Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 ...
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The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 Acts are still in force. Although most of Ireland left the UK in 1921, the 1800 Act has profoundly affected UK politics. Northern Ireland is the relic of the 1800 Act. Neither is the UK a federal state. Scotland and Northern Ireland do not have powers comparable to an American or an Australian state. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like Australian anti-federalism. When there have been subordinate parliaments (Northern Ireland 1921-72 and intermittently since 1999; Scotland and Wales since 1999), the supremacy of Westminster has been asserted by statute. There is a severe tension between the Diceyan concept of parliamentary sovereignty. Northern Ireland is a ‘federacy’, i.e., a self-governing unit whose constitution must not be unilaterally altered by the UK government. As England is the overwhelmingly dominant partner in the union state, English scholars, like the English population in general, have often been insensitive to these nuances. It is tempting to see England as simply the colonial oppressor of its three neighbours, getting by force the security or the economic advantage that it could not get by agreement. This picture fits Ireland reasonably well, Wales less well, and Scotland hardly at all. Even Ireland has always contained a substantial proportion of Unionists.Less
The UK is not a unitary state because it depends on two constitutional contracts — the Acts of Union of 1707 and 1800. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like, for instance, French Jacobinism. The 1707 Acts are still in force. Although most of Ireland left the UK in 1921, the 1800 Act has profoundly affected UK politics. Northern Ireland is the relic of the 1800 Act. Neither is the UK a federal state. Scotland and Northern Ireland do not have powers comparable to an American or an Australian state. Therefore, UK Unionism is not like Australian anti-federalism. When there have been subordinate parliaments (Northern Ireland 1921-72 and intermittently since 1999; Scotland and Wales since 1999), the supremacy of Westminster has been asserted by statute. There is a severe tension between the Diceyan concept of parliamentary sovereignty. Northern Ireland is a ‘federacy’, i.e., a self-governing unit whose constitution must not be unilaterally altered by the UK government. As England is the overwhelmingly dominant partner in the union state, English scholars, like the English population in general, have often been insensitive to these nuances. It is tempting to see England as simply the colonial oppressor of its three neighbours, getting by force the security or the economic advantage that it could not get by agreement. This picture fits Ireland reasonably well, Wales less well, and Scotland hardly at all. Even Ireland has always contained a substantial proportion of Unionists.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Ireland in the years leading to 1800 are analysed. As in Scotland in 1707 they were mixed, but trade, security, and material interests all played a ...
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The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Ireland in the years leading to 1800 are analysed. As in Scotland in 1707 they were mixed, but trade, security, and material interests all played a role. Security was the most important consideration on the British side, but the economic gains to be had from integration also featured. The union was stillborn because of King George III’s veto of Catholic emancipation in 1801.Less
The motives of the pro- and anti-Union forces in Ireland in the years leading to 1800 are analysed. As in Scotland in 1707 they were mixed, but trade, security, and material interests all played a role. Security was the most important consideration on the British side, but the economic gains to be had from integration also featured. The union was stillborn because of King George III’s veto of Catholic emancipation in 1801.
Iain Mclean and Alistair Mcmillan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
Union of England and Scotland 1707: Darien; succession crisis; trading issues; nature of the treaty. Church establishment in both countries. Union of Great Britain and Ireland 1800–1: United Irishmen ...
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Union of England and Scotland 1707: Darien; succession crisis; trading issues; nature of the treaty. Church establishment in both countries. Union of Great Britain and Ireland 1800–1: United Irishmen 1798; French wars; trading issues; Pitt's plan and George III's veto.Less
Union of England and Scotland 1707: Darien; succession crisis; trading issues; nature of the treaty. Church establishment in both countries. Union of Great Britain and Ireland 1800–1: United Irishmen 1798; French wars; trading issues; Pitt's plan and George III's veto.
Gary Scott Smith
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195300604
- eISBN:
- 9780199785285
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300604.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
While many of George Washington’s contemporaries portrayed him as a devout Christian, Thomas Jefferson’s foes depicted him as an infidel and an atheist. Given how similar their religious views and ...
