Roderick Martin, Peter D. Casson, and Tahir M. Nisar
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199202607
- eISBN:
- 9780191707896
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202607.003.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Finance, Accounting, and Banking
Shareholder value provides the rationale, incentive, and justification for investor engagement. The chapter outlines the basic concepts of shareholder value, its preconditions, and the reasons for ...
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Shareholder value provides the rationale, incentive, and justification for investor engagement. The chapter outlines the basic concepts of shareholder value, its preconditions, and the reasons for its growth since the 1980s, especially in the UK and the USA. Shareholder value developed out of responses to the economic crises of the 1970s, facilitated by the dominance of liberal economics and the absence of counter definitions of corporate transformation by organized labour.Less
Shareholder value provides the rationale, incentive, and justification for investor engagement. The chapter outlines the basic concepts of shareholder value, its preconditions, and the reasons for its growth since the 1980s, especially in the UK and the USA. Shareholder value developed out of responses to the economic crises of the 1970s, facilitated by the dominance of liberal economics and the absence of counter definitions of corporate transformation by organized labour.
Derrick E. White
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813037356
- eISBN:
- 9780813041605
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813037356.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue ...
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This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue the Black Freedom Struggle in the 1970s. Harding and colleagues founded the IBW in Atlanta, Georgia in 1969. Under Harding's leadership, it became an activist think tank that evaluated Black Studies for emerging programs, developed a Black political agenda for the 1970s with Black elected officials and grassroots activists, and mediated ideological conflicts among Black activists. Relying on the input from an array of activist-intellectuals, the IBW eschewed ideological rigidity, whether in the form of liberalism, Marxism, or Black Nationalism, for a synthetic and pragmatic analytic framework forged through debate and designed to generate the largest amount of political and activist support. It used its network of intellectuals and activists to emphasize structural racism and a racialized political economy, each of which was designed to foster broad consensus in the Black activist community on difficult issues in the 1970s.Less
This book examines how the Institute of the Black World (IBW), led by historian, theologian, and political activist Vincent Harding, mobilized Black intellectuals in identifying strategy to continue the Black Freedom Struggle in the 1970s. Harding and colleagues founded the IBW in Atlanta, Georgia in 1969. Under Harding's leadership, it became an activist think tank that evaluated Black Studies for emerging programs, developed a Black political agenda for the 1970s with Black elected officials and grassroots activists, and mediated ideological conflicts among Black activists. Relying on the input from an array of activist-intellectuals, the IBW eschewed ideological rigidity, whether in the form of liberalism, Marxism, or Black Nationalism, for a synthetic and pragmatic analytic framework forged through debate and designed to generate the largest amount of political and activist support. It used its network of intellectuals and activists to emphasize structural racism and a racialized political economy, each of which was designed to foster broad consensus in the Black activist community on difficult issues in the 1970s.
Dominic Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780719091605
- eISBN:
- 9781526141958
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719091605.001.0001
- Subject:
- Art, Visual Culture
Unlimited action concerns the limits imposed upon art and life, and the means by which artists have exposed, refused, or otherwise reshaped the horizon of aesthetics and of the practice of art, by ...
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Unlimited action concerns the limits imposed upon art and life, and the means by which artists have exposed, refused, or otherwise reshaped the horizon of aesthetics and of the practice of art, by way of performance art. It examines the ‘performance of extremity’ as practices at the limits of the histories of performance and art, in performance art’s most fertile and prescient decade, the 1970s. Dominic Johnson recounts and analyses game-changing performance events by six artists: Kerry Trengove, Ulay, Genesis P-Orridge, Anne Bean, the Kipper Kids, and Stephen Cripps. Through close encounters with these six artists and their works, and a broader contextual milieu of artists and works, Johnson articulates a counter-history of actions in a new narrative of performance art in the 1970s, to rethink and rediscover the history of contemporary art and performance.Less
Unlimited action concerns the limits imposed upon art and life, and the means by which artists have exposed, refused, or otherwise reshaped the horizon of aesthetics and of the practice of art, by way of performance art. It examines the ‘performance of extremity’ as practices at the limits of the histories of performance and art, in performance art’s most fertile and prescient decade, the 1970s. Dominic Johnson recounts and analyses game-changing performance events by six artists: Kerry Trengove, Ulay, Genesis P-Orridge, Anne Bean, the Kipper Kids, and Stephen Cripps. Through close encounters with these six artists and their works, and a broader contextual milieu of artists and works, Johnson articulates a counter-history of actions in a new narrative of performance art in the 1970s, to rethink and rediscover the history of contemporary art and performance.
