Wouter van der Brug and Cees van der Eijk
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296614
- eISBN:
- 9780191600227
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296614.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter is the second of six on the question of political representation in the EU, and the second of four that put the five requirements of the Responsible Party Model (outlined in Ch. 6) to an ...
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This chapter is the second of six on the question of political representation in the EU, and the second of four that put the five requirements of the Responsible Party Model (outlined in Ch. 6) to an empirical test. The question investigated here is whether voters adequately perceive the substantive political differences between the parties. Specifically, the chapter sets out to assess to what extent European electorates met this requirement at the time of the 1994 elections for the European Parliament, using data from the European Election Study 1994 and the European Candidates Study 1994. Three types of such policy differences are distinguished: differences between party positions on three specific dimensions of EU policy (the position issues of the common European currency, border control, and unemployment); differences in the priorities parties wish to give to solving various problems (valence issues); and ideological differences in terms of left–right. The analyses showed that in 1994 voters in most European countries were not well aware either of the positions that political parties take on the three EU policy dimensions, nor did they have an adequate perception of the parties’ competence to handle political problems; however, they did perceive parties accurately in terms of left–right ideology.Less
This chapter is the second of six on the question of political representation in the EU, and the second of four that put the five requirements of the Responsible Party Model (outlined in Ch. 6) to an empirical test. The question investigated here is whether voters adequately perceive the substantive political differences between the parties. Specifically, the chapter sets out to assess to what extent European electorates met this requirement at the time of the 1994 elections for the European Parliament, using data from the European Election Study 1994 and the European Candidates Study 1994. Three types of such policy differences are distinguished: differences between party positions on three specific dimensions of EU policy (the position issues of the common European currency, border control, and unemployment); differences in the priorities parties wish to give to solving various problems (valence issues); and ideological differences in terms of left–right. The analyses showed that in 1994 voters in most European countries were not well aware either of the positions that political parties take on the three EU policy dimensions, nor did they have an adequate perception of the parties’ competence to handle political problems; however, they did perceive parties accurately in terms of left–right ideology.
Paul Christoph Bornkamm
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199694471
- eISBN:
- 9780191738326
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199694471.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
Rwanda's Gacaca courts provide an innovative response to the genocide of 1994. Incorporating elements of both African dispute resolution and of Western-style criminal courts, Gacaca courts are in ...
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Rwanda's Gacaca courts provide an innovative response to the genocide of 1994. Incorporating elements of both African dispute resolution and of Western-style criminal courts, Gacaca courts are in line with recent trends to revive traditional grassroots mechanisms as a way of addressing a violent past. Having been devised as a holistic approach to prosecution and punishment as well as to healing and repairing, they also reflect the increasing importance of victim participation in international criminal justice. This book critically examines the Gacaca courts' achievements as a mechanism of criminal justice and as a tool for healing, repairing, and reconciling the shattered communities. Having prosecuted over one million people suspected of crimes during the 1994 genocide, the courts have been both praised for their efficiency and condemned for their lack of due process. Drawing upon extensive observations of trial proceedings, this book provides a detailed analysis of the Gacaca legislation and its practical implementation. It discusses the Gacaca courts within the framework of transitional and international criminal justice and argues that, despite the trend towards local, tailor-made solutions to the challenges of political transition, there is a common set of principles to be respected in addressing the past. Evaluating the Gacaca courts against the backdrop of existing or emerging principles, such as the duties to investigate and prosecute, and the right to the truth, the book provides a sophisticated critique of Rwanda's reconciliation policy. In doing so, it contributes to the development and the clarification of these principles. It concludes that Gacaca courts have achieved a great deal in stimulating a basic discourse on the genocide, but they have also contributed to assigning collective responsibility and may thus end up deepening the divides within Rwandan society.Less
Rwanda's Gacaca courts provide an innovative response to the genocide of 1994. Incorporating elements of both African dispute resolution and of Western-style criminal courts, Gacaca courts are in line with recent trends to revive traditional grassroots mechanisms as a way of addressing a violent past. Having been devised as a holistic approach to prosecution and punishment as well as to healing and repairing, they also reflect the increasing importance of victim participation in international criminal justice. This book critically examines the Gacaca courts' achievements as a mechanism of criminal justice and as a tool for healing, repairing, and reconciling the shattered communities. Having prosecuted over one million people suspected of crimes during the 1994 genocide, the courts have been both praised for their efficiency and condemned for their lack of due process. Drawing upon extensive observations of trial proceedings, this book provides a detailed analysis of the Gacaca legislation and its practical implementation. It discusses the Gacaca courts within the framework of transitional and international criminal justice and argues that, despite the trend towards local, tailor-made solutions to the challenges of political transition, there is a common set of principles to be respected in addressing the past. Evaluating the Gacaca courts against the backdrop of existing or emerging principles, such as the duties to investigate and prosecute, and the right to the truth, the book provides a sophisticated critique of Rwanda's reconciliation policy. In doing so, it contributes to the development and the clarification of these principles. It concludes that Gacaca courts have achieved a great deal in stimulating a basic discourse on the genocide, but they have also contributed to assigning collective responsibility and may thus end up deepening the divides within Rwandan society.
