Janet L. Abu-Lughod
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195328752
- eISBN:
- 9780199944057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195328752.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
This chapter notes that the riot of 1919 was a sign that Chicago had a special problem. One of the most violent and prolonged in the history of the country, it became the object of an official ...
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This chapter notes that the riot of 1919 was a sign that Chicago had a special problem. One of the most violent and prolonged in the history of the country, it became the object of an official investigation by a newly organized Chicago Commission on Race Relations, which issued a very long and carefully researched and documented report, The Negro in Chicago: A Study of Race Relations and a Riot. The 1919 riot may be seen as signaling the start of two trends in racial conflict that would intensify in the ensuing decades. The first was a new militancy on the part of the black community to resist the typical white-on-black violence. The second, paradoxically, was the increased “ingathering” of blacks within a more fully segregated ghetto, as white violence drove scattered black residents from other areas of the city in which they already lived.Less
This chapter notes that the riot of 1919 was a sign that Chicago had a special problem. One of the most violent and prolonged in the history of the country, it became the object of an official investigation by a newly organized Chicago Commission on Race Relations, which issued a very long and carefully researched and documented report, The Negro in Chicago: A Study of Race Relations and a Riot. The 1919 riot may be seen as signaling the start of two trends in racial conflict that would intensify in the ensuing decades. The first was a new militancy on the part of the black community to resist the typical white-on-black violence. The second, paradoxically, was the increased “ingathering” of blacks within a more fully segregated ghetto, as white violence drove scattered black residents from other areas of the city in which they already lived.
James Foreman-Peck and Robert Millward
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203599
- eISBN:
- 9780191675881
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203599.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Economic History
During the inter-war years Britain resisted the Continental trend towards state ownership. Instead it founded public-interest monopoly corporations or left industry in the hands of private owners and ...
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During the inter-war years Britain resisted the Continental trend towards state ownership. Instead it founded public-interest monopoly corporations or left industry in the hands of private owners and managers. The nationalisation of railways and coal in the aftermath of World War I was considered and rejected as irrelevant. The 1919 Electricity Act was a first attempt to rationalise electricity generation but the Electricity Commissioners were given inadequate powers. The standards also cast light on continuing concerns such as the efficiency advantages of monopoly or competition in ‘natural monopoly’ industries and the costs and benefits of private versus state ownership of industry. They point to the role of incentives, technology, and inherited institutions as more fundamental determinants of economic performance than ownership and competition.Less
During the inter-war years Britain resisted the Continental trend towards state ownership. Instead it founded public-interest monopoly corporations or left industry in the hands of private owners and managers. The nationalisation of railways and coal in the aftermath of World War I was considered and rejected as irrelevant. The 1919 Electricity Act was a first attempt to rationalise electricity generation but the Electricity Commissioners were given inadequate powers. The standards also cast light on continuing concerns such as the efficiency advantages of monopoly or competition in ‘natural monopoly’ industries and the costs and benefits of private versus state ownership of industry. They point to the role of incentives, technology, and inherited institutions as more fundamental determinants of economic performance than ownership and competition.
Matt Perry
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781526114105
- eISBN:
- 9781526144546
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7765/9781526114129
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book explores the eight-month wave of mutinies in the French infantry and navy in 1919. This revolt stretched from France's intervention against the Soviet Union through the Black Sea, into the ...
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This book explores the eight-month wave of mutinies in the French infantry and navy in 1919. This revolt stretched from France's intervention against the Soviet Union through the Black Sea, into the Mediterranean and finally resulting in unrest in France's naval ports. As a consequence, mutineers faced courts martial, the threat of the death penalty and years of hard labour.
This research is the result of careful scrutiny of official records and, more importantly, the testimony of dozens of mutineers. It is the first study to try to understand the world of the mutineers, assessing their own words for the traces of their sensory perceptions, their emotions and their thought processes. It shows that the conventional understanding of the mutinies as simple war-weariness and low morale as inadequate. It demonstrates that an emotional gulf separated officers and the ranks, who simply did not speak the same language. It reveals the soundscape (its silences, shouts and songs) and visual aspect of the mutiny. The revolt entailed emotional sequences ending in a deep ambivalence and sense of despair or regret. It also considers how mutineer memories persisted after the events in the face of official censorship, repression and the French Communist Party's co-option of the mutiny.
This text will interest students, general readers and scholars of the both Great War and its contentious aftermath. Setting the mutiny in the transnational context, it will contribute to the growing interest in 1919 as the Twentieth Century's most unruly year.Less
This book explores the eight-month wave of mutinies in the French infantry and navy in 1919. This revolt stretched from France's intervention against the Soviet Union through the Black Sea, into the Mediterranean and finally resulting in unrest in France's naval ports. As a consequence, mutineers faced courts martial, the threat of the death penalty and years of hard labour.