Margaret Litvin
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137803
- eISBN:
- 9781400840106
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137803.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, Criticism/Theory
This chapter begins with the cultural impact of the June War and its coda, Gamal Abdel Nasser's death in 1970. As the chapter shows, the defeat fundamentally altered Arab conceptions of political ...
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This chapter begins with the cultural impact of the June War and its coda, Gamal Abdel Nasser's death in 1970. As the chapter shows, the defeat fundamentally altered Arab conceptions of political theatre's role. A well-developed high culture was no longer considered enough to guarantee the world's respect. Psychological interiority was irrelevant: what mattered was not deserving agentive power but seizing it. Disillusioned with their regimes, dramatists stopped addressing subtly allegorical plays to the government; instead, they appealed directly to audiences, trying to rouse them to participate in political life. Analyzing two early 1970s Hamlet adaptations from Egypt and Syria, the chapter demonstrates how the 1970s Hamlet became a Che Guevara in doublet and hose. Guilt and sadness over his father's death only sharpened his anger; his fierce pursuit of justice left no room for introspection or doubt.Less
This chapter begins with the cultural impact of the June War and its coda, Gamal Abdel Nasser's death in 1970. As the chapter shows, the defeat fundamentally altered Arab conceptions of political theatre's role. A well-developed high culture was no longer considered enough to guarantee the world's respect. Psychological interiority was irrelevant: what mattered was not deserving agentive power but seizing it. Disillusioned with their regimes, dramatists stopped addressing subtly allegorical plays to the government; instead, they appealed directly to audiences, trying to rouse them to participate in political life. Analyzing two early 1970s Hamlet adaptations from Egypt and Syria, the chapter demonstrates how the 1970s Hamlet became a Che Guevara in doublet and hose. Guilt and sadness over his father's death only sharpened his anger; his fierce pursuit of justice left no room for introspection or doubt.
Walter W. Powell and Kurt Sandholtz
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148670
- eISBN:
- 9781400845552
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148670.003.0013
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
This chapter analyzes the early years of the first generation of biotechnology companies. The setting is the 1970s, a time when landmark scientific discoveries in molecular biology triggered all ...
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This chapter analyzes the early years of the first generation of biotechnology companies. The setting is the 1970s, a time when landmark scientific discoveries in molecular biology triggered all manner of perturbations in university science, pharmaceutical research, and venture finance. The result was the creation of a new form—a science-based commercial entity, which emerged from overlapping networks of science, finance, and commerce. This novel collection of organizational practices that coalesced into a dedicated biotech firm (DBF) proved highly disruptive. Using historical analysis of archival materials, supplemented by interviews with DBF founders, this chapter pieces together the “lash-up” process that melded elements from three separate realms—academic science, venture finance, and commercial health care—into an interactively stable pattern.Less
This chapter analyzes the early years of the first generation of biotechnology companies. The setting is the 1970s, a time when landmark scientific discoveries in molecular biology triggered all manner of perturbations in university science, pharmaceutical research, and venture finance. The result was the creation of a new form—a science-based commercial entity, which emerged from overlapping networks of science, finance, and commerce. This novel collection of organizational practices that coalesced into a dedicated biotech firm (DBF) proved highly disruptive. Using historical analysis of archival materials, supplemented by interviews with DBF founders, this chapter pieces together the “lash-up” process that melded elements from three separate realms—academic science, venture finance, and commercial health care—into an interactively stable pattern.
Beate Kutschke
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195336641
- eISBN:
- 9780199868551
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195336641.003.0005
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western, Popular
The West‐German avant‐garde music scene of the early 1970s—the period in which the spirit of the New Left manifested itself most intensively in the musical field—was especially marked by the numerous ...