Sarah E. Kreps
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199753796
- eISBN:
- 9780199827152
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199753796.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the multilateral 1994 Haiti intervention, an unlikely case of multilateralism for both the operational commitment and regional power explanations. The vast power disparities ...
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This chapter examines the multilateral 1994 Haiti intervention, an unlikely case of multilateralism for both the operational commitment and regional power explanations. The vast power disparities between the US and Haitian militaries and the absence of regional powers should have meant an interest in minimal multilateralism; the UN-authorized intervention and allied support challenge these explanations.Less
This chapter examines the multilateral 1994 Haiti intervention, an unlikely case of multilateralism for both the operational commitment and regional power explanations. The vast power disparities between the US and Haitian militaries and the absence of regional powers should have meant an interest in minimal multilateralism; the UN-authorized intervention and allied support challenge these explanations.
Ross English
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719063084
- eISBN:
- 9781781700228
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719063084.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The role of the Congress is essential to any study of American government and politics. It would be impossible to gain a complete understanding of the American system of government without an ...
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The role of the Congress is essential to any study of American government and politics. It would be impossible to gain a complete understanding of the American system of government without an appreciation of the nature and workings of this essential body. This text looks at the workings of the United States Congress, and uses the Republican period of ascendancy, which lasted from 1994 until 2000, as an example of how the Congress works in practice. The book illustrates the basic principles of Congress using contemporary and recent examples, while also drawing attention to the changes that took place in the 1990s. The period of Republican control is absent from many of the standard texts and is of considerable academic interest for a number of reasons, not least the 1994 election, the budget deadlock in 1995 and the Clinton impeachment scandal of 1999. The book traces the origin and development of the United States Congress, before looking in depth at the role of representatives and senators, the committee system, parties in Congress, and the relationship between Congress and the President, the media and interest groups.Less
The role of the Congress is essential to any study of American government and politics. It would be impossible to gain a complete understanding of the American system of government without an appreciation of the nature and workings of this essential body. This text looks at the workings of the United States Congress, and uses the Republican period of ascendancy, which lasted from 1994 until 2000, as an example of how the Congress works in practice. The book illustrates the basic principles of Congress using contemporary and recent examples, while also drawing attention to the changes that took place in the 1990s. The period of Republican control is absent from many of the standard texts and is of considerable academic interest for a number of reasons, not least the 1994 election, the budget deadlock in 1995 and the Clinton impeachment scandal of 1999. The book traces the origin and development of the United States Congress, before looking in depth at the role of representatives and senators, the committee system, parties in Congress, and the relationship between Congress and the President, the media and interest groups.
Richard Coopey and Donald Clarke
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198289449
- eISBN:
- 9780191684708
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198289449.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History
3i (Investors in Industry, and formerly the Industrial and Commercial Finance Corporation, etc.) is Britain's leading venture capital company. Founded in 1945 as a result of a combination of ...
