Jeffrey Bortz
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804758062
- eISBN:
- 9780804779647
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804758062.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
Mexico's revolution of 1910 ushered in a revolutionary era: during the twentieth century, Mexican, Russian, Chinese, Cuban, Nicaraguan, and Iranian revolutions shaped local, regional, and world ...
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Mexico's revolution of 1910 ushered in a revolutionary era: during the twentieth century, Mexican, Russian, Chinese, Cuban, Nicaraguan, and Iranian revolutions shaped local, regional, and world history. Because Mexico was at the time a rural and agrarian country, it is not surprising that historians have concentrated on the revolution in the countryside, where the rural underclass fought for land. This book uncovers a previously unknown workers' revolution within the broader revolution. Working in Mexico's largest factory industry, cotton textile operatives fought their own fight, one that challenged and overthrew the old labor regime and changed the social relations of work. Their struggle created the most progressive labor regime in Latin America, including, but not limited to, the famous Article 123 of the 1917 Constitution. The book analyzes the rules of labor and explains how they became a pillar of the country's political system. Through the rest of the twentieth century, Mexico's land reform and revolutionary labor regime allowed it to avoid the revolution and repression experienced elsewhere in Latin America.Less
Mexico's revolution of 1910 ushered in a revolutionary era: during the twentieth century, Mexican, Russian, Chinese, Cuban, Nicaraguan, and Iranian revolutions shaped local, regional, and world history. Because Mexico was at the time a rural and agrarian country, it is not surprising that historians have concentrated on the revolution in the countryside, where the rural underclass fought for land. This book uncovers a previously unknown workers' revolution within the broader revolution. Working in Mexico's largest factory industry, cotton textile operatives fought their own fight, one that challenged and overthrew the old labor regime and changed the social relations of work. Their struggle created the most progressive labor regime in Latin America, including, but not limited to, the famous Article 123 of the 1917 Constitution. The book analyzes the rules of labor and explains how they became a pillar of the country's political system. Through the rest of the twentieth century, Mexico's land reform and revolutionary labor regime allowed it to avoid the revolution and repression experienced elsewhere in Latin America.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804758062
- eISBN:
- 9780804779647
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804758062.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
The collapse of central authority in Mexico, the unionization of the mills, and the consistent workers' challenge to authority ultimately destroyed the old labor regime. The military decrees ...
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The collapse of central authority in Mexico, the unionization of the mills, and the consistent workers' challenge to authority ultimately destroyed the old labor regime. The military decrees demonstrated to new elites that it was necessary to institutionalize labor affairs, which is the focus of this chapter. It begins with the first institutionalization, the convention, and protocontract that culminated the 1911 general strike. With the military decrees of 1914–16, it became obvious that the Constitutionalists would draft a labor code, which became Article 123 of the 1917 Constitution. This Article built on the military decrees, a direct response to the workers' revolt in cotton textiles. Conflict at the Constitutional Convention left the states to implement Article 123 through state labor codes. The most important were those in the textile states of Veracruz (1918) and Puebla (1921). The chapter concludes with an analysis of the labor codes in the two states.Less
The collapse of central authority in Mexico, the unionization of the mills, and the consistent workers' challenge to authority ultimately destroyed the old labor regime. The military decrees demonstrated to new elites that it was necessary to institutionalize labor affairs, which is the focus of this chapter. It begins with the first institutionalization, the convention, and protocontract that culminated the 1911 general strike. With the military decrees of 1914–16, it became obvious that the Constitutionalists would draft a labor code, which became Article 123 of the 1917 Constitution. This Article built on the military decrees, a direct response to the workers' revolt in cotton textiles. Conflict at the Constitutional Convention left the states to implement Article 123 through state labor codes. The most important were those in the textile states of Veracruz (1918) and Puebla (1921). The chapter concludes with an analysis of the labor codes in the two states.
Charles D. Ameringer
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813033099
- eISBN:
- 9780813038124
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813033099.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This chapter discusses the implementation of the Constitution of 1917, which was a slow and uneven process. The Constitution is credited for setting the course for the creation of a socialist ...
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This chapter discusses the implementation of the Constitution of 1917, which was a slow and uneven process. The Constitution is credited for setting the course for the creation of a socialist society, but no national leader provided his/her full commitment to its achievement until Lázaro Cárdenas in 1934. Thanks to Cárdenas' efforts, Mexico remained on the road to socialism and had yet to succeed or fail.Less
This chapter discusses the implementation of the Constitution of 1917, which was a slow and uneven process. The Constitution is credited for setting the course for the creation of a socialist society, but no national leader provided his/her full commitment to its achievement until Lázaro Cárdenas in 1934. Thanks to Cárdenas' efforts, Mexico remained on the road to socialism and had yet to succeed or fail.
JOHN MASON HART
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520223240
- eISBN:
- 9780520939295
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520223240.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter examines the political crisis in Mexico under the administration of Adolfo de la Huerta. In 1920 a new era in relations between Mexico and the U.S. began. But as American and Mexican ...
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This chapter examines the political crisis in Mexico under the administration of Adolfo de la Huerta. In 1920 a new era in relations between Mexico and the U.S. began. But as American and Mexican officials sought a working relationship satisfactory to both sides, their respective publics continued to pressure them. Special committees representing American interests continued to negotiate with the Mexican government while Mexican workers sought the realization of their rights as written in the Constitution of 1917 and demanded that foreign companies accept national laws. During this period, nationalism was growing among the general Mexican populace and the elites, and they began pressing for the Mexicanization of all national assets.Less
This chapter examines the political crisis in Mexico under the administration of Adolfo de la Huerta. In 1920 a new era in relations between Mexico and the U.S. began. But as American and Mexican officials sought a working relationship satisfactory to both sides, their respective publics continued to pressure them. Special committees representing American interests continued to negotiate with the Mexican government while Mexican workers sought the realization of their rights as written in the Constitution of 1917 and demanded that foreign companies accept national laws. During this period, nationalism was growing among the general Mexican populace and the elites, and they began pressing for the Mexicanization of all national assets.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804758062
- eISBN:
- 9780804779647
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804758062.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter describes the changes in the early institutional period after the passage of the 1917 Constitution. It analyzes the increase in labor violence, the changed trade unions of that period, ...
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This chapter describes the changes in the early institutional period after the passage of the 1917 Constitution. It analyzes the increase in labor violence, the changed trade unions of that period, and most important, the new power of workers and unions over the shop floor. The labor regime of 1917–23 had little in common with that of the Porfiriato.Less
This chapter describes the changes in the early institutional period after the passage of the 1917 Constitution. It analyzes the increase in labor violence, the changed trade unions of that period, and most important, the new power of workers and unions over the shop floor. The labor regime of 1917–23 had little in common with that of the Porfiriato.
Jason Oliver Chang
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040863
- eISBN:
- 9780252099359
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040863.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
This book tells the history of anti-Chinese politics in Mexican culture. It reveals the hidden influence that anti-Chinese racism, or antichinismo, has had on the formation of the revolutionary ...
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This book tells the history of anti-Chinese politics in Mexican culture. It reveals the hidden influence that anti-Chinese racism, or antichinismo, has had on the formation of the revolutionary government and mestizo national identity. The imagined racial figure of Chinese men created a profound impact in Mexican society. The book employs an Asian Americanist critique to evaluate Mexico as a racial state to discuss the political function of antichinismo at various points of national crisis. After the revolution, the social rights mandate of the 1917 constitution created a new rationality for the legitimacy and authority of the national state – to care for the good of the indigenous population. This book shows how Mexican politics relied upon racism against Chinese people to create polemical notions of the public good that helped generate new relationships between the government and the governed. The book is divided chronologically to attend to three major phases of antichinismo: the disposable worker, the killable subject, and the pernicious defiler. Through discourses of Chinese racial difference, diverse Mexican actors created alternative visions of the nation and helped rework the relationships of rule and consent. A regional approach to telling this national story illustrates that people took up antichinismo for different reasons but coalesced through the state ideology of revolutionary government’s mestizo nationalism.Less
This book tells the history of anti-Chinese politics in Mexican culture. It reveals the hidden influence that anti-Chinese racism, or antichinismo, has had on the formation of the revolutionary government and mestizo national identity. The imagined racial figure of Chinese men created a profound impact in Mexican society. The book employs an Asian Americanist critique to evaluate Mexico as a racial state to discuss the political function of antichinismo at various points of national crisis. After the revolution, the social rights mandate of the 1917 constitution created a new rationality for the legitimacy and authority of the national state – to care for the good of the indigenous population. This book shows how Mexican politics relied upon racism against Chinese people to create polemical notions of the public good that helped generate new relationships between the government and the governed. The book is divided chronologically to attend to three major phases of antichinismo: the disposable worker, the killable subject, and the pernicious defiler. Through discourses of Chinese racial difference, diverse Mexican actors created alternative visions of the nation and helped rework the relationships of rule and consent. A regional approach to telling this national story illustrates that people took up antichinismo for different reasons but coalesced through the state ideology of revolutionary government’s mestizo nationalism.
Jessica M. Kim
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781469651347
- eISBN:
- 9781469651361
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651347.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter explores how investors based in Los Angeles expected the U.S. government to intervene on their behalf to protect personal and urban interests from the unrest caused by the Mexican ...
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This chapter explores how investors based in Los Angeles expected the U.S. government to intervene on their behalf to protect personal and urban interests from the unrest caused by the Mexican Revolution and the rewriting of the Mexican Constitution in 1917. Drawing on a history of imperial interventions on the part of the United States across Latin America and the Caribbean as well as in the Philippines and Hawaii, Los Angeles investors rolled out a forceful lobbying campaign to push the federal government, particularly President Woodrow Wilson and Secretary of the Interior Franklin K. Lane, to intervene militarily in Mexico. The effort was led by Los Angeles lawyer Thomas Gibbon and oil producer Edward Doheny, and through a lobbying organization formed in Los Angeles, the National Association for the Protection of American Rights in Mexico. These maneuvers for intervention placed Angelenos at the forefront of American foreign policy toward Mexico between 1910 and 1930.Less
This chapter explores how investors based in Los Angeles expected the U.S. government to intervene on their behalf to protect personal and urban interests from the unrest caused by the Mexican Revolution and the rewriting of the Mexican Constitution in 1917. Drawing on a history of imperial interventions on the part of the United States across Latin America and the Caribbean as well as in the Philippines and Hawaii, Los Angeles investors rolled out a forceful lobbying campaign to push the federal government, particularly President Woodrow Wilson and Secretary of the Interior Franklin K. Lane, to intervene militarily in Mexico. The effort was led by Los Angeles lawyer Thomas Gibbon and oil producer Edward Doheny, and through a lobbying organization formed in Los Angeles, the National Association for the Protection of American Rights in Mexico. These maneuvers for intervention placed Angelenos at the forefront of American foreign policy toward Mexico between 1910 and 1930.
Jessica M. Kim
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781469651347
- eISBN:
- 9781469651361
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651347.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter examines the expropriation of American and Los Angeles-owned properties in Mexico between 1920 and 1940. As the Mexican Revolution shifted Mexico toward economic nationalism, Los Angeles ...
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This chapter examines the expropriation of American and Los Angeles-owned properties in Mexico between 1920 and 1940. As the Mexican Revolution shifted Mexico toward economic nationalism, Los Angeles investors faced the process of expropriation and profit loss. Under the Mexican Constitution of 1917 and from the presidency of Álvaro Obregón through the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas, rural Mexicans pushed the Mexican state to confiscate foreign-owned investment properties, including agricultural land and oil properties. Harry Chandler, publisher of the Los Angeles Times, led many of the efforts to prevent the expropriation of American-owned investment properties under Article 27 of the Mexican constitution. Ultimately, however, American investors lost control of their properties through the expropriation process, adjudicated by the U.S.-Mexican Claims Commissions in the 1930s. Despite these economic losses, efforts to prevent expropriation and win compensation continued to link an urban core in Los Angeles to a Mexican periphery.Less
This chapter examines the expropriation of American and Los Angeles-owned properties in Mexico between 1920 and 1940. As the Mexican Revolution shifted Mexico toward economic nationalism, Los Angeles investors faced the process of expropriation and profit loss. Under the Mexican Constitution of 1917 and from the presidency of Álvaro Obregón through the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas, rural Mexicans pushed the Mexican state to confiscate foreign-owned investment properties, including agricultural land and oil properties. Harry Chandler, publisher of the Los Angeles Times, led many of the efforts to prevent the expropriation of American-owned investment properties under Article 27 of the Mexican constitution. Ultimately, however, American investors lost control of their properties through the expropriation process, adjudicated by the U.S.-Mexican Claims Commissions in the 1930s. Despite these economic losses, efforts to prevent expropriation and win compensation continued to link an urban core in Los Angeles to a Mexican periphery.
Julia G. Young
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780190205003
- eISBN:
- 9780190205027
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190205003.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter provides the historical background for the Church-state conflict in Mexico, contextualizing Mexico’s popular culture with its long history of tension between the institutional Catholic ...
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This chapter provides the historical background for the Church-state conflict in Mexico, contextualizing Mexico’s popular culture with its long history of tension between the institutional Catholic Church and the Mexican state. It also narrates the events that led to the outbreak of the Cristero War and describes the development of the war itself. Additionally, it offers a detailed discussion of the two intersections between the Cristero War and Mexico’s “Great Migration” of the 1920s. The first was chronological: the Cristero War occurred at the same time as an unprecedented number of Mexican emigrants began leaving Mexico in order to work in agricultural jobs in the United States. The second intersection was geographic: many of these emigrants came from Mexico’s west-central region, where the war was fought most intensely. The overlap between emigration and the Cristero War set the stage for the development of the Cristero diaspora.Less
This chapter provides the historical background for the Church-state conflict in Mexico, contextualizing Mexico’s popular culture with its long history of tension between the institutional Catholic Church and the Mexican state. It also narrates the events that led to the outbreak of the Cristero War and describes the development of the war itself. Additionally, it offers a detailed discussion of the two intersections between the Cristero War and Mexico’s “Great Migration” of the 1920s. The first was chronological: the Cristero War occurred at the same time as an unprecedented number of Mexican emigrants began leaving Mexico in order to work in agricultural jobs in the United States. The second intersection was geographic: many of these emigrants came from Mexico’s west-central region, where the war was fought most intensely. The overlap between emigration and the Cristero War set the stage for the development of the Cristero diaspora.
