James H. Lebovic
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- April 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190935320
- eISBN:
- 9780190937263
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190935320.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The George W. Bush administration showed signs of biased decision-making before and after the 2003 Iraq invasion, which it claimed was necessary because Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction. ...
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The George W. Bush administration showed signs of biased decision-making before and after the 2003 Iraq invasion, which it claimed was necessary because Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction. With Donald Rumsfeld as secretary of defense, the administration focused narrowly on regime change and failed to plan for the aftermath of war. With the fall of Baghdad, the administration expanded US goals under the Coalition Provisional Authority without the capabilities to pursue them. Although the administration adjusted course in 2007, its new “surge” strategy, based on counterinsurgency principles, had the US military pursuing modest goals to suit available capabilities. Then the administration benefited unexpectedly from an alliance with Sunni insurgents (the Anbar Awakening) and the stand-down of the principal Shiite militia opposing US forces. US strategy finally amounted to staying the course through 2011, when the Obama administration chose to leave Iraq rather than seek a negotiated compromise.Less
The George W. Bush administration showed signs of biased decision-making before and after the 2003 Iraq invasion, which it claimed was necessary because Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction. With Donald Rumsfeld as secretary of defense, the administration focused narrowly on regime change and failed to plan for the aftermath of war. With the fall of Baghdad, the administration expanded US goals under the Coalition Provisional Authority without the capabilities to pursue them. Although the administration adjusted course in 2007, its new “surge” strategy, based on counterinsurgency principles, had the US military pursuing modest goals to suit available capabilities. Then the administration benefited unexpectedly from an alliance with Sunni insurgents (the Anbar Awakening) and the stand-down of the principal Shiite militia opposing US forces. US strategy finally amounted to staying the course through 2011, when the Obama administration chose to leave Iraq rather than seek a negotiated compromise.
Ozan Ozavci
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780198852964
- eISBN:
- 9780191888441
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198852964.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History, Political History
Even though each armed, legal, and administrative intervention considered in this book had diverse specific properties unique to its immediate context, the Epilogue makes a series of general remarks ...
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Even though each armed, legal, and administrative intervention considered in this book had diverse specific properties unique to its immediate context, the Epilogue makes a series of general remarks about the continuity the historical actors saw in the affairs of the Levant, the dynamic and intersubjective nature of the Eastern Question, and the Levantine agency in its unfolding in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It considers what these historical ordeals tell us about the Levant and the wider world today, drawing links between past and civil wars with the contemporary discursive practices that continue to haunt the Levant as well as the wider Middle East today.Less
Even though each armed, legal, and administrative intervention considered in this book had diverse specific properties unique to its immediate context, the Epilogue makes a series of general remarks about the continuity the historical actors saw in the affairs of the Levant, the dynamic and intersubjective nature of the Eastern Question, and the Levantine agency in its unfolding in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It considers what these historical ordeals tell us about the Levant and the wider world today, drawing links between past and civil wars with the contemporary discursive practices that continue to haunt the Levant as well as the wider Middle East today.