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3i (Investors in Industry, and formerly the Industrial and Commercial Finance Corporation, etc.) is Britain's leading venture capital company. Founded in 1945 as a result of a combination of pressures and counter-pressures from political parties, Whitehall, the Bank of England, and the clearing banks, the organization has played a significant role in post-war investment banking and industrial development. The first part of the book traces 3i's history, from the early years of post-war reconstruction and the role played by Piercy and Kinross, through the years of consolidation, to the higher-profile years of the change of name and style and the 1994 flotation. The second part offers an inside view of the workings of this unique institution — the controllers, 3i's role in developing MBOs, methods of assessing risk and return, its relationship with capital markets, etc. During its first fifty years 3i has invested in numerous well known and successful companies — many of these are detailed in the text (such as British Caledonian, Oxford Instruments, Laura Ashley, etc.).Less
3i (Investors in Industry, and formerly the Industrial and Commercial Finance Corporation, etc.) is Britain's leading venture capital company. Founded in 1945 as a result of a combination of pressures and counter-pressures from political parties, Whitehall, the Bank of England, and the clearing banks, the organization has played a significant role in post-war investment banking and industrial development. The first part of the book traces 3i's history, from the early years of post-war reconstruction and the role played by Piercy and Kinross, through the years of consolidation, to the higher-profile years of the change of name and style and the 1994 flotation. The second part offers an inside view of the workings of this unique institution — the controllers, 3i's role in developing MBOs, methods of assessing risk and return, its relationship with capital markets, etc. During its first fifty years 3i has invested in numerous well known and successful companies — many of these are detailed in the text (such as British Caledonian, Oxford Instruments, Laura Ashley, etc.).
Barbara Ransby
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252042003
- eISBN:
- 9780252050749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252042003.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Social History
In this chapter the author reflects on what it means to be a black female historian in the twenty-first century. She challenges those who argue that it should simply mean being a good scholar and ...
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In this chapter the author reflects on what it means to be a black female historian in the twenty-first century. She challenges those who argue that it should simply mean being a good scholar and that notions of race and gender are anachronisms. She draws from her personal experiences in graduate school and in the academy as well as those of many other female historians of African descent to reflect on the slow and erratic progress but also persistent, intractable prejudice augmented by decades of institutional racism. She also elaborates on the significance of political activism, parenting, and mentors to her work and her life.Less
In this chapter the author reflects on what it means to be a black female historian in the twenty-first century. She challenges those who argue that it should simply mean being a good scholar and that notions of race and gender are anachronisms. She draws from her personal experiences in graduate school and in the academy as well as those of many other female historians of African descent to reflect on the slow and erratic progress but also persistent, intractable prejudice augmented by decades of institutional racism. She also elaborates on the significance of political activism, parenting, and mentors to her work and her life.
Anna Harvey
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780300171112
- eISBN:
- 9780300199192
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300171112.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Chapter 4 showed that many observers found the pre-1994 Rehnquist Court to be considerably more moderate than they had expected it to be, even as increasingly conservative justices replaced moderate ...
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Chapter 4 showed that many observers found the pre-1994 Rehnquist Court to be considerably more moderate than they had expected it to be, even as increasingly conservative justices replaced moderate and liberal justices. It is now known that these observers were correct: at least in cases involving the constitutional review of federal statutes, the first Rehnquist Court was significantly more liberal than it would have been, had only the justices' preferences determined its judgments. This chapter looks at another observation: that the first Rehnquist Court appeared to be taking in fewer cases involving important public policy issues towards the end of the period. This “shrinking docket” attracted the attention of legal scholars and needs some careful analysis.Less
Chapter 4 showed that many observers found the pre-1994 Rehnquist Court to be considerably more moderate than they had expected it to be, even as increasingly conservative justices replaced moderate and liberal justices. It is now known that these observers were correct: at least in cases involving the constitutional review of federal statutes, the first Rehnquist Court was significantly more liberal than it would have been, had only the justices' preferences determined its judgments. This chapter looks at another observation: that the first Rehnquist Court appeared to be taking in fewer cases involving important public policy issues towards the end of the period. This “shrinking docket” attracted the attention of legal scholars and needs some careful analysis.
