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During the 1910s suffragists followed closely the congressional debates over political independence for men in the Philippines and Puerto Rico and were intent on juxtaposing national legislation that expanded political autonomy for men in these U.S. island possessions against Congress's failure to pass a woman suffrage amendment to the U.S. constitution. By 1916 it seemed, ironically, that the U.S. colonial possessions might be the next site for woman suffrage victories. The revival of the push for the federal woman suffrage amendment, the Nineteenth Amendment (1920), took place in the context of U.S. efforts to resolve the political status of Puerto Rico and the Philippines.

The dissidents take their inspiration from the past. In particular, they look to the 1916 rebellion as a model for how they need to assert Irish independence and rid Ireland of Britain’s presence forever. They also, however, are looking to the future. In four years, the 100^th anniversary of the 1916 Rising will be upon us. In four years, the dissidents have time to prove whether they really are here to stay.

The legacies of Hetch Hetchy are numerous. Without the fight, American national parks might be administered by the US Forest Service. The fight was instrumental in the passage of the National Parks Act of 1916, establishing the National Park Service and defining the mission of American national parks. Also without the Hetch Hetchy fight, dams may have been built in Yellowstone and Glacier National Parks, Dinosaur National Monument, and on either end of Grand Canyon National Park. Over the years, the Hetch Hetchy fight has raised the consciousness of a nation. For the first time the nation questioned the meaning of progress, and in a sense, Hetch Hetchy was a national awakening. Since 1913, the fight has often been used by conservationists as an example of what should not happen to a spectacular mountain valley located in a national park.

This chapter examines Jamie O’Neill’s queer recasting of the events of Easter 1916 and argues that the novel offers the chance to imagine a queer socialist politics of affect and cultural value. The chapter suggests that the novel examines the politics of value by exploring the relations between two poles of aesthetic value: the cliché and the literary. Furthermore, the novel politicizes the problem of aesthetic value through the story of the young socialist Doyle Doyler and by inviting the reader to participate in the evaluation of literary experience. The chapter returns to the politics of reader response introduced in the chapter on Wilde, and it argues for an understanding of the historical and political dimensions of aesthetic experience.

This chapter takes as its scope the substantial canon of Irish literature in the first decades of the twentieth century that engaged intimately with violence. It argues that the expression of violence can be understood according to four categories, each of which the chapter develops with respect to a host of writers, whose styles and political positions are widely divergent. The categories are not entirely parallel in structure, but together provide a capacious picture of the language of violence in the period: keening (or ritual lamentation), generative violence (the mode of the Rising), reprisal (the dark doppelganger of generativity), and allegory (in which the nation or body is likened to a tree or building). In tracing these four modes, the chapter invites a loosening of the ordinary political binaries that characterize criticism of this period. Prominent figures include, for keening, Synge and O'Casey; for generative violence, Synge, Yeats, Pearse, and other leaders of the Rising such as Plunkett and MacDonough; for reprisal, Mitchel, Yeats, Synge, and O'Casey; and for allegory, Yeats. Ultimately, the chapter charts an entirely new scheme for reading the violence canon in this period, attuned to the historical shifts eventuated by uprising, war and the institution of the nation state.

This chapter describes the conflict in Ireland from 1891 to 1918. The first section of the chapter examines the plans for the 1916 rising. The second section explores the role of threats of force in Irish and British politics. Parnellism as an independent force, representing one-third of nationalists, was an ideology that survived after the death of Parnell. In the discussion of the extra-parliamentary agitation, none of the examples required the transformation of the politics of threat into actual armed struggle. It was more of a latent threat of force without application. The Ulster Unionists had employed the politics of armed threat from 1912 to 1914, but most of their leaders knew that it had many limitations.

This report focuses on two French books once owned by Mansfield which have recently come to light (now in a private collection): La Femme de Trente Ans (A Woman of Thirty) by Honoré de Balzac and La Jeune Fille Bien élevée (The Well-Bred Young Girl) by René Boylesve, offering a tantalising glimpse into Mansfield’s life at a specific moment in 1916.