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The West‐German avant‐garde music scene of the early 1970s—the period in which the spirit of the New Left manifested itself most intensively in the musical field—was especially marked by the numerous discussions and debates about the nature of political music, its perfection and failures, conducted by musicians and music writers with endless energy and engagement. This chapter throws light on one of these debates: the argument between Nikolaus A. Huber and Clytus Gottwald in 1971–72 about Huber's composition Harakiri. It investigates the terms of the debate, firstly with regard to the musical facts—and in particular a comparison made at the time between Huber's Harakiri and Hans Otte's contemporary piece, Zero—and secondly with regard to the ideas of Theodor W. Adorno, who provided the New Leftist avant‐gardists with politico‐aesthetical ideas.Less
The West‐German avant‐garde music scene of the early 1970s—the period in which the spirit of the New Left manifested itself most intensively in the musical field—was especially marked by the numerous discussions and debates about the nature of political music, its perfection and failures, conducted by musicians and music writers with endless energy and engagement. This chapter throws light on one of these debates: the argument between Nikolaus A. Huber and Clytus Gottwald in 1971–72 about Huber's composition Harakiri. It investigates the terms of the debate, firstly with regard to the musical facts—and in particular a comparison made at the time between Huber's Harakiri and Hans Otte's contemporary piece, Zero—and secondly with regard to the ideas of Theodor W. Adorno, who provided the New Leftist avant‐gardists with politico‐aesthetical ideas.
Michael Lumbers
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719077784
- eISBN:
- 9781781700808
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719077784.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This is a comprehensive study of US policy towards China during the presidency of Lyndon Baines Johnson, a critical phase of the Cold War immediately preceding the dramatic Sino-American ...
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This is a comprehensive study of US policy towards China during the presidency of Lyndon Baines Johnson, a critical phase of the Cold War immediately preceding the dramatic Sino-American rapprochement of the early 1970s. Based on a wide array of recently declassified government documents, it challenges the popular view that Johnson's approach to China was marked by stagnation and sterility, exploring the administration's relationship to both the Vietnam War and the Cultural Revolution. By documenting Johnson's contributions to the decision-making process, the book offers a new perspective on both his capacity as a foreign-policy leader and his role in the further development of the Cold War.Less
This is a comprehensive study of US policy towards China during the presidency of Lyndon Baines Johnson, a critical phase of the Cold War immediately preceding the dramatic Sino-American rapprochement of the early 1970s. Based on a wide array of recently declassified government documents, it challenges the popular view that Johnson's approach to China was marked by stagnation and sterility, exploring the administration's relationship to both the Vietnam War and the Cultural Revolution. By documenting Johnson's contributions to the decision-making process, the book offers a new perspective on both his capacity as a foreign-policy leader and his role in the further development of the Cold War.
Cindy Hahamovitch
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691102689
- eISBN:
- 9781400840021
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691102689.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter details the conflict between domestic workers and guestworkers as the United Farm Workers of America (UFW), with the Florida Rural Legal Services, became involved in a struggle for “the ...
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This chapter details the conflict between domestic workers and guestworkers as the United Farm Workers of America (UFW), with the Florida Rural Legal Services, became involved in a struggle for “the worst jobs in the world.” Florida Rural was working to transform every aspect of farmworkers' lives. Its lawyers sued to gain access to labor camps, to integrate those camps, to get workers transported in buses rather than flatbed trucks, to get any Florida county to set up a Food Stamp program, to get farmworkers paid what they were owed, and to enforce local sanitation and housing ordinances. And although Florida Rural took all sorts of cases—including straight forward divorce and landlord–tenant cases—a great deal of their time would be spent suing on behalf of Caribbean guestworkers who alleged exploitation by sugarcane companies and to prove that domestic workers had been unfairly deprived of those same miserable jobs.Less
This chapter details the conflict between domestic workers and guestworkers as the United Farm Workers of America (UFW), with the Florida Rural Legal Services, became involved in a struggle for “the worst jobs in the world.” Florida Rural was working to transform every aspect of farmworkers' lives. Its lawyers sued to gain access to labor camps, to integrate those camps, to get workers transported in buses rather than flatbed trucks, to get any Florida county to set up a Food Stamp program, to get farmworkers paid what they were owed, and to enforce local sanitation and housing ordinances. And although Florida Rural took all sorts of cases—including straight forward divorce and landlord–tenant cases—a great deal of their time would be spent suing on behalf of Caribbean guestworkers who alleged exploitation by sugarcane companies and to prove that domestic workers had been unfairly deprived of those same miserable jobs.
Christopher P. Loss
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148274
- eISBN:
- 9781400840052
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148274.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter offers an overview of the state of higher education in an age of diversity. Without the Great Depression, World War II, and the Cold War to thicken the relationship between the state and ...