James M. Denham
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813060491
- eISBN:
- 9780813050638
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813060491.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter discusses the Middle District during the years of the George H. W. Bush Presidency, 1988–1992. The Middle District experienced intense overcrowding due to expanding case load, and the ...
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This chapter discusses the Middle District during the years of the George H. W. Bush Presidency, 1988–1992. The Middle District experienced intense overcrowding due to expanding case load, and the primary cause was the dramatic increase in criminal cases. As Congress had expanded federal criminal jurisdiction, and as the federal law enforcement establishment expanded, so too did the number of prosecutors. Even though U.S. magistrates took on more duties and trial work, the number of judges remained constant. As had been the case in the early 1980s, civil cases were postponed because “speedy trials” for criminal defendants took precedence. And the number of criminal cases grew and grew. These recurring themes continue in subsequent chapters. Population growth allowed the president to appoint more judges but partisan politics with a Republican White House and a democratically controlled Senate made the confirmation of judges difficult to achieve. The cooperation of Senators Connie Mack (Rep.) and Bob Graham (Dem.) was instrumental in having several new judges for the Middle District confirmed. Even with the addition of several new district judges and U.S. magistrates, the chapter ends with a 1993 report show that with caseloads rising beyond any reasonable measure federal court system in Florida was nearing a “meltdown.”Less
This chapter discusses the Middle District during the years of the George H. W. Bush Presidency, 1988–1992. The Middle District experienced intense overcrowding due to expanding case load, and the primary cause was the dramatic increase in criminal cases. As Congress had expanded federal criminal jurisdiction, and as the federal law enforcement establishment expanded, so too did the number of prosecutors. Even though U.S. magistrates took on more duties and trial work, the number of judges remained constant. As had been the case in the early 1980s, civil cases were postponed because “speedy trials” for criminal defendants took precedence. And the number of criminal cases grew and grew. These recurring themes continue in subsequent chapters. Population growth allowed the president to appoint more judges but partisan politics with a Republican White House and a democratically controlled Senate made the confirmation of judges difficult to achieve. The cooperation of Senators Connie Mack (Rep.) and Bob Graham (Dem.) was instrumental in having several new judges for the Middle District confirmed. Even with the addition of several new district judges and U.S. magistrates, the chapter ends with a 1993 report show that with caseloads rising beyond any reasonable measure federal court system in Florida was nearing a “meltdown.”
James Munro
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- October 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198828709
- eISBN:
- 9780191867101
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198828709.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
Chapter 4 examines whether carbon units qualify as ‘goods’/‘products’ under GATT 1994 and free trade agreements covering goods. Despite complexities, the analysis of Chapter 4 concludes that, on ...
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Chapter 4 examines whether carbon units qualify as ‘goods’/‘products’ under GATT 1994 and free trade agreements covering goods. Despite complexities, the analysis of Chapter 4 concludes that, on balance, the better view is that ‘carbon units’ do qualify as ‘products’ and ‘goods’ under GATT 1994 and free trade agreements covering goods. This is because they can be possessed, stored, traded across borders, and hold economic value. The most challenging aspect is the lack of obvious ‘production’ involved in some classes of units. However, since some units are clearly ‘produced’, and since all units are fungible and are, to some degree, in a competitive market relationship with one another, regardless of how they are created, it would be anomalous if only some classes of carbon units were covered. If, however, the Appellate Body of the World Trade Organization were to determine—contrary to existing case law—that tangibility is a threshold requirement of ‘goods’/‘products’, it is clear that no carbon units would qualify.Less
Chapter 4 examines whether carbon units qualify as ‘goods’/‘products’ under GATT 1994 and free trade agreements covering goods. Despite complexities, the analysis of Chapter 4 concludes that, on balance, the better view is that ‘carbon units’ do qualify as ‘products’ and ‘goods’ under GATT 1994 and free trade agreements covering goods. This is because they can be possessed, stored, traded across borders, and hold economic value. The most challenging aspect is the lack of obvious ‘production’ involved in some classes of units. However, since some units are clearly ‘produced’, and since all units are fungible and are, to some degree, in a competitive market relationship with one another, regardless of how they are created, it would be anomalous if only some classes of carbon units were covered. If, however, the Appellate Body of the World Trade Organization were to determine—contrary to existing case law—that tangibility is a threshold requirement of ‘goods’/‘products’, it is clear that no carbon units would qualify.