This chapter studies the time when the women conducted surveys of two regions in the Pacific Northwest: the Trinity Alps in northern California and Vancouver Island in British Columbia. It notes that this occurred before they bought the land in Grizzly Island. The discussion examines each expedition separately, and takes note of the specimens that they were able to recover from these sites. It shows that these specimens not only increased the holdings of the museum, but also provided important material for Grinnell and his staff to interpret and study. The specimens found in the expedition to the Trinity Mountains formed the basis for Kellogg's 1916 publication, the “Report upon mammals and birds found in portions of Trinity, Siskiyou and Shasta counties, with description of a new Dipodomys.” The chapter ends with a note that Alexander and Kellogg returned to the Trinity Mountains one last time, in the summer of 1948.

This chapter offers a brief account of James Joyce's life and literary career. The narrative of Joyce's life is punctuated by subsections dealing with issues such as the historical and political situation of late nineteenth-century Ireland, Irish political nationalism and the rise of the physical force tradition, the Irish cultural revival, and the literary and cultural ‘scandal’ of Ulysses. Joyce's father and Belvedere contributed to his personality and attitudes. The 1916 Easter Rising and the Irish Civil War of 1922–3 set the Irish political events of Joyce's lifetime. The double disappointment of failing to secure the publication of Chamber Music and Dubliners affected Joyce. The publication of Ulysses did not put an end to the controversies surrounding the novel. Finnegans Wake attracted bemused or hostile reviews. Maud Ellmann's study should still constitute the first port of call for the reader keen to discover more about Joyce's life and times.

The third Home Rule crisis and the emergence of proposals to partition the country, the outbreak of the First World War and then the 1916 Rising were all State-transforming moments that questioned the relationship between the civil service and the State in Ireland. The final transformation of the independent State was the accession to power in 1932 of Fianna Fáil, under whom the civil service was reinvented as the State institution that transformed the political aspirations of the governing party into economic and social outcomes. The relationship between the State and the civil service became a matter of constitutional law, fought out in the Wigg-Cochrane case that led to the first revision of the Treaty. Fianna Fáil was able to re-imagine the civil service as an agent of State-driven change and so begin to reinvent, through the semi-State corporations, the boards of the British State.

Madeline Breckinridge approached the 1916 legislative session with zeal and determination, although exhausted from her three years as president of the Kentucky Equal Rights Association and ill with tuberculosis. Upon relinquishing the presidency of KERA, she accepted the position of legislative campaign chair, which gave her the responsibility for organizing the drive to get the General Assembly to pass a state constitutional amendment for woman suffrage. On January 4, Madeline formally opened KERA headquarters in Frankfort.

When the US realized that peace negotiations were going nowhere, attempts to improve the country's military preparedness intensified. In Congress, legislators debated a number of proposals that sought to increase the strength of the regular army, federalize the National Guard, and raise an army of thousands of volunteer men. After much deliberation, Congress passed the Hay–Chamberlain bill, which was signed into law by Wilson on June 3. In a meeting with anti-preparedness advocates, Wilson was quoted as saying: “In the last analysis, the peace of society is backed by force.” In August, Wilson signed another bill that contained by far the largest naval budget in the nation's history. To finance the new military expenditures, Congress passed a revenue bill that raised the income tax on upper brackets and added inheritance and munitions taxes. With the national elections coming, Republican leaders used the preparedness issue to criticize Wilson's foreign policy. In Wilson's defense, the Democrats harped on the peace theme, arguing that despite several international crises, Wilson had successfully kept the country out of war. With his reelection in November, Wilson was free to pursue his goal of mediating between the belligerent nations and ending the Great War.