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While many of George Washington’s contemporaries portrayed him as a devout Christian, Thomas Jefferson’s foes depicted him as an infidel and an atheist. Given how similar their religious views and practices were, these radically different appraisals of Washington and Jefferson are ironic. Religion mesmerized, tantalized, alarmed, and sometimes inspired Jefferson, and he discussed religious issues, movements, and leaders often in his conversation and correspondence and occasionally in his addresses and published writings. Religious issues played a major role in Jefferson’s life and presidency. He wrote the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom (1786) that disestablished the Episcopal Church, enshrined the principle of freedom of conscience, and helped prepare the way for the First Amendment. Since 1947 his metaphor of a “wall of separation” between church and state has dominated constitutional debate over the proper place of religion in public life and policy. Although he repudiated much of orthodox Christianity, the Virginian was a deeply religious man. Jefferson’s alleged lack of faith was a major issue in the hotly contested election of 1800. In an effort to discover the historical Jesus, he devised two different editions of the Gospels for his own use that eliminated all miraculous elements and focused on Christ’s ethical teachings. Although his supporters, his opponents, and academicians have, for the past two centuries, debated the nature of his faith and whether he should be labeled an Episcopalian, a deist, or a Unitarian, many scholars do not recognize how important Jefferson’s religious convictions were to his philosophy of government and career. Jefferson’s character and views of slavery are also examined.Less
While many of George Washington’s contemporaries portrayed him as a devout Christian, Thomas Jefferson’s foes depicted him as an infidel and an atheist. Given how similar their religious views and practices were, these radically different appraisals of Washington and Jefferson are ironic. Religion mesmerized, tantalized, alarmed, and sometimes inspired Jefferson, and he discussed religious issues, movements, and leaders often in his conversation and correspondence and occasionally in his addresses and published writings. Religious issues played a major role in Jefferson’s life and presidency. He wrote the Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom (1786) that disestablished the Episcopal Church, enshrined the principle of freedom of conscience, and helped prepare the way for the First Amendment. Since 1947 his metaphor of a “wall of separation” between church and state has dominated constitutional debate over the proper place of religion in public life and policy. Although he repudiated much of orthodox Christianity, the Virginian was a deeply religious man. Jefferson’s alleged lack of faith was a major issue in the hotly contested election of 1800. In an effort to discover the historical Jesus, he devised two different editions of the Gospels for his own use that eliminated all miraculous elements and focused on Christ’s ethical teachings. Although his supporters, his opponents, and academicians have, for the past two centuries, debated the nature of his faith and whether he should be labeled an Episcopalian, a deist, or a Unitarian, many scholars do not recognize how important Jefferson’s religious convictions were to his philosophy of government and career. Jefferson’s character and views of slavery are also examined.
Andrew Lincoln
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198183143
- eISBN:
- 9780191673948
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198183143.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
It was presumed that there may have been a break in the composition of Blake's poem from when he began transcribing the poem in 1797 to when he arrived at Felpham in 1800. This chapter focuses on the ...
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It was presumed that there may have been a break in the composition of Blake's poem from when he began transcribing the poem in 1797 to when he arrived at Felpham in 1800. This chapter focuses on the revisions made on Blake's poem The Four Zoas. In this chapter, the focus is directed to Blake's revisions of his copperplate texts which seemed to be linked closely with the basic texts on the proof pages. In line with Blake's revisions, the chapter looks at the broad movement of his poem through the three visions of divinity. These movements of divinity correspond with the transitions from the teleological, homocentric world-view that proliferated until the Renaissance, to the scientific universe that displaced it in the 17th century.Less
It was presumed that there may have been a break in the composition of Blake's poem from when he began transcribing the poem in 1797 to when he arrived at Felpham in 1800. This chapter focuses on the revisions made on Blake's poem The Four Zoas. In this chapter, the focus is directed to Blake's revisions of his copperplate texts which seemed to be linked closely with the basic texts on the proof pages. In line with Blake's revisions, the chapter looks at the broad movement of his poem through the three visions of divinity. These movements of divinity correspond with the transitions from the teleological, homocentric world-view that proliferated until the Renaissance, to the scientific universe that displaced it in the 17th century.