R.U.S. Prasad
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198066453
- eISBN:
- 9780199081271
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198066453.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Competition Law
This chapter discusses the policy and regulatory initiatives that were carried out in India so far. It includes those initiatives that were adapted since the telecom sector was liberalized, shortly ...
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This chapter discusses the policy and regulatory initiatives that were carried out in India so far. It includes those initiatives that were adapted since the telecom sector was liberalized, shortly after the 1994 National Telecom Policy and 1999 New Telecom Policy were introduced. It talks about the role played by the telecom tribunals and the telecom regulator in handling the current and potential areas of disputes. Some examples of dispute areas located in the telecom sector and the resolution methods that were adopted by the telecom tribunal and regulatory body are studied, along with the policy for economic liberalization of 1991. The chapter also reviews how the different regulatory initiatives of the various areas of telecom services helped in lessening the scope and incidence of disputes.Less
This chapter discusses the policy and regulatory initiatives that were carried out in India so far. It includes those initiatives that were adapted since the telecom sector was liberalized, shortly after the 1994 National Telecom Policy and 1999 New Telecom Policy were introduced. It talks about the role played by the telecom tribunals and the telecom regulator in handling the current and potential areas of disputes. Some examples of dispute areas located in the telecom sector and the resolution methods that were adopted by the telecom tribunal and regulatory body are studied, along with the policy for economic liberalization of 1991. The chapter also reviews how the different regulatory initiatives of the various areas of telecom services helped in lessening the scope and incidence of disputes.
Asha Bajpai
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195670820
- eISBN:
- 9780199082117
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195670820.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter investigates the right to survival of a child, focusing on health, nutrition and shelter. The provision of health care services is the responsibility of the State governments. Abortion ...
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This chapter investigates the right to survival of a child, focusing on health, nutrition and shelter. The provision of health care services is the responsibility of the State governments. Abortion led by sex determination is totally illegal and a criminal act on the part of the doctor. The parliament of India recently approved the amendments to the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act 1971 and the Prenatal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulations and Prevention of Misuse) Act 1994. Parliament's approval of these bills is a positive step but it has to be balanced by covering the social and cultural biases against the girl child and enhancing her status. Several childcare programmes for enhancing the health status of children are being enforced. Children are the worst influenced because of lack of housing policy. There is a need to advocate and campaign for a comprehensive people's bill of housing rights with the perspective of child rights.Less
This chapter investigates the right to survival of a child, focusing on health, nutrition and shelter. The provision of health care services is the responsibility of the State governments. Abortion led by sex determination is totally illegal and a criminal act on the part of the doctor. The parliament of India recently approved the amendments to the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act 1971 and the Prenatal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulations and Prevention of Misuse) Act 1994. Parliament's approval of these bills is a positive step but it has to be balanced by covering the social and cultural biases against the girl child and enhancing her status. Several childcare programmes for enhancing the health status of children are being enforced. Children are the worst influenced because of lack of housing policy. There is a need to advocate and campaign for a comprehensive people's bill of housing rights with the perspective of child rights.
J. J. Carney
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199982271
- eISBN:
- 9780199367795
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199982271.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
The sixth chapter considers Catholic hierarchical responses to government-orchestrated, anti-Tutsi violence in 1963–1964, 1973, and 1994. After a failed coup attempt by UNAR exiles in December 1963, ...