This research is the result of careful scrutiny of official records and, more importantly, the testimony of dozens of mutineers. It is the first study to try to understand the world of the mutineers, assessing their own words for the traces of their sensory perceptions, their emotions and their thought processes. It shows that the conventional understanding of the mutinies as simple war-weariness and low morale as inadequate. It demonstrates that an emotional gulf separated officers and the ranks, who simply did not speak the same language. It reveals the soundscape (its silences, shouts and songs) and visual aspect of the mutiny. The revolt entailed emotional sequences ending in a deep ambivalence and sense of despair or regret. It also considers how mutineer memories persisted after the events in the face of official censorship, repression and the French Communist Party's co-option of the mutiny.
This text will interest students, general readers and scholars of the both Great War and its contentious aftermath. Setting the mutiny in the transnational context, it will contribute to the growing interest in 1919 as the Twentieth Century's most unruly year.
Nicole A. Waligora-Davis
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195369915
- eISBN:
- 9780199893379
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369915.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, African-American Literature
“Graphic Inscriptions of Power,” examines the Chicago race riot of 1919 within larger histories of American foreign policy, specifically the U.S. occupation of Haiti (1915–1934). Tracing the shared ...
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“Graphic Inscriptions of Power,” examines the Chicago race riot of 1919 within larger histories of American foreign policy, specifically the U.S. occupation of Haiti (1915–1934). Tracing the shared condition of blacks in and beyond the United States, this chapter reveals how the U.S. imagined Chicago as its heartland and while including Haiti within the outermost limits of its geographical claims. Placed in the context of WWI and its aftermath, both the violence that ensued and state and popular responses to the riot, illustrate how the war psychology present during the first world war transformed an American city into an urban battlefield, and reimagined black Chicago residents as enemies, foreigners, refugees, and slaves. The anti-immigrant sentiment mapped onto black Chicagoans mirrored federal legislation restricting naturalization and immigration along racial and ethnic lines. This recalibration of blacks into “foreigners in a domestic sense,” into a community legally identified as citizens but politically and socially disenfranchised, significantly occurred amidst the first U.S. occupation of Haiti. The racial ideologies and tensions altering the sociopolitical landscape of the island were but an extension of a rampant nativism and white supremacism actively curbing the life possibilities of black AmericansLess
“Graphic Inscriptions of Power,” examines the Chicago race riot of 1919 within larger histories of American foreign policy, specifically the U.S. occupation of Haiti (1915–1934). Tracing the shared condition of blacks in and beyond the United States, this chapter reveals how the U.S. imagined Chicago as its heartland and while including Haiti within the outermost limits of its geographical claims. Placed in the context of WWI and its aftermath, both the violence that ensued and state and popular responses to the riot, illustrate how the war psychology present during the first world war transformed an American city into an urban battlefield, and reimagined black Chicago residents as enemies, foreigners, refugees, and slaves. The anti-immigrant sentiment mapped onto black Chicagoans mirrored federal legislation restricting naturalization and immigration along racial and ethnic lines. This recalibration of blacks into “foreigners in a domestic sense,” into a community legally identified as citizens but politically and socially disenfranchised, significantly occurred amidst the first U.S. occupation of Haiti. The racial ideologies and tensions altering the sociopolitical landscape of the island were but an extension of a rampant nativism and white supremacism actively curbing the life possibilities of black Americans
Kathleen Thelen and Sebastian Karcher
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199652990
- eISBN:
- 9780191747915
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199652990.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
One of the oldest federalist systems, Germany offers itself as a case study for long-term developments in federalism. Drawing on a burgeoning literature on institutional continuity and change we ...
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One of the oldest federalist systems, Germany offers itself as a case study for long-term developments in federalism. Drawing on a burgeoning literature on institutional continuity and change we investigate the development of a key institution of German federalism, the Federal Council (Bundesrat) from the foundation of the German Reich until today. Counter to claims that institutional change occurs mainly during “critical junctures,” the Federal Council has shown remarkable resilience: It persisted through World War I and the 1919 revolution and the writing of the centralist Weimar constitution. Dismantled in 1934, it returned in 1949 after years of dictatorship, war, and military occupation. Counter to an emphasis on institutional stability in “settled” times in earlier literature, the role of the Bundesrat has changed significantly over the last 60 years. Initially representing the interests of federal states, it has gradually developed into a powerful second chamber dominated by national-level politics.Less
One of the oldest federalist systems, Germany offers itself as a case study for long-term developments in federalism. Drawing on a burgeoning literature on institutional continuity and change we investigate the development of a key institution of German federalism, the Federal Council (Bundesrat) from the foundation of the German Reich until today. Counter to claims that institutional change occurs mainly during “critical junctures,” the Federal Council has shown remarkable resilience: It persisted through World War I and the 1919 revolution and the writing of the centralist Weimar constitution. Dismantled in 1934, it returned in 1949 after years of dictatorship, war, and military occupation. Counter to an emphasis on institutional stability in “settled” times in earlier literature, the role of the Bundesrat has changed significantly over the last 60 years. Initially representing the interests of federal states, it has gradually developed into a powerful second chamber dominated by national-level politics.
Monika Ankele
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719097690
- eISBN:
- 9781526104465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719097690.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
This chapter focuses on the Weimar period (1919-1933) and the German mental hospital (Staatskrankenanstalt) Hamburg-Langenhorn. It examines the wider political and social factors of that time that ...
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This chapter focuses on the Weimar period (1919-1933) and the German mental hospital (Staatskrankenanstalt) Hamburg-Langenhorn. It examines the wider political and social factors of that time that impacted on work therapy. Emphasis is on how patients perceived their role as inmates, responded to work therapy and dealt with an uncertain future on their discharge from the institution. Patient records as well as documents written by the patients themselves are used to engage with issues concerning the role of patient work during the 1920s.Less
This chapter focuses on the Weimar period (1919-1933) and the German mental hospital (Staatskrankenanstalt) Hamburg-Langenhorn. It examines the wider political and social factors of that time that impacted on work therapy. Emphasis is on how patients perceived their role as inmates, responded to work therapy and dealt with an uncertain future on their discharge from the institution. Patient records as well as documents written by the patients themselves are used to engage with issues concerning the role of patient work during the 1920s.
Volker Prott
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780198777847
- eISBN:
- 9780191823312
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198777847.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This study examines the territorial restructuring of Europe between 1917 and 1923, when a radically new and highly fragile peace order was established. In a first step, it explores the peace planning ...
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This study examines the territorial restructuring of Europe between 1917 and 1923, when a radically new and highly fragile peace order was established. In a first step, it explores the peace planning efforts of Great Britain, France, and the United States in the final phase of the First World War. It then provides an in-depth view on the practice of Allied border drawing at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. Special attention is given to a new factor in foreign policymaking—academic experts employed by the three Allied states for the tasks of peace planning and border drawing. Two case studies are presented of disputed regions where the newly drawn borders caused ethnic violence, albeit with different results: the return of Alsace-Lorraine to France in 1918–19 and the Greek–Turkish War between 1919 and 1922. A final chapter investigates the approach of the League of Nations to territorial revisionism and minority rights, thereby assessing the chances and dangers of the Paris peace order over the course of the 1920s and 1930s. The book argues that at both the international and the local levels, the ‘temptation of violence’ drove key actors to simplify the acclaimed principle of national self-determination and use ethnic definitions of national identity. Local elites, administrations, and paramilitary leaders soon used ethnic notions of identity to mobilise popular support under the guise of international legitimacy. Henceforth, national self-determination ceased to be a tool of peace-making and instead became an ideology of violent resistance.Less
This study examines the territorial restructuring of Europe between 1917 and 1923, when a radically new and highly fragile peace order was established. In a first step, it explores the peace planning efforts of Great Britain, France, and the United States in the final phase of the First World War. It then provides an in-depth view on the practice of Allied border drawing at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. Special attention is given to a new factor in foreign policymaking—academic experts employed by the three Allied states for the tasks of peace planning and border drawing. Two case studies are presented of disputed regions where the newly drawn borders caused ethnic violence, albeit with different results: the return of Alsace-Lorraine to France in 1918–19 and the Greek–Turkish War between 1919 and 1922. A final chapter investigates the approach of the League of Nations to territorial revisionism and minority rights, thereby assessing the chances and dangers of the Paris peace order over the course of the 1920s and 1930s. The book argues that at both the international and the local levels, the ‘temptation of violence’ drove key actors to simplify the acclaimed principle of national self-determination and use ethnic definitions of national identity. Local elites, administrations, and paramilitary leaders soon used ethnic notions of identity to mobilise popular support under the guise of international legitimacy. Henceforth, national self-determination ceased to be a tool of peace-making and instead became an ideology of violent resistance.
Lisa Pollard
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520240223
- eISBN:
- 9780520937536
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520240223.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Focusing on gender and the family, this history reconsiders the origins of Egyptian nationalism and the revolution of 1919 by linking social changes in class and household structure to the politics ...