Thomas Irvine
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780226667126
- eISBN:
- 9780226667263
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226667263.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
From bell ringing to fireworks, gongs to cannon salutes, a dazzling variety of sounds and soundscapes marked the China encountered by the West around 1800. These sounds were gathered by diplomats, ...
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From bell ringing to fireworks, gongs to cannon salutes, a dazzling variety of sounds and soundscapes marked the China encountered by the West around 1800. These sounds were gathered by diplomats, trade officials, missionaries, and other travelers and transmitted back to Europe, where they were reconstructed in the imaginations of writers, philosophers, and music historians such as Jean-Philippe Rameau, Johann Nikolaus Forkel, and Charles Burney. Thomas Irvine gathers these stories in Listening to China, exploring how the sonic encounter with China shaped perceptions of Europe’s own musical development. Through these stories, Irvine not only investigates how the Sino-Western encounter sounded, but also traces the West’s shifting response to China. As the trading relationships between China and the West broke down, travelers and music theorists abandoned the vision of shared musical approaches, focusing instead on China’s noisiness and sonic disorder and finding less to like in its music. At the same time, Irvine reconsiders the idea of a specifically Western music history, revealing that it was comparison with China, the great “other,” that helped this idea emerge. Ultimately, Irvine draws attention to the ways Western ears were implicated in the colonial and imperial project in China, as well as to China’s importance to the construction of musical knowledge during and after the European Enlightenment. Timely and original, Listening to China is a must-read for music scholars and historians of China alike.Less
From bell ringing to fireworks, gongs to cannon salutes, a dazzling variety of sounds and soundscapes marked the China encountered by the West around 1800. These sounds were gathered by diplomats, trade officials, missionaries, and other travelers and transmitted back to Europe, where they were reconstructed in the imaginations of writers, philosophers, and music historians such as Jean-Philippe Rameau, Johann Nikolaus Forkel, and Charles Burney. Thomas Irvine gathers these stories in Listening to China, exploring how the sonic encounter with China shaped perceptions of Europe’s own musical development. Through these stories, Irvine not only investigates how the Sino-Western encounter sounded, but also traces the West’s shifting response to China. As the trading relationships between China and the West broke down, travelers and music theorists abandoned the vision of shared musical approaches, focusing instead on China’s noisiness and sonic disorder and finding less to like in its music. At the same time, Irvine reconsiders the idea of a specifically Western music history, revealing that it was comparison with China, the great “other,” that helped this idea emerge. Ultimately, Irvine draws attention to the ways Western ears were implicated in the colonial and imperial project in China, as well as to China’s importance to the construction of musical knowledge during and after the European Enlightenment. Timely and original, Listening to China is a must-read for music scholars and historians of China alike.
Margreta de Grazia
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- January 2022
- ISBN:
- 9780226785196
- eISBN:
- 9780226785363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226785363.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, Shakespeare Studies
In the only picture we have of a Shakespearean play from Shakespeare’s lifetime, periodization is moot. In the Longleat drawing (ca. 1598) of Titus Andronicus, only Titus’s costume belongs to the ...
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In the only picture we have of a Shakespearean play from Shakespeare’s lifetime, periodization is moot. In the Longleat drawing (ca. 1598) of Titus Andronicus, only Titus’s costume belongs to the play’s ancient setting; the attire and weaponry of the other characters are variously modern. Not until around 1800 was a Shakespearean play performed “in period”: John Philip Kemble famously staged Coriolanus with costumes, props, and scenery in sync with the play’s early Roman setting, notionally based on historical and archaeological research. While period drama marked a radical break with past productions, indifferent to historical accuracy and coherence, it was perfectly in keeping with other emergent forms of representation: the historical novel and historical painting, as well as the Kantian world picture that for Heidegger is itself the defining and exclusive feature of the modern epoch.Less
In the only picture we have of a Shakespearean play from Shakespeare’s lifetime, periodization is moot. In the Longleat drawing (ca. 1598) of Titus Andronicus, only Titus’s costume belongs to the play’s ancient setting; the attire and weaponry of the other characters are variously modern. Not until around 1800 was a Shakespearean play performed “in period”: John Philip Kemble famously staged Coriolanus with costumes, props, and scenery in sync with the play’s early Roman setting, notionally based on historical and archaeological research. While period drama marked a radical break with past productions, indifferent to historical accuracy and coherence, it was perfectly in keeping with other emergent forms of representation: the historical novel and historical painting, as well as the Kantian world picture that for Heidegger is itself the defining and exclusive feature of the modern epoch.