The Dáil passed the Anglo-Irish Free Trade Agreement (FTA) on January 7, 1966 by 66 votes to 19. The Labour Party opposed the measure and Fine Gael abstained. The Wolfe Tone Society congratulated the Labour Party which it said had ‘returned to the position of its founder, James Connolly’, but An Phoblacht regarded the lobby as part of the process of conditioning republicans to accept participation in constitutional politics. Mac Giolla said that the Dáil opposition could not respond to Seán Lemass's taunt that they had no alternative because the only alternative to closer integration with Britain was ‘to break the connection completely’. The Irish Democrat was fulsome in its praise of republican opposition to the FTA, although it gave pride of place to the Irish Workers Party, and depicted Sinn Féin and the Irish Republican Army as ‘fighting on many fronts’. The commemoration of the Easter Rising of 1916 provided the republican movement with an opportunity to stake its claim to be the true inheritor of the mantle of the revolutionaries.

This chapter examines how, in the early 1900s, Irish journalists organised themselves into an association that examined contentious issues such as salaries, employment conditions, the social status of journalists, the place of women in journalism, and whether trade unionism was appropriate for journalists. Against the backdrop of the Great Lockout, the First World War, and the 1916 Rising this nascent organisation (the Irish Journalists’ Association) allowed journalists to discuss contentious issues amongst themselves. However, the development of the association was hampered by divisive debates about the role of journalists in society and the bid for national independence by physical force.

This introductory chapter provides an overview of how many people died as a consequence of Irish political violence between April of 1916 and December 31, 1921. While some of those who died during the Irish Revolution are well known, most are not even recalled in historical footnotes. This book identifies their backgrounds, why they died and who was directly responsible for their deaths. It focuses solely on fatalities in a conflict which involved four main sets of protagonists — civilians, rebels collectively termed 'Irish military', police, and the British army — but other forces were also involved in nine-county Ulster, where some of the violence was attributable to the partisan Ulster Special Constabulary (USC) formed in November of 1920, to loyalist paramilitaries and civilians, and to nationalists who were not republicans. What most distinguishes 1916 from later years are the high proportion of civilian casualties and, within that category, of female deaths; the absence of any sectarian element in killings; and the absence of targeted killings — other than by execution following courts martial of the leaders of the rebellion — by either Crown forces or the rebels. What also distinguishes 1916 from 1919–21 is the absence of Ulster loyalist action against the Catholic minority during and after the Rising, in contrast to the considerable violence from 1920 onwards of which the Catholic civilian population were the main targets and the community which lost most people.

This chapter details the deaths of the people who died in Ireland in 1916. These include the deaths of wireless operator Cornelius Keating, mechanic Charles Monaghan, and bookkeeper Daniel Sheehan, who planned to set up a radio transmitter at Ballyard, Tralee, using equipment stolen from the Atlantic College. The intention apparently was to contact the German arms ship Aud, although in fact it did not have a radio. Alternatively, the plan may have been to radio the German submarine U-19. Keating, Monaghan, and Sheehan drowned when their car drove straight off the Ballykissane Pier, overturning in the water. Another death is that of Constable James O'Brien; unarmed, he was on duty at the Cork Hill entrance to the upper yard of Dublin Castle. On April 24, 1916, the castle was attacked by the Irish Citizen Army, under the command of Seán Connolly. Hit in the head, O'Brien was the first fatality shot in the 1916 Rising.

This chapter focuses on the deaths of the people who died in Ireland in 1917. Some of these deaths were those of the released 1916 Rising prisoners, including packaging porter Christopher Brady, who was released due to ill-health and died at home from pneumonia. Other 1916 Rising prisoners, like carpenter Bernard Ward, died from prison-related illness. Trade unionist engineer William Partridge, who died two months after release from Lewes on medical grounds and whose 'death was due to prison treatment', became a union official after losing his railway job for protesting at the preferential promotion of Protestants. Meanwhile, schoolteacher Thomas Ashe was jailed in Mountjoy for a seditious speech, during which he and others went on hunger strike for political status. Ashe died due to 'heart failure and congestion of the lungs caused by being left to lie on the cold floor for fifty hours and then subjected to forcible feeding in his weak condition after hunger strike'. Police reported that Ashe's death 'evoked demonstrations of sympathy on the part of Nationalists' across Ireland and gave a fresh impetus to the Sinn Féin movement.