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Focusing on gender and the family, this history reconsiders the origins of Egyptian nationalism and the revolution of 1919 by linking social changes in class and household structure to the politics of engagement with British colonial rule. It argues that the Egyptian state's modernizing projects in the nineteenth century reinforced ideals of monogamy and bourgeois domesticity among Egypt's elite classes and connected those ideals with political and economic success. At the same time, the British used domestic and personal practices such as polygamy, the harem, and the veiling of women to claim that the ruling classes had become corrupt, and therefore to legitimize an open-ended tenure for themselves in Egypt. To rid themselves of British rule, bourgeois Egyptian nationalists constructed a familial–political culture which trained new generations of nationalists, and used them to demonstrate to the British that it was time for the occupation to end. That culture was put to use in the 1919 Egyptian revolution, in which the reformed, bourgeois family was exhibited as the standard for “modern” Egypt.Less
Focusing on gender and the family, this history reconsiders the origins of Egyptian nationalism and the revolution of 1919 by linking social changes in class and household structure to the politics of engagement with British colonial rule. It argues that the Egyptian state's modernizing projects in the nineteenth century reinforced ideals of monogamy and bourgeois domesticity among Egypt's elite classes and connected those ideals with political and economic success. At the same time, the British used domestic and personal practices such as polygamy, the harem, and the veiling of women to claim that the ruling classes had become corrupt, and therefore to legitimize an open-ended tenure for themselves in Egypt. To rid themselves of British rule, bourgeois Egyptian nationalists constructed a familial–political culture which trained new generations of nationalists, and used them to demonstrate to the British that it was time for the occupation to end. That culture was put to use in the 1919 Egyptian revolution, in which the reformed, bourgeois family was exhibited as the standard for “modern” Egypt.
Roger Owen
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9789774249006
- eISBN:
- 9781617971006
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774249006.003.0019
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
The monarchical period covered here lasted only thirty-three years, less than a generation and a half. The period started in a spirit of great optimism generated by the 1919 Revolution and what must ...
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The monarchical period covered here lasted only thirty-three years, less than a generation and a half. The period started in a spirit of great optimism generated by the 1919 Revolution and what must have seemed like the almost miraculous success in getting the British to abandon their eight-year-old protectorate—which succeeded creeping occupation since 1882—for a more indirect form of influence. As with many other aspects of Egypt's long history, there is much work to be done. And as is happening successfully in the field of Egyptian archaeology, it is vital that it be done, wherever possible, in partnership with the country's own historians. This is not an easy task. For a number of powerful reasons, exchange between the scholarly community inside and out has become more and more difficult in recent decades.Less
The monarchical period covered here lasted only thirty-three years, less than a generation and a half. The period started in a spirit of great optimism generated by the 1919 Revolution and what must have seemed like the almost miraculous success in getting the British to abandon their eight-year-old protectorate—which succeeded creeping occupation since 1882—for a more indirect form of influence. As with many other aspects of Egypt's long history, there is much work to be done. And as is happening successfully in the field of Egyptian archaeology, it is vital that it be done, wherever possible, in partnership with the country's own historians. This is not an easy task. For a number of powerful reasons, exchange between the scholarly community inside and out has become more and more difficult in recent decades.
Victor Rothwell
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748615025
- eISBN:
- 9780748651283
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748615025.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the first study of the aims that motivated the major powers – the United States, the Soviet Union, Great Britain, Germany, and Japan – to fight in the Second World War. The book shows how ...
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This is the first study of the aims that motivated the major powers – the United States, the Soviet Union, Great Britain, Germany, and Japan – to fight in the Second World War. The book shows how some war aims were constants, unlikely to be abandoned except as a result of total defeat, while others arose as a result of the fortunes of war. The author sheds light on the wartime transition of the United States and the Soviet Union to superpower status. He shows that consistency of purpose is most evident in Great Britain, content with the international pre-war status quo, and Nazi Germany, intent on replacing it with a new order in which all liberal and civilized values would be annihilated. The author examines the origins of the Second World War, from the flawed peace settlement of 1919 to the start of the true world war at Pearl Harbour in 1941. Reflecting current historical understanding of the subject, he discusses, within a chronological framework, the underlying issues, such as the clash between ‘have’ and ‘have not’ states, as well as their relative military and economic strengths. Did the cause of peace advance in the 1920s, only to be stopped in its tracks and threatened with reversal by the economic depression that began with the Wall Street crash in 1929? What was the nature of Nazi thinking about war, foreign policy and the (primarily British) policy of appeasement, which sought to accommodate the Third Reich? Why did Britain itself for long prefer appeasement to collective security?Less
This is the first study of the aims that motivated the major powers – the United States, the Soviet Union, Great Britain, Germany, and Japan – to fight in the Second World War. The book shows how some war aims were constants, unlikely to be abandoned except as a result of total defeat, while others arose as a result of the fortunes of war. The author sheds light on the wartime transition of the United States and the Soviet Union to superpower status. He shows that consistency of purpose is most evident in Great Britain, content with the international pre-war status quo, and Nazi Germany, intent on replacing it with a new order in which all liberal and civilized values would be annihilated. The author examines the origins of the Second World War, from the flawed peace settlement of 1919 to the start of the true world war at Pearl Harbour in 1941. Reflecting current historical understanding of the subject, he discusses, within a chronological framework, the underlying issues, such as the clash between ‘have’ and ‘have not’ states, as well as their relative military and economic strengths. Did the cause of peace advance in the 1920s, only to be stopped in its tracks and threatened with reversal by the economic depression that began with the Wall Street crash in 1929? What was the nature of Nazi thinking about war, foreign policy and the (primarily British) policy of appeasement, which sought to accommodate the Third Reich? Why did Britain itself for long prefer appeasement to collective security?
