘dangerous’ status and its potential to create outrage. Analysis traces the film’s controversy from the hysterical reaction to the film’s release in Japan, where it was associated with youth violence and triggered a parliamentary debate, to Tartan’s aggressive marketing campaign in the UK, which formed a symbiotic relationship with the film’s sensationalist status in both journalistic and critical press articles. Various factors affecting the film’s British reception will be examined, including the troubling timing of the film’s release, just three days after the 9/11 terrorist attacks in America. This chapter includes a comprehensive timeline of multimedia releases, demonstrating the cultural impact and earning potential of the Battle Royale franchise in Japan and the UK.
Philip Auerswald
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- April 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199795178
- eISBN:
- 9780190258481
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199795178.003.0014
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Innovation
This chapter describes prosperity on a global scale with focus on the political narrative in the United States. It illustrates significant narratives of domestic doom that relate to exaggerated ...
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This chapter describes prosperity on a global scale with focus on the political narrative in the United States. It illustrates significant narratives of domestic doom that relate to exaggerated external and internal threats, which led to miscalibrated and self-destructive responses. One case of external threat is the 9/11 attacks. What resulted after the attacks were a pair of foreign wars whose cost exceeded a trillion dollars, the reversal of five decades of government prohibition against torture, and unprecedented intrusions into the civil liberties of US citizens.Less
This chapter describes prosperity on a global scale with focus on the political narrative in the United States. It illustrates significant narratives of domestic doom that relate to exaggerated external and internal threats, which led to miscalibrated and self-destructive responses. One case of external threat is the 9/11 attacks. What resulted after the attacks were a pair of foreign wars whose cost exceeded a trillion dollars, the reversal of five decades of government prohibition against torture, and unprecedented intrusions into the civil liberties of US citizens.