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This chapter offers an overview of the state of higher education in an age of diversity. Without the Great Depression, World War II, and the Cold War to thicken the relationship between the state and higher education, a rightward political shift commenced during the economic downturn of the 1970s. Ideological differences dating back to the campus turmoil of the 1960s, combined with real financial concerns, helped to drive a wedge between the government and higher education. Ultimately, the drift toward “privatization” in the final two decades of the twentieth century readjusted higher education's role as a mediator between citizens and the state once again—changing how students paid for college and moving students closer to a privatized conception of democratic citizenship inextricably tied to the “personal politics” of identity.Less
This chapter offers an overview of the state of higher education in an age of diversity. Without the Great Depression, World War II, and the Cold War to thicken the relationship between the state and higher education, a rightward political shift commenced during the economic downturn of the 1970s. Ideological differences dating back to the campus turmoil of the 1960s, combined with real financial concerns, helped to drive a wedge between the government and higher education. Ultimately, the drift toward “privatization” in the final two decades of the twentieth century readjusted higher education's role as a mediator between citizens and the state once again—changing how students paid for college and moving students closer to a privatized conception of democratic citizenship inextricably tied to the “personal politics” of identity.
Thomas Borstelmann
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691141565
- eISBN:
- 9781400839704
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691141565.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This introductory chapter reveals that the years between 1973 and 1979 witnessed a critical transition that made American society simultaneously more equal and less equal, and American culture still ...
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This introductory chapter reveals that the years between 1973 and 1979 witnessed a critical transition that made American society simultaneously more equal and less equal, and American culture still more individualistic, than they had been before. Like a line of thunderstorms rolling across the prairie, a series of jolts hit Americans in 1973, leaving them uncertain of what new weather would come along behind this powerful storm front. U.S. troops withdrew from Vietnam; the cover-up of the Watergate scandal unraveled amid calls for the president's impeachment; the oil embargo by Arab members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) began, while Nixon unplugged the dollar from the gold standard and average real wages (adjusted for inflation) declined for the first time in forty years.Less
This introductory chapter reveals that the years between 1973 and 1979 witnessed a critical transition that made American society simultaneously more equal and less equal, and American culture still more individualistic, than they had been before. Like a line of thunderstorms rolling across the prairie, a series of jolts hit Americans in 1973, leaving them uncertain of what new weather would come along behind this powerful storm front. U.S. troops withdrew from Vietnam; the cover-up of the Watergate scandal unraveled amid calls for the president's impeachment; the oil embargo by Arab members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) began, while Nixon unplugged the dollar from the gold standard and average real wages (adjusted for inflation) declined for the first time in forty years.
Thomas Borstelmann
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691141565
- eISBN:
- 9781400839704
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691141565.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This concluding chapter gives a brief overview of the dominant contemporary American values of formal equality and free-market economics after the 1970s. It also considers the relationship between ...
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This concluding chapter gives a brief overview of the dominant contemporary American values of formal equality and free-market economics after the 1970s. It also considers the relationship between two developments: the simultaneous flowerings of egalitarianism and free-market values. Both commitments had deep roots in the American past and had long helped shape the nation's politics and culture. The shedding of formal systems of social hierarchy was a continuing process, one that did not begin in the 1970s but did accelerate dramatically during that decade. In addition, the chapter considers other areas of American public life that has changed since the 1970s.Less
This concluding chapter gives a brief overview of the dominant contemporary American values of formal equality and free-market economics after the 1970s. It also considers the relationship between two developments: the simultaneous flowerings of egalitarianism and free-market values. Both commitments had deep roots in the American past and had long helped shape the nation's politics and culture. The shedding of formal systems of social hierarchy was a continuing process, one that did not begin in the 1970s but did accelerate dramatically during that decade. In addition, the chapter considers other areas of American public life that has changed since the 1970s.
Robert J. Patterson (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780252042775
- eISBN:
- 9780252051630
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252042775.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
Through its analysis of film, drama, fiction, visual culture, poetry, and other cultural -artifacts, Black Cultural Production after Civil Rights offers a fresh examination of how the historical ...
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Through its analysis of film, drama, fiction, visual culture, poetry, and other cultural -artifacts, Black Cultural Production after Civil Rights offers a fresh examination of how the historical paradox by which unprecedented civil rights gains coexist with novel impediments to collectivist black liberation projects. At the beginning of the 1970s, the ethos animating the juridical achievements of the civil rights movement began to wane, and the rise of neoliberalism, a powerful conservative backlash, the co-optation of “race-blind” rhetoric, and the pathologization and criminalization of poverty helped to retrench black inequality in the post-civil rights era. This book uncovers the intricate ways that black cultural production kept imagining how black people could achieve their dreams for freedom, despite abject social and political conditions. While black writers, artists, historians, and critics have taken renewed interest in the historical roots of black un-freedom, Black Cultural Production insists that the 1970s anchors the philosophical, aesthetic, and political debates that animate contemporary debates in African American studies. Black cultural production and producers help us think about how black people might achieve freedom by centralizing the roles black art and artists have had in expanding notions of freedom, democracy, equity, and gender equality. Black cultural production continues to engage in social critique and transformation and remains an important site for the (re)making of black politics.Less
Through its analysis of film, drama, fiction, visual culture, poetry, and other cultural -artifacts, Black Cultural Production after Civil Rights offers a fresh examination of how the historical paradox by which unprecedented civil rights gains coexist with novel impediments to collectivist black liberation projects. At the beginning of the 1970s, the ethos animating the juridical achievements of the civil rights movement began to wane, and the rise of neoliberalism, a powerful conservative backlash, the co-optation of “race-blind” rhetoric, and the pathologization and criminalization of poverty helped to retrench black inequality in the post-civil rights era. This book uncovers the intricate ways that black cultural production kept imagining how black people could achieve their dreams for freedom, despite abject social and political conditions. While black writers, artists, historians, and critics have taken renewed interest in the historical roots of black un-freedom, Black Cultural Production insists that the 1970s anchors the philosophical, aesthetic, and political debates that animate contemporary debates in African American studies. Black cultural production and producers help us think about how black people might achieve freedom by centralizing the roles black art and artists have had in expanding notions of freedom, democracy, equity, and gender equality. Black cultural production continues to engage in social critique and transformation and remains an important site for the (re)making of black politics.
Joe Street
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813061672
- eISBN:
- 9780813051192
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813061672.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This book positions the Dirty Harry film series as a key agent and index of the American conservative backlash against 1960s liberalism. The San Francisco–based series cemented Clint Eastwood and his ...
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This book positions the Dirty Harry film series as a key agent and index of the American conservative backlash against 1960s liberalism. The San Francisco–based series cemented Clint Eastwood and his character, Harry Callahan, as central figures in 1970s and 1980s Hollywood cinema. This is the first study to identify the series as an important source for understanding the culture and politics of the post-1960s era. Through close readings of the films and the contemporary political climate, it demonstrates how the series interacts with, critiques, and refracts the legacy of postwar liberalism. It reveals that the films locate San Francisco as the symbolic battleground for the era’s political struggles and maintains that through referencing real events, ideas, and political arguments, the films themselves became participants in these struggles. Particular attention is paid to the films’ representation of crime, family and community, sexuality, and race. The book evaluates Callahan’s long afterlife in American political discourse, cinema, pop culture, and Eastwood’s later political and cinematic career. This lively, thought-provoking and rigorous book will encourage readers to reconsider the conservative backlash in new light and return to the Dirty Harry films with a new appreciation of their political, historical, and cultural significance.Less
This book positions the Dirty Harry film series as a key agent and index of the American conservative backlash against 1960s liberalism. The San Francisco–based series cemented Clint Eastwood and his character, Harry Callahan, as central figures in 1970s and 1980s Hollywood cinema. This is the first study to identify the series as an important source for understanding the culture and politics of the post-1960s era. Through close readings of the films and the contemporary political climate, it demonstrates how the series interacts with, critiques, and refracts the legacy of postwar liberalism. It reveals that the films locate San Francisco as the symbolic battleground for the era’s political struggles and maintains that through referencing real events, ideas, and political arguments, the films themselves became participants in these struggles. Particular attention is paid to the films’ representation of crime, family and community, sexuality, and race. The book evaluates Callahan’s long afterlife in American political discourse, cinema, pop culture, and Eastwood’s later political and cinematic career. This lively, thought-provoking and rigorous book will encourage readers to reconsider the conservative backlash in new light and return to the Dirty Harry films with a new appreciation of their political, historical, and cultural significance.
Elisabeth Carter
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719070488
- eISBN:
- 9781781701966
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719070488.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Parties of the extreme Right have experienced a dramatic rise in electoral support in many countries in Western Europe over the last two and a half decades. This phenomenon has been far from uniform, ...
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Parties of the extreme Right have experienced a dramatic rise in electoral support in many countries in Western Europe over the last two and a half decades. This phenomenon has been far from uniform, however, and the considerable attention that the more successful right-wing extremist parties have received has sometimes obscured the fact that these parties have not recorded high electoral results in all West European democracies. Furthermore, their electoral scores have also varied over time, with the same party recording low electoral scores in one election but securing high electoral scores in another. This book examines the reasons behind the variation in the electoral fortunes of the West European parties of the extreme right in the period since the late 1970s. It proposes a number of different explanations as to why certain parties of the extreme right have performed better than others at the polls and it investigates each of these different explanations systematically and in depth.Less
Parties of the extreme Right have experienced a dramatic rise in electoral support in many countries in Western Europe over the last two and a half decades. This phenomenon has been far from uniform, however, and the considerable attention that the more successful right-wing extremist parties have received has sometimes obscured the fact that these parties have not recorded high electoral results in all West European democracies. Furthermore, their electoral scores have also varied over time, with the same party recording low electoral scores in one election but securing high electoral scores in another. This book examines the reasons behind the variation in the electoral fortunes of the West European parties of the extreme right in the period since the late 1970s. It proposes a number of different explanations as to why certain parties of the extreme right have performed better than others at the polls and it investigates each of these different explanations systematically and in depth.
Erika Lorraine Milam
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691181882
- eISBN:
- 9780691185095
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181882.003.0001
- Subject:
- Biology, Evolutionary Biology / Genetics
This introductory chapter offers a quick glimpse into the historical milieu during which this volume is set. Between the Second World War and the 1970s, this chapter shows that scientists from a wide ...
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This introductory chapter offers a quick glimpse into the historical milieu during which this volume is set. Between the Second World War and the 1970s, this chapter shows that scientists from a wide range of disciplines crafted a historical trajectory for humanity that was self-consciously anti-eugenic. The best of humanity had not degenerated from living in the artificial constructs of civilization, would not dissolve because of the overbreeding of the lower classes, and could not be corrupted through miscegenation. Instead, these evolutionists argued that our common past provided evidence of our continued remarkable success as a species. In essence, so these scientists reasoned, our present human nature resulted from the synergy of biology and culture, both in dynamic flux throughout our development as a species. We had become the most recent manifestation of a human lineage destined for even greater things in the future. Through their work, an evolutionary perspective wended its way into each discipline perched at the intersection of the natural and social sciences.Less
This introductory chapter offers a quick glimpse into the historical milieu during which this volume is set. Between the Second World War and the 1970s, this chapter shows that scientists from a wide range of disciplines crafted a historical trajectory for humanity that was self-consciously anti-eugenic. The best of humanity had not degenerated from living in the artificial constructs of civilization, would not dissolve because of the overbreeding of the lower classes, and could not be corrupted through miscegenation. Instead, these evolutionists argued that our common past provided evidence of our continued remarkable success as a species. In essence, so these scientists reasoned, our present human nature resulted from the synergy of biology and culture, both in dynamic flux throughout our development as a species. We had become the most recent manifestation of a human lineage destined for even greater things in the future. Through their work, an evolutionary perspective wended its way into each discipline perched at the intersection of the natural and social sciences.
Erika Lorraine Milam
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691181882
- eISBN:
- 9780691185095
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181882.003.0013
- Subject:
- Biology, Evolutionary Biology / Genetics
This chapter discusses the tensions between advocates of Christianity and those of Man: A Course of Study (MACOS). Throughout the 1970s, alternative Christian radio and television shows gained in ...
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This chapter discusses the tensions between advocates of Christianity and those of Man: A Course of Study (MACOS). Throughout the 1970s, alternative Christian radio and television shows gained in popularity, as did Christian movies, sex manuals, textbooks, and universities. As a young ambitious lawyer, John Conlan sought to channel this energy, transforming his constituents' collective outrage into political action. When he entered the fray against MACOS in the early spring of 1975, trouble had already been brewing for the curriculum. The shifting political landscape of the early 1970s caught Man: A Course of Study (MACOS) designers by surprise. They had taken the progressive nature of humanity's deep history for granted, but this was precisely how critics of Man: A Course of Study (MACOS) attacked the curriculum's sincere embrace of anthropological cultural relativism and its secular undertones.Less
This chapter discusses the tensions between advocates of Christianity and those of Man: A Course of Study (MACOS). Throughout the 1970s, alternative Christian radio and television shows gained in popularity, as did Christian movies, sex manuals, textbooks, and universities. As a young ambitious lawyer, John Conlan sought to channel this energy, transforming his constituents' collective outrage into political action. When he entered the fray against MACOS in the early spring of 1975, trouble had already been brewing for the curriculum. The shifting political landscape of the early 1970s caught Man: A Course of Study (MACOS) designers by surprise. They had taken the progressive nature of humanity's deep history for granted, but this was precisely how critics of Man: A Course of Study (MACOS) attacked the curriculum's sincere embrace of anthropological cultural relativism and its secular undertones.
Daniel Belgrad
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226652368
- eISBN:
- 9780226652672
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226652672.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book repaints the familiar image of the 1970s in American culture as a time of Me Generation malaise, by recovering the broad reach of a vibrant cultural movement that was dedicated to finding ...
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This book repaints the familiar image of the 1970s in American culture as a time of Me Generation malaise, by recovering the broad reach of a vibrant cultural movement that was dedicated to finding radically new ways of interacting with animals, plants, and nature as a whole. There are chapters on environmentalism, the Gaia hypothesis, the politics of Native American spirituality, biofeedback and psychedelics, ambient music, dolphin lovers and horse whisperers. The term "feedback" was coined in the early 1940s to describe the dynamics of a system that self-regulates by feeding information about the consequences of its actions back into the system to modify it. Because such systems can self-correct, or learn, they could be considered intelligent. Conversely, systems theory (cybernetics and systems ecology) came to define intelligence itself as the ability to self-correct in response to feedback. Redefining intelligence in this way—not as a uniquely human faculty produced by consciousness, but as the property of a system governed by feedback loops—allowed new ways of thinking about the varieties of intelligence found in nature. By the early 1970s, feedback had become the governing trope for a counterculture that was reoriented and reinvigorated by the idea that forms of intelligence, or mind, were present everywhere in nature. Seeing the seventies as defined by this "culture of feedback" challenges prevailing historical accounts of the fate of sixties radicalism and the rise of Reaganism, offering an alternative paradigm for understanding the triumphs and failures of the seventies decade.Less
This book repaints the familiar image of the 1970s in American culture as a time of Me Generation malaise, by recovering the broad reach of a vibrant cultural movement that was dedicated to finding radically new ways of interacting with animals, plants, and nature as a whole. There are chapters on environmentalism, the Gaia hypothesis, the politics of Native American spirituality, biofeedback and psychedelics, ambient music, dolphin lovers and horse whisperers. The term "feedback" was coined in the early 1940s to describe the dynamics of a system that self-regulates by feeding information about the consequences of its actions back into the system to modify it. Because such systems can self-correct, or learn, they could be considered intelligent. Conversely, systems theory (cybernetics and systems ecology) came to define intelligence itself as the ability to self-correct in response to feedback. Redefining intelligence in this way—not as a uniquely human faculty produced by consciousness, but as the property of a system governed by feedback loops—allowed new ways of thinking about the varieties of intelligence found in nature. By the early 1970s, feedback had become the governing trope for a counterculture that was reoriented and reinvigorated by the idea that forms of intelligence, or mind, were present everywhere in nature. Seeing the seventies as defined by this "culture of feedback" challenges prevailing historical accounts of the fate of sixties radicalism and the rise of Reaganism, offering an alternative paradigm for understanding the triumphs and failures of the seventies decade.
Robert R. Locke
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198774068
- eISBN:
- 9780191695339
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198774068.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History, International Business
Every nation likes to believe myths about itself. Americans' belief in the superiority of their managerial know-how seemed to be among those most solidly based in reality. Yet, the author argues, ...
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Every nation likes to believe myths about itself. Americans' belief in the superiority of their managerial know-how seemed to be among those most solidly based in reality. Yet, the author argues, despite its universal claims, American managerialism has never been more than a cultural peculiarity, one moreover whose claims to superiority had not been proved but assumed, on the premise that the best economy must have the best management. That premise, moreover, has not served American managerialism particularly well, for in the 1970s a gap opened up between the mystique of American management and the reality of a mediocre American managerial performance. The ‘mystique’ collapsed and those looking for best practice began to look elsewhere. The author provides a thorough examination of alternative forms of management that grew up in West Germany and Japan during the past decades. He argues that these alternative management forms have done a better job managing capitalist economies since the 1970s than has American managerialism. In fact, he asserts that American managerialism has become so dysfunctional that it threatens to undermine the prosperity of the American people, and America's role in the future world order. In the final chapter the author suggests ways that American management can follow in order to fulfil its original promise. Looking forward, he urges American management to unlearn much of the received wisdom and learn from the successes of others in order for the nation to enter the 21st century with a management equal to the social and economic challenges.Less
Every nation likes to believe myths about itself. Americans' belief in the superiority of their managerial know-how seemed to be among those most solidly based in reality. Yet, the author argues, despite its universal claims, American managerialism has never been more than a cultural peculiarity, one moreover whose claims to superiority had not been proved but assumed, on the premise that the best economy must have the best management. That premise, moreover, has not served American managerialism particularly well, for in the 1970s a gap opened up between the mystique of American management and the reality of a mediocre American managerial performance. The ‘mystique’ collapsed and those looking for best practice began to look elsewhere. The author provides a thorough examination of alternative forms of management that grew up in West Germany and Japan during the past decades. He argues that these alternative management forms have done a better job managing capitalist economies since the 1970s than has American managerialism. In fact, he asserts that American managerialism has become so dysfunctional that it threatens to undermine the prosperity of the American people, and America's role in the future world order. In the final chapter the author suggests ways that American management can follow in order to fulfil its original promise. Looking forward, he urges American management to unlearn much of the received wisdom and learn from the successes of others in order for the nation to enter the 21st century with a management equal to the social and economic challenges.
Şevket Pamuk
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691166377
- eISBN:
- 9780691184982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691166377.003.0010
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter explores how the decades after World War II were a period of rapid growth for Turkey. Despite the crises in the mid-1950s and in the second half of the 1970s, GDP per capita increased at ...
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This chapter explores how the decades after World War II were a period of rapid growth for Turkey. Despite the crises in the mid-1950s and in the second half of the 1970s, GDP per capita increased at an average annual rate above three percent and more than doubled during the period 1950–1980. These rates of growth were unprecedented for Turkey. The long-term rates of growth achieved in Turkey after World War II were roughly comparable to the averages for both the developed countries and developing countries as a whole. As a result, the per capita GDP gap between Turkey and the developed countries changed little during this period.Less
This chapter explores how the decades after World War II were a period of rapid growth for Turkey. Despite the crises in the mid-1950s and in the second half of the 1970s, GDP per capita increased at an average annual rate above three percent and more than doubled during the period 1950–1980. These rates of growth were unprecedented for Turkey. The long-term rates of growth achieved in Turkey after World War II were roughly comparable to the averages for both the developed countries and developing countries as a whole. As a result, the per capita GDP gap between Turkey and the developed countries changed little during this period.
Şevket Pamuk
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691166377
- eISBN:
- 9780691184982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691166377.003.0012
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter explores how, in the decades after World War II, Turkey had attained unprecedented rates of growth by raising both its savings and investments rates from 11 percent of GDP in the early ...
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This chapter explores how, in the decades after World War II, Turkey had attained unprecedented rates of growth by raising both its savings and investments rates from 11 percent of GDP in the early 1950s to 22 percent of GDP in the late 1970s. Investments in plant and equipment as well as education were financed primarily by domestic savings, even though as per capita incomes continued to rise after 1980, the savings rate did not rise. The growing dependence on short-term foreign capital inflows caused a significant increase in macroeconomic instability. The fluctuations in short-term movements of capital, arising from both global trends and domestic political instability, have led to major fluctuations in the economy since 1980.Less
This chapter explores how, in the decades after World War II, Turkey had attained unprecedented rates of growth by raising both its savings and investments rates from 11 percent of GDP in the early 1950s to 22 percent of GDP in the late 1970s. Investments in plant and equipment as well as education were financed primarily by domestic savings, even though as per capita incomes continued to rise after 1980, the savings rate did not rise. The growing dependence on short-term foreign capital inflows caused a significant increase in macroeconomic instability. The fluctuations in short-term movements of capital, arising from both global trends and domestic political instability, have led to major fluctuations in the economy since 1980.