Lisa Pollard
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520240223
- eISBN:
- 9780520937536
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520240223.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Sir Milne Cheetham, Egypt's acting consul, has passed a report to the British Foreign Office subjecting the uprising series of violence in Egypt. This was made in May 1919. The report was all about ...
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Sir Milne Cheetham, Egypt's acting consul, has passed a report to the British Foreign Office subjecting the uprising series of violence in Egypt. This was made in May 1919. The report was all about the Egyptian peasants, workers, and bourgeois nationalists, who were largely uninterested in politics. The British Foreign Office maintains Egypt as their protectorate state because of the 1919 Revolution. The British missed a number of crucial points about Egyptian politics and the ways that it was shaped. This book covers the nation's hospitality and charity, which attributes were political symbols throughout the unstable years of 1919–1922. Taking good care of the nation as a family was a requirement or a sine qua non of Egyptian politics by 1919. A preoccupation with charity during the 1919 Revolution was symbolic of Egypt's political acumen.Less
Sir Milne Cheetham, Egypt's acting consul, has passed a report to the British Foreign Office subjecting the uprising series of violence in Egypt. This was made in May 1919. The report was all about the Egyptian peasants, workers, and bourgeois nationalists, who were largely uninterested in politics. The British Foreign Office maintains Egypt as their protectorate state because of the 1919 Revolution. The British missed a number of crucial points about Egyptian politics and the ways that it was shaped. This book covers the nation's hospitality and charity, which attributes were political symbols throughout the unstable years of 1919–1922. Taking good care of the nation as a family was a requirement or a sine qua non of Egyptian politics by 1919. A preoccupation with charity during the 1919 Revolution was symbolic of Egypt's political acumen.
Lisa Pollard
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520240223
- eISBN:
- 9780520937536
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520240223.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Middle East History
Each year, the Egyptian press honors the anniversary of the demonstrations that incited the 1919 Revolution. Usually, women are chosen as the symbols of the revolution, whose participation in the ...
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Each year, the Egyptian press honors the anniversary of the demonstrations that incited the 1919 Revolution. Usually, women are chosen as the symbols of the revolution, whose participation in the Egyptian nationalist movement attracts the most commentary. Frequently, the press writes stories that specifically draw attention to such women. At the same time, women became aware of the possibilities of the reform of the domestic realm and supported “maternalist” activities as a means of empowering themselves. Concurrently, they supported nationalism as a means of ensuring Egypt's future as well as their own. In 1919, women took to the streets, en masse, in support of the Egyptian independence, nationalism, and liberation from the old order of things. When the revolutionary struggle died down, they organized Egypt's first feminist union, hoping for an extension of their revolutionary activities through participation in elections and parliamentary activities. Having discovered a political voice, and having participated alongside men in the struggle for independence, women thought themselves the rightful heirs to all the political rights that an independent Egyptian polity would grant to men.Less
Each year, the Egyptian press honors the anniversary of the demonstrations that incited the 1919 Revolution. Usually, women are chosen as the symbols of the revolution, whose participation in the Egyptian nationalist movement attracts the most commentary. Frequently, the press writes stories that specifically draw attention to such women. At the same time, women became aware of the possibilities of the reform of the domestic realm and supported “maternalist” activities as a means of empowering themselves. Concurrently, they supported nationalism as a means of ensuring Egypt's future as well as their own. In 1919, women took to the streets, en masse, in support of the Egyptian independence, nationalism, and liberation from the old order of things. When the revolutionary struggle died down, they organized Egypt's first feminist union, hoping for an extension of their revolutionary activities through participation in elections and parliamentary activities. Having discovered a political voice, and having participated alongside men in the struggle for independence, women thought themselves the rightful heirs to all the political rights that an independent Egyptian polity would grant to men.
Conan Fischer
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- February 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780199676293
- eISBN:
- 9780191755613
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199676293.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Economic History
A Vision of Europe analyses a little-known collaborative effort by France and Germany to secure a durable peace between the World Wars, through European integration organized around a Franco-German ...