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The sixth chapter considers Catholic hierarchical responses to government-orchestrated, anti-Tutsi violence in 1963–1964, 1973, and 1994. After a failed coup attempt by UNAR exiles in December 1963, Rwanda’s Parmehutu government executed a score of prominent Tutsi political opponents and orchestrated the massacre of thousands of Tutsi civilians in the Gikongoro region of southern Rwanda. Led by Perraudin, Catholic leaders denounced the violence but failed to hold the government responsible for its crimes. Anti-Tutsi violence broke out in Rwandan Catholic schools, universities, and seminaries in early 1973. Again, Catholic leaders condemned the violence but failed to take subsequent steps to distance themselves from the government or address ethnic violence as a challenge for the church. The chapter concludes by considering key political and ecclesial developments in the years leading up to the 1994 genocide, putting these events in comparative context with the earlier history.Less
The sixth chapter considers Catholic hierarchical responses to government-orchestrated, anti-Tutsi violence in 1963–1964, 1973, and 1994. After a failed coup attempt by UNAR exiles in December 1963, Rwanda’s Parmehutu government executed a score of prominent Tutsi political opponents and orchestrated the massacre of thousands of Tutsi civilians in the Gikongoro region of southern Rwanda. Led by Perraudin, Catholic leaders denounced the violence but failed to hold the government responsible for its crimes. Anti-Tutsi violence broke out in Rwandan Catholic schools, universities, and seminaries in early 1973. Again, Catholic leaders condemned the violence but failed to take subsequent steps to distance themselves from the government or address ethnic violence as a challenge for the church. The chapter concludes by considering key political and ecclesial developments in the years leading up to the 1994 genocide, putting these events in comparative context with the earlier history.
Douglas Hartmann
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226374840
- eISBN:
- 9780226375038
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226375038.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
Chapter 5 explains the breakdown of the popularity and bipartisan consensus that had originally surrounded midnight basketball in the context of the 1994 crime bill debates. It details the political ...
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Chapter 5 explains the breakdown of the popularity and bipartisan consensus that had originally surrounded midnight basketball in the context of the 1994 crime bill debates. It details the political and cultural roots of this collapse as well as its broader political and public policy consequences. Essentially it portrays midnight basketball as getting caught up in the tensions between conservative and liberal approaches to crime and violence in the neoliberal era--represented mainly by the more punitive visions of Rush Limbaugh and Bob Dole, on the one hand, and Bill Clinton's more prevention-oriented approach on the other. The broader point is the debates over midnight basketball functioned as a racially-coded symbolic proxy for these larger policy divisions and, moreover, that conservatives successfully utilized the racial threat along with the ability to trivialize prevention through its association with sport and play to force changes in the criminal justice policy that eventually was ratified.Less
Chapter 5 explains the breakdown of the popularity and bipartisan consensus that had originally surrounded midnight basketball in the context of the 1994 crime bill debates. It details the political and cultural roots of this collapse as well as its broader political and public policy consequences. Essentially it portrays midnight basketball as getting caught up in the tensions between conservative and liberal approaches to crime and violence in the neoliberal era--represented mainly by the more punitive visions of Rush Limbaugh and Bob Dole, on the one hand, and Bill Clinton's more prevention-oriented approach on the other. The broader point is the debates over midnight basketball functioned as a racially-coded symbolic proxy for these larger policy divisions and, moreover, that conservatives successfully utilized the racial threat along with the ability to trivialize prevention through its association with sport and play to force changes in the criminal justice policy that eventually was ratified.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226289649
- eISBN:
- 9780226289663
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226289663.003.0003
- Subject:
- Anthropology, African Cultural Anthropology
This chapter describes autochthony in a very different part of Cameroon—the very thinly populated forest area of East Province. For Cameroon's East Province, the ideals of the new development ...
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This chapter describes autochthony in a very different part of Cameroon—the very thinly populated forest area of East Province. For Cameroon's East Province, the ideals of the new development policies were condensed in the 1994 Forest Law. This new forest law was the main catalyst in turning autochthony into a crucial issue. The creation of a new community forest might even accelerate the depletion of remaining forest resources. The forest law provided openings for increasing local involvement in the management of the forest. The new possibilities opened up by the forest law may make even the local belonging of the elites uncertain, despite all their professed attachment to the “home” village. In the examples from the forest area, neoliberal interventions triggered again an urgent preoccupation to purify the group of strange elements and thus draw the circles of “true” belonging ever closer.Less
This chapter describes autochthony in a very different part of Cameroon—the very thinly populated forest area of East Province. For Cameroon's East Province, the ideals of the new development policies were condensed in the 1994 Forest Law. This new forest law was the main catalyst in turning autochthony into a crucial issue. The creation of a new community forest might even accelerate the depletion of remaining forest resources. The forest law provided openings for increasing local involvement in the management of the forest. The new possibilities opened up by the forest law may make even the local belonging of the elites uncertain, despite all their professed attachment to the “home” village. In the examples from the forest area, neoliberal interventions triggered again an urgent preoccupation to purify the group of strange elements and thus draw the circles of “true” belonging ever closer.
James M. Denham
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813060491
- eISBN:
- 9780813050638
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813060491.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter focuses on cases involving First Amendment, abortion rights, and employment discrimination cases that came before the Middle District of Florida from 1992 to 2000. School prayer is ...
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This chapter focuses on cases involving First Amendment, abortion rights, and employment discrimination cases that came before the Middle District of Florida from 1992 to 2000. School prayer is chronicled and analysed. Numerous cases involving the right to abortion are included, especially litigation involving controversial abortion doctor James Scott Pendergraft. A number of important employment discrimination cases such as plaintiff actions against Publix Supermarkets, Winn-Dixie, and Florida Progress are discussed. Next the chapter turns to desegregation litigation from the 1990s to the present. As of 1990 Duval, Hillsborough, Marion, Lee, Polk, Pinellas, and Orange counties were still under court supervision. Various rulings by Middle District judges pushed these counties closer and closer toward unitary status. The chapter discussed the litigation in those counties and concludes with the Duval, Hillsborough, Orange, and Marion school districts achieving unitary status.Less
This chapter focuses on cases involving First Amendment, abortion rights, and employment discrimination cases that came before the Middle District of Florida from 1992 to 2000. School prayer is chronicled and analysed. Numerous cases involving the right to abortion are included, especially litigation involving controversial abortion doctor James Scott Pendergraft. A number of important employment discrimination cases such as plaintiff actions against Publix Supermarkets, Winn-Dixie, and Florida Progress are discussed. Next the chapter turns to desegregation litigation from the 1990s to the present. As of 1990 Duval, Hillsborough, Marion, Lee, Polk, Pinellas, and Orange counties were still under court supervision. Various rulings by Middle District judges pushed these counties closer and closer toward unitary status. The chapter discussed the litigation in those counties and concludes with the Duval, Hillsborough, Orange, and Marion school districts achieving unitary status.
Joanna Gomula
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190072506
- eISBN:
- 9780190072520
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190072506.003.0022
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
In 2017 panel and Appellate Body reports were adopted in nine disputes. The disputes concerned alleged violations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of 1994 (GATT 1994), the Agreement ...
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In 2017 panel and Appellate Body reports were adopted in nine disputes. The disputes concerned alleged violations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of 1994 (GATT 1994), the Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS Agreement), the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM Agreement), the Anti-Dumping Agreement, and the Agreement on Agriculture. Four of the disputes concerned restrictions placed on the importation of animal products (mainly poultry and pigs), such as licensing requirements and import restrictions, tariff rate quotas established following re-negotiations with principal suppliers, and SPS measures. The dispute over a ban on importation of pigs featured an important issue relating to the “regionalization” of SPS measures. Two disputes provided clarification as to the relationship between WTO agreements, in particular, the relationship between GATT 1994 and the Agreement on Agriculture. The year 2017 also saw another case in the “series” of the Airbus/Boeing subsidies disputes, with the United States scoring a victory over the European Union.Less
In 2017 panel and Appellate Body reports were adopted in nine disputes. The disputes concerned alleged violations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade of 1994 (GATT 1994), the Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS Agreement), the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM Agreement), the Anti-Dumping Agreement, and the Agreement on Agriculture. Four of the disputes concerned restrictions placed on the importation of animal products (mainly poultry and pigs), such as licensing requirements and import restrictions, tariff rate quotas established following re-negotiations with principal suppliers, and SPS measures. The dispute over a ban on importation of pigs featured an important issue relating to the “regionalization” of SPS measures. Two disputes provided clarification as to the relationship between WTO agreements, in particular, the relationship between GATT 1994 and the Agreement on Agriculture. The year 2017 also saw another case in the “series” of the Airbus/Boeing subsidies disputes, with the United States scoring a victory over the European Union.