Françoise Meltzer
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780226625638
- eISBN:
- 9780226625775
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226625775.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, Film, Media, and Cultural Studies
The conclusion discusses revenge and forgiveness as fraught problems. Carl Schmitt’s binary of friend/enemy is of import here, as is Vladimir Jankélévitch’s work on the pardon. The conclusion also ...
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The conclusion discusses revenge and forgiveness as fraught problems. Carl Schmitt’s binary of friend/enemy is of import here, as is Vladimir Jankélévitch’s work on the pardon. The conclusion also considers the importance of Romanticism to the Nazis, drawing on “De l'Allemagne, 1800-1938,” a problematic exhibition of German thought and painting sponsored by the French and German governments at the Louvre in 2013. The conclusion asks to what extent a museum exhibit or a painting might provide a way of bypassing horror. Can we bear witness to the suffering of others? How is it that memory and amnesia can work in tandem? To what extent is the targeting of civilians, sworn enemies, acceptable? The book ends with questions that have no obvious answers.Less
The conclusion discusses revenge and forgiveness as fraught problems. Carl Schmitt’s binary of friend/enemy is of import here, as is Vladimir Jankélévitch’s work on the pardon. The conclusion also considers the importance of Romanticism to the Nazis, drawing on “De l'Allemagne, 1800-1938,” a problematic exhibition of German thought and painting sponsored by the French and German governments at the Louvre in 2013. The conclusion asks to what extent a museum exhibit or a painting might provide a way of bypassing horror. Can we bear witness to the suffering of others? How is it that memory and amnesia can work in tandem? To what extent is the targeting of civilians, sworn enemies, acceptable? The book ends with questions that have no obvious answers.
Kenneth R. Johnston
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199657803
- eISBN:
- 9780191771576
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199657803.003.0008
- Subject:
- Literature, 18th-century Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
Parliamentary reform groups in Scotland, Ireland, and Wales were persecuted more ruthlessly than those in England. William Drennan was an Irish obstetrician educated in Scotland. The example of the ...
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Parliamentary reform groups in Scotland, Ireland, and Wales were persecuted more ruthlessly than those in England. William Drennan was an Irish obstetrician educated in Scotland. The example of the American Revolution inspired him to seek liberal reforms for his native country. His Letters of an Irish Helot of 1785 led Charles James Fox to offer him a post in the Whig opposition, but he declined. He was one of the organizers of the United Irishmen, and the author of its secret oath. Informers gave a copy of his address to the Irish Volunteers to the government, and he stood trial for sedition in Dublin in 1794. Acquitted thanks to his lawyer, John Philpot Curran, Drennan withdrew from political activity, married a rich English lady, became a minor sentimental poet, and confined his political observations to his correspondence with his sister and brother-in-law, valuably collected as The Drennan Letters (1931, 1999).Less
Parliamentary reform groups in Scotland, Ireland, and Wales were persecuted more ruthlessly than those in England. William Drennan was an Irish obstetrician educated in Scotland. The example of the American Revolution inspired him to seek liberal reforms for his native country. His Letters of an Irish Helot of 1785 led Charles James Fox to offer him a post in the Whig opposition, but he declined. He was one of the organizers of the United Irishmen, and the author of its secret oath. Informers gave a copy of his address to the Irish Volunteers to the government, and he stood trial for sedition in Dublin in 1794. Acquitted thