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With the marriage of Abby's oldest son Thomas Lamb Eliot (1841–1936) and Henrietta Robins Mack (1845‐1940), the scene shifts to Portland, OR, where the new pastor virtually replicates his father's career in St. Louis. Tom also tries to enforce the words on the Eliot coast of arms: Tace Et Face (“Keep Silent and Work”) but Etta, full‐throated and resolute, is indomitable. Constrained from confiding in lady friends and unable to get the ear of her spouse, she is prone to depression and loneliness and begins covertly to write for herself and for readers of ladies' magazines. Her first success as a published author, a resounding polemical essay, is picked up by several religious papers, but Tom objects, and again, she goes under cover in using her talent. Etta helps write her husband's sermons, and she speaks before embryo congregations without presuming to characterize it as preaching.

‘The shocking defeat’ begins with an overview of Allied and Axis military strategy during the phony war, surveys German plans for the invasion of France, and describes the Western Campaign between May and June 1940. In the face of what might be called ‘catastrophic success', Hitler placed conservative generals in charge of an improvised military administration, and the latter established a standard of conduct that was largely unadulterated by Nazi ideology. The 1938 Munich Agreement and the 1939 Nazi‐Soviet Non‐Aggression Pact prepared French society for some of the dramatic changes associated with military defeat and the 1940 Armistice Agreement.

This chapter examines the fate of trans-Gibraltar region during Spanish Civil War and the early stages of World War II. Although the insurgent army of Francisco Franco quickly took control of northern Morocco and southern Spain and invited its Nazi and Fascist allies to the strategically crucial region, the Entente order of 1904 proved resilient. New evidence is introduced detailing the Franco movement’s success in marshaling anti-French, anti-Semitic, and pro-German sentiments to recruit Muslim support, promising the construction of a new Hispano-Moroccan bulwark in the western Mediterranean. Other new documents indicate how quickly this enthusiasm cooled, however, as it became clear that Nazi agents were preparing to seize a position in northwest Africa without giving consideration for Spanish interests, while the British and much of the Jewish community of Tangier remained supportive of Spanish interests in Morocco.

Puerto Rico was never part of American geopolitical interests in the Caribbean. It was a backward Spanish colony and, during the Spanish-American War, a backward American territory. Morales Carrión argues that the “Generation of 1940” and its leader, Luís Muñoz Marín, changed the island into a developed territory. Lewis, on the other hand, is systematically critical of the Estado Libre Asociado though a great admirer of Muñoz himself. Both Morales Carrión and Lewis are correct in their respective arguments that (1) Muñoz conveyed democracy to the island and (2) that the economic arrangement called “Operation Bootstrap” could not work.

Defining Democracy begins at the 1939–1940 New York World’s Fair in Queens, and the popular exhibit “Democracity” serves as a metaphor for New York’s experimentation with a new system of democratic self-government during the 1930s and 1940s. The introduction provides an overview of the history of electoral reform movements in New York City history, with a chronological sweep that stretches from the good-government activism of the late nineteenth century to the anti-Communism of the early Cold War. This movement culminated with the installation of proportional representation (PR) voting in city council elections during the Great Depression. PR facilitated the election of legislatures of uncommon diversity, particularly in terms of gender, race, and ideology. The introduction argues for a shift in our understanding of democracy’s history in the United States, to place greater emphasis on how the structure of voting systems influences electoral outcomes.

Cuba's experience during the first half of the twentieth century can be compared to a hurricane. As such, the eye of the storm can be dated to the period 1940–1952, that is, the time during which Cuba lived under the legality of the 1940 Constitution. The Constitution embodied the social-reform ideas that had emerged during the 1933 revolution; however, framing was possible thanks to the period of peace which followed, due to a great extent to an able newcomer to the Cuban political scene, Fulgencio Batista, an obscure army sergeant who took power in an unprecedented coup d'état staged by NCOs. After ruling Cuba as a legally elected president, Batista staged another coup against a lawfully elected successor, Carlos Prio Socarras, and set himself up as de facto president. This chapter explores the revolution against Batista in Matanzas, especially such events as the assault on the Goicuria army headquarters in 1954.

This chapter focuses on the War Revenue Ordinance 1940 proposed by the colonial government' to establish a system of income tax for the purpose of funding “gifts” to Britain in support of the war effort. It describes the three schedular taxes established by the Ordinance: property tax, salaries tax, and profits tax. On 27 June 1941 the War Revenue Ordinance 1940 was repealed in its entirety and replaced by the War Revenue Ordinance 1941. The most important change introduced by the new Ordinance was that interest tax was added to the three existing taxes. The new Ordinance redrew the line between taxable Hong Kong profits and non-taxable offshore profits; it modified the tax treatment of married couples; it also introduced a general anti-avoidance rule; it generally tightened the drafting of tax; and effected a range of other minor reforms.

This book has been about the decline and fall of a great French republican institution, the Ligue des droits de l’homme (LDH). The LDH was torn apart by the war guilt question over the course of the entire period from 1914 to the fall of France in 1940. This debate was the catalyst for the emergence of a new style of pacifism in France which was hardly like its ‘placid’ interwar British cousin. The war guilt question was also the progenitor of a uniquely French suspicion, first of Russian, and ultimately of Soviet intentions. This led under Vichy to the appearance of collaboration and philo-fascism, but it was more a case of peace becoming an ‘ethic of ultimate ends’ for the minority within the LDH.