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A Vision of Europe analyses a little-known collaborative effort by France and Germany to secure a durable peace between the World Wars, through European integration organized around a Franco-German axis. Received wisdom has it that the era of Franco-German rapprochement depended from 1925 on a close personal relationship between the French and German Foreign Ministers, Briand and Stresemann. With Stresemann’s death in 1929, and the simultaneous onset of the interwar Great Depression, Germany in particular allegedly turned its back on this process of rapprochement several years before Hitler took power. However, A Vision of Europe challenges this view of Franco-German relations during the Depression years. Upsets and setbacks notwithstanding, a sustained mutual effort drew on political will, diplomatic rationale, economic synergies, cultural affinities, and various peace movements to agree a Franco-German customs union which had European union as its ultimate goal. These efforts were formalized in the Franco-German Berlin Accord of September 1931, with the diplomacy surrounding this event forming the heart of this book. By mid-1932, however, rapprochement had all but failed. An unforeseen crisis in trading relations, the impact on French opinion of a media scandal surrounding the publication of the late Stresemann’s memoirs, and the disruptive impact of domestic party politics in both countries derailed a process that had been conceived by France and Germany’s diplomatic, political and economic elites. Nonetheless, this first modern attempt at European unification reflected a deeper process and logic that survived Hitler and informed the creation of the contemporary European Union.Less
A Vision of Europe analyses a little-known collaborative effort by France and Germany to secure a durable peace between the World Wars, through European integration organized around a Franco-German axis. Received wisdom has it that the era of Franco-German rapprochement depended from 1925 on a close personal relationship between the French and German Foreign Ministers, Briand and Stresemann. With Stresemann’s death in 1929, and the simultaneous onset of the interwar Great Depression, Germany in particular allegedly turned its back on this process of rapprochement several years before Hitler took power. However, A Vision of Europe challenges this view of Franco-German relations during the Depression years. Upsets and setbacks notwithstanding, a sustained mutual effort drew on political will, diplomatic rationale, economic synergies, cultural affinities, and various peace movements to agree a Franco-German customs union which had European union as its ultimate goal. These efforts were formalized in the Franco-German Berlin Accord of September 1931, with the diplomacy surrounding this event forming the heart of this book. By mid-1932, however, rapprochement had all but failed. An unforeseen crisis in trading relations, the impact on French opinion of a media scandal surrounding the publication of the late Stresemann’s memoirs, and the disruptive impact of domestic party politics in both countries derailed a process that had been conceived by France and Germany’s diplomatic, political and economic elites. Nonetheless, this first modern attempt at European unification reflected a deeper process and logic that survived Hitler and informed the creation of the contemporary European Union.
Leonard V. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- March 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780199677177
- eISBN:
- 9780191850479
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199677177.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
We have long known that the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 “failed” in the sense that it did not prevent the outbreak of World War II. This book investigates not whether the conference succeeded or ...
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We have long known that the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 “failed” in the sense that it did not prevent the outbreak of World War II. This book investigates not whether the conference succeeded or failed, but the historically specific international system it created. It explores the rules under which that system operated, and the kinds of states and empires that inhabited it. Deepening the dialogue between history and international relations theory makes it possible to think about sovereignty at the conference in new ways. Sovereignty in 1919 was about remaking “the world”—not just determining of answers demarcating the international system, but also the questions. Most histories of the Paris Peace Conference stop with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles with Germany on June 28, 1919. This book considers all five treaties produced by the conference as well as the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey in 1923. It is organized not chronologically or geographically, but according to specific problems of sovereignty. A peace based on “justice” produced a criminalized Great Power in Germany, and a template problematically applied in the other treaties. The conference as sovereign sought to “unmix” lands and peoples in the defeated multinational empires by drawing boundaries and defining ethnicities. It sought less to oppose revolution than to instrumentalize it. The League of Nations, so often taken as the supreme symbol of the conference’s failure, is better considered as a continuation of the laboratory of sovereignty established in Paris.Less
We have long known that the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 “failed” in the sense that it did not prevent the outbreak of World War II. This book investigates not whether the conference succeeded or failed, but the historically specific international system it created. It explores the rules under which that system operated, and the kinds of states and empires that inhabited it. Deepening the dialogue between history and international relations theory makes it possible to think about sovereignty at the conference in new ways. Sovereignty in 1919 was about remaking “the world”—not just determining of answers demarcating the international system, but also the questions. Most histories of the Paris Peace Conference stop with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles with Germany on June 28, 1919. This book considers all five treaties produced by the conference as well as the Treaty of Lausanne with Turkey in 1923. It is organized not chronologically or geographically, but according to specific problems of sovereignty. A peace based on “justice” produced a criminalized Great Power in Germany, and a template problematically applied in the other treaties. The conference as sovereign sought to “unmix” lands and peoples in the defeated multinational empires by drawing boundaries and defining ethnicities. It sought less to oppose revolution than to instrumentalize it. The League of Nations, so often taken as the supreme symbol of the conference’s failure, is better considered as a continuation of the laboratory of sovereignty established in Paris.
Colin Fisher
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469619958
- eISBN:
- 9781469619972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469619958.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Environmental History
This chapter explores the formation of a “Black Metropolis” within Chicago by African Americans, who against the backdrop of racism wanted a land of their own. They used this metropolis to remember ...
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This chapter explores the formation of a “Black Metropolis” within Chicago by African Americans, who against the backdrop of racism wanted a land of their own. They used this metropolis to remember African soil and imagine themselves as a community. The chapter describes the Black Belt, a narrow strip where black professionals lived. Like their white neighbors in Back of the Yards, poor African Americans had to contend with unpleasant and dangerous environmental situations. Leisure afforded some escape from work, and like other foreigners, most African Americans enjoyed their leisure indoors. At the same time, many blacks also found refuge in green spaces such as parks. However, due to race restrictions they were prohibited from visiting these places. The chapter examines how through the 1919 Chicago race riots, African Americans secured greater control of urban, rural, and wild green spaces where they could temporarily retreat from urban life.Less
This chapter explores the formation of a “Black Metropolis” within Chicago by African Americans, who against the backdrop of racism wanted a land of their own. They used this metropolis to remember African soil and imagine themselves as a community. The chapter describes the Black Belt, a narrow strip where black professionals lived. Like their white neighbors in Back of the Yards, poor African Americans had to contend with unpleasant and dangerous environmental situations. Leisure afforded some escape from work, and like other foreigners, most African Americans enjoyed their leisure indoors. At the same time, many blacks also found refuge in green spaces such as parks. However, due to race restrictions they were prohibited from visiting these places. The chapter examines how through the 1919 Chicago race riots, African Americans secured greater control of urban, rural, and wild green spaces where they could temporarily retreat from urban life.
Cynthia Brideson and Sara Brideson
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813160887
- eISBN:
- 9780813165530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160887.003.0011
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter covers the Follies of 1918 and 1919. Lillian Lorraine reenters Ziegfeld’s life when he features her alongside his new infatuation, Marilyn Miller, in the 1918 edition. But the ...
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This chapter covers the Follies of 1918 and 1919. Lillian Lorraine reenters Ziegfeld’s life when he features her alongside his new infatuation, Marilyn Miller, in the 1918 edition. But the independent Miller dislikes Ziegfeld’s attentions and his attempts to micromanage her personal life, especially her romance with costar Frank Carter. Ziegfeld’s meddling spurs them to marry. Despite the backstage drama, the 1919 Follies emerges as the pinnacle of Ziegfeld’s revues to date. It embraces new trends, such as having a unified score written by a single songwriter (Irving Berlin) and including plenty of topical skits and modern songs. The chapter is full of rich descriptions of not only the Follies but also Ziegfeld’s dual nature as a benevolent yet controlling employer. Ziegfeld is now known throughout the land, but how long can he maintain his position as Broadway’s top musical producer?Less
This chapter covers the Follies of 1918 and 1919. Lillian Lorraine reenters Ziegfeld’s life when he features her alongside his new infatuation, Marilyn Miller, in the 1918 edition. But the independent Miller dislikes Ziegfeld’s attentions and his attempts to micromanage her personal life, especially her romance with costar Frank Carter. Ziegfeld’s meddling spurs them to marry. Despite the backstage drama, the 1919 Follies emerges as the pinnacle of Ziegfeld’s revues to date. It embraces new trends, such as having a unified score written by a single songwriter (Irving Berlin) and including plenty of topical skits and modern songs. The chapter is full of rich descriptions of not only the Follies but also Ziegfeld’s dual nature as a benevolent yet controlling employer. Ziegfeld is now known throughout the land, but how long can he maintain his position as Broadway’s top musical producer?
Cynthia Brideson and Sara Brideson
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780813160887
- eISBN:
- 9780813165530
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813160887.003.0012
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter gives a wide-ranging view of Ziegfeld as both a beloved boss and a traitorous one. The close-knit family of Ziegfeld stars, including Eddie Cantor, Fanny Brice, Will Rogers, W. C. ...
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This chapter gives a wide-ranging view of Ziegfeld as both a beloved boss and a traitorous one. The close-knit family of Ziegfeld stars, including Eddie Cantor, Fanny Brice, Will Rogers, W. C. Fields, and Bert Williams, is torn apart by the Actors Equity strike of 1919. Ziegfeld’s stars remain loyal to him until they learn that he has joined the Producing Managers Association. When his stars leave, despite his good treatment of them, Ziegfeld is personally affronted. The strike ends, but Ziegfeld’s life continues to be chaotic. Olive Thomas and another showgirl with whom he allegedly had an affair commit suicide. People begin to wonder if there is a Ziegfeld curse. Burke remains loyal to her husband, but she questions his loyalty as his attentions to Marilyn Miller grow more conspicuous. He makes preparations for a show written specifically for Miller that ultimately serves as a hymn to the youth and beauty that Ziegfeld feared was disappearing in the Jazz Age.Less
This chapter gives a wide-ranging view of Ziegfeld as both a beloved boss and a traitorous one. The close-knit family of Ziegfeld stars, including Eddie Cantor, Fanny Brice, Will Rogers, W. C. Fields, and Bert Williams, is torn apart by the Actors Equity strike of 1919. Ziegfeld’s stars remain loyal to him until they learn that he has joined the Producing Managers Association. When his stars leave, despite his good treatment of them, Ziegfeld is personally affronted. The strike ends, but Ziegfeld’s life continues to be chaotic. Olive Thomas and another showgirl with whom he allegedly had an affair commit suicide. People begin to wonder if there is a Ziegfeld curse. Burke remains loyal to her husband, but she questions his loyalty as his attentions to Marilyn Miller grow more conspicuous. He makes preparations for a show written specifically for Miller that ultimately serves as a hymn to the youth and beauty that Ziegfeld feared was disappearing in the Jazz Age.
Itty Abraham
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780804791632
- eISBN:
- 9780804792684
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804791632.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter offers a historical summary of the emergence of the territorial nation-state as a universal political standard. It highlights an unequal and heterogeneous international system that ...
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This chapter offers a historical summary of the emergence of the territorial nation-state as a universal political standard. It highlights an unequal and heterogeneous international system that prevailed at the beginning of the twentieth century. It shows how Japan, India, and Ireland, in different ways, struggled to overcome the power of existing international norms. The chapter then explores how positive international law used external recognition as a structural condition to control entry into the international system. Through a discussion of the Asian Relations Conference (1947), the final section argues that newly independent Asian countries rapidly internalized prevailing norms of territorial sovereignty by identifying ethnic minorities as a major political problem.Less
This chapter offers a historical summary of the emergence of the territorial nation-state as a universal political standard. It highlights an unequal and heterogeneous international system that prevailed at the beginning of the twentieth century. It shows how Japan, India, and Ireland, in different ways, struggled to overcome the power of existing international norms. The chapter then explores how positive international law used external recognition as a structural condition to control entry into the international system. Through a discussion of the Asian Relations Conference (1947), the final section argues that newly independent Asian countries rapidly internalized prevailing norms of territorial sovereignty by identifying ethnic minorities as a major political problem.
Michael Sragow
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813144412
- eISBN:
- 9780813145235
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813144412.003.0005
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
When World War I broke out, Fleming, like most men of his age, was drafted. Though he would have preferred to stay with Fairbanks and further his career, Fleming took to his new role with dedication. ...
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When World War I broke out, Fleming, like most men of his age, was drafted. Though he would have preferred to stay with Fairbanks and further his career, Fleming took to his new role with dedication. As a known cinematographer, Fleming was put in the Signal Corps, the traditional group in charge of communications for the army. Fleming became a member of the new Photographic Section, charged with taking photos for a comprehensive pictorial history of the war. He helped to make military training films and eventually became a cameraman for military intelligence. He was sent to be a student at the U.S. School of Military Cinematography at Columbia University, filming everything from training videos to an abandon-ship drill. After the armistice, Fleming was called upon to join Woodrow Wilson’s delegation at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference.Less
When World War I broke out, Fleming, like most men of his age, was drafted. Though he would have preferred to stay with Fairbanks and further his career, Fleming took to his new role with dedication. As a known cinematographer, Fleming was put in the Signal Corps, the traditional group in charge of communications for the army. Fleming became a member of the new Photographic Section, charged with taking photos for a comprehensive pictorial history of the war. He helped to make military training films and eventually became a cameraman for military intelligence. He was sent to be a student at the U.S. School of Military Cinematography at Columbia University, filming everything from training videos to an abandon-ship drill. After the armistice, Fleming was called upon to join Woodrow Wilson’s delegation at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference.
Michael Sragow
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780813144412
- eISBN:
- 9780813145235
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813144412.003.0006
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
Fleming left with President Wilson on December 4th, 1918 to tour the Allied countries in Europe before attending the Paris Peace Conference. When they arrived in Paris, he documented the crowds that ...
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Fleming left with President Wilson on December 4th, 1918 to tour the Allied countries in Europe before attending the Paris Peace Conference. When they arrived in Paris, he documented the crowds that flooded the streets to greet the American president. While in Paris, Fleming met the aspiring director Walter Wanger and also became Wilson’s personal cameraman. The delegation proceeded to Great Britain, Italy, and the Vatican City before heading back to Paris for the peace conference. Despite his professional reputation, Fleming was not allowed in the room for the peace talks, and instead filmed the crowds and the dignitaries arriving and departing. Upon his return to the U.S., he sought and received his discharge from the miltary and rejoined Fairbanks and Griffith, who were now part of the newly formed United Artists.Less
Fleming left with President Wilson on December 4th, 1918 to tour the Allied countries in Europe before attending the Paris Peace Conference. When they arrived in Paris, he documented the crowds that flooded the streets to greet the American president. While in Paris, Fleming met the aspiring director Walter Wanger and also became Wilson’s personal cameraman. The delegation proceeded to Great Britain, Italy, and the Vatican City before heading back to Paris for the peace conference. Despite his professional reputation, Fleming was not allowed in the room for the peace talks, and instead filmed the crowds and the dignitaries arriving and departing. Upon his return to the U.S., he sought and received his discharge from the miltary and rejoined Fairbanks and Griffith, who were now part of the newly formed United Artists.