James Munro
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- October 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198828709
- eISBN:
- 9780191867101
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198828709.003.0009
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
Chapter 9 provides an overview of the availability and applicability of exceptions that could potentially save aspects of emissions trading schemes that otherwise violate international economic law. ...
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Chapter 9 provides an overview of the availability and applicability of exceptions that could potentially save aspects of emissions trading schemes that otherwise violate international economic law. Drawing on the justifications set out in respect of those impugned aspects of emissions trading schemes in Chapter 8, Chapter 9 explains which of those justifications might be permissible under international economic law, and the kind of evidence that would be required to make out a successful defence. This chapter finds that justifications that are rationally connected to the goal of mitigating climate change or safeguarding financial markets, and which deploy the least trade-restrictive means possible, could form the basis of a defence in many instances. However, justifications that are grounded in other economic or social policy goals, or for which there is a less trade-restrictive means of achieving that end, will be less likely to save a measure that is otherwise a violation of international economic law.Less
Chapter 9 provides an overview of the availability and applicability of exceptions that could potentially save aspects of emissions trading schemes that otherwise violate international economic law. Drawing on the justifications set out in respect of those impugned aspects of emissions trading schemes in Chapter 8, Chapter 9 explains which of those justifications might be permissible under international economic law, and the kind of evidence that would be required to make out a successful defence. This chapter finds that justifications that are rationally connected to the goal of mitigating climate change or safeguarding financial markets, and which deploy the least trade-restrictive means possible, could form the basis of a defence in many instances. However, justifications that are grounded in other economic or social policy goals, or for which there is a less trade-restrictive means of achieving that end, will be less likely to save a measure that is otherwise a violation of international economic law.
William Chafe
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190650759
- eISBN:
- 9780190650780
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190650759.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, American History: 20th Century
In all of American presidential history, no White House couple has exemplified the interplay of personality and politics more vividly than Bill and Hillary Clinton. Notwithstanding their immense ...
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In all of American presidential history, no White House couple has exemplified the interplay of personality and politics more vividly than Bill and Hillary Clinton. Notwithstanding their immense political talent, the administration’s first year in office was disastrous, as demonstrated by the failure of health-care reform legislation and the overwhelming defeat that the Democrats suffered in the 1994 midterm elections. More than any other single factor, the chemistry of the Clintons’ personal relationship was squarely to blame. Their marriage problems predated their years in the White House. Hillary had her own smaller scandals, such as “Whitewater,” to contend with. But whether in Arkansas or Washington DC, she was essential to her husband’s recovery from his larger ones, in standing by him steadfastly, most importantly in the notorious scandal during Clinton’s second term.Less
In all of American presidential history, no White House couple has exemplified the interplay of personality and politics more vividly than Bill and Hillary Clinton. Notwithstanding their immense political talent, the administration’s first year in office was disastrous, as demonstrated by the failure of health-care reform legislation and the overwhelming defeat that the Democrats suffered in the 1994 midterm elections. More than any other single factor, the chemistry of the Clintons’ personal relationship was squarely to blame. Their marriage problems predated their years in the White House. Hillary had her own smaller scandals, such as “Whitewater,” to contend with. But whether in Arkansas or Washington DC, she was essential to her husband’s recovery from his larger ones, in standing by him steadfastly, most importantly in the notorious scandal during Clinton’s second term.