The jurisprudential distinction between substance and procedure is that substance relates to rights and obligations of the parties to a dispute, and the procedure is the means employed to determine such rights and obligations. To elucidate the above distinction between substance and procedure, we may cite Article V (1) (e) of the New York Convention as example, which lays down the rule that a foreign arbitral award duly rendered becomes final and binding if, and only if, a domestic court endorses it. This procedural requirement finds its reflection in Section 17 of the Indian Arbitration Act, 1940. The said procedural requirement was done away with by the Arbitration and Conciliation Act, 1996 (See Section 35). Also, the procedural requirement for the conduct of arbitration in the country of the applicable law is not indispensable; and it is for the local court exercising jurisdiction to determine, based upon the interests of the parties before it, its jurisdictional competence. Municipal courts apply their local law of limitation as part of their procedural law in conflicts resolution.

In this essay Mayra Rosario Urrutia explains how policy toward Puerto Rico became part of a regional approach, not only militarily but also in economic and social policies. During the tumultuous decade of the 1930s, colonial possessions in the Caribbean posed political, economic, and military demands to the United States and Great Britain. The response formulated by both metropolitan governments regarding these needs was shaped by their colonial policies, the effects of the Great Depression, the newly configured strategic and military importance of the Caribbean during the Second World War, and the grievances voiced throughout the islands in the form of uprisings and public protests.

This Introduction outlines the central questions and arguments of this book: How do ideas about racial difference, racist stereotypes, and racially-discriminatory practices persist, survive, and reproduce themselves despite significant state efforts to generate social and racial equality. In what ways can racism and equality exist together? And, how have people of African descent challenged, participated in, and negotiated such processes? This chapter also situates the 1959 revolution’s racial politics within over a hundred years of Afro-Cuban history from the wars of independence, to the abolition of slavery, and the inclusion and exclusion of people of African descent in the Cuban republic. The Introduction ends with an anecdote about what it meant for the author, an African American woman from the southern part of the United States, to do field work in Cuba and how her experience reveal the similarities and differences between the US and Cuban racial identification systems.

This chapter examines the development of a more forceful black politics in Philadelphia during the late 1930s within the framework of Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal. It considers how the African Americans' more assertive politics brought them closer to the Democratic Party and looks at the creation of the Philadelphia Housing Authority to guide government housing programs. The chapter shows how New Deal-era housing revealed the possibilities and limits of liberalism for African Americans, and how the National Negro Congress energized Philadelphia's blacks. It also discusses the 1940 election that brought Philadelphia's New Deal-era politics to a close.

This chapter argues that foreign policy debates in the election of 1940 have been underestimated. Franklin Roosevelt remained cautious regarding foreign policy issues, in part because he had an election to win, and also because his opponent, Wendell Willkie, did not wholly reflect the Republican Party on foreign policy matters. In addition, congressional isolationism was extremely strong. This chapter also argues that Willkie was more critical of Roosevelt on foreign policy issues than has generally been accepted. This was largely a result of straightforward party politics, and the selection of Willkie as the Republican candidate did not mean that foreign policy issues were off the table. In fact, they remained critical for both candidates throughout the campaign.

Territorial trespass and attack intensify in the years covered in Virginia Woolf's two final diary books: the 109-entry of her 1940 diary and the 10-entry of her 1941 diary. In April of 1940, Germany invades Norway and Denmark. In May, the neutral states of Holland, Belgium, and Luxembourg fall. In June, Hitler's storm troopers parade up Paris's Champs-Élysées. Only England now remains. On July 19, Hitler asks England to surrender. In August, he orders a total blockade of Great Britain and begins a night-time bombing assault—the London Blitz. To counter, Woolf aims for a weightier diary in 1940, poignantly an evening diary for “Old Virginia.” As these last two diaries movingly show, Virginia Woolf fights on both in her public works and in her diary. Surrounded now and cut off, she holds on until she can fight no more, dying from suicide in March of 1941.

The American Army was in woeful shape in 1940 and needed an instant infusion of troops. The Training and Selective Service Act of 1940 established the process where American men would be registered and inducted into the service. The complicated process, carried out by volunteers, had numerous exceptions for health, illiteracy, and family business responsibilities (work necessary to the health and safety of the country). With some exceptions, Americans obeyed the law and signed up in large numbers.

Chapter 5 shows how wartime mobilization led to the unprecedented compression and expansion of space. For one, the culture of an increasingly militarized Namsan began to penetrate Korean homes through the installation of household altars and the distribution of Ise talismans. This “Shintō-ization” also occurred on larger scales. For example, the 2,600th anniversary celebrations, in 1940, encouraged the colonized population to expand their vision as imperial subjects, subordinating local and familial affiliations. Although Koreans with close military ties began think of themselves in this way, the late-colonial state never managed to erase differences that had shaped previous projects of assimilation and that continued to determine the complex contours of imperial subjectification.

This chapter examines two significant events for the mutual fund industry: the passage of the Revenue Act of 1936 and the Investment Company Act of 1940. At the time, when both pioneer Boston mutual fund companies, State Street Investment Corporation (SSIC) and Massachusetts Investors Trust (MIT), demanded legislations to prevent the recurrence of the stock market crash and the Great Depression, the Revenue Act of 1936 had come unexpectedly. It is a legislation that enables the increase of the corporate income tax rate and the decrease of dividend deductions. SSIC and MIT, therefore, fought against the Revenue Act of 1936, as it would have forced a middle-class mutual fund holder to pay thrice—that is, when a wealthy fund holder receives and uses this middle-class citizen’s dividend to pay for their own tax. In contrast, the passage of the Investment Company Act of 1940 was welcomed, as this would direct the SEC to investigate investment trusts and companies to protect investors after the Depression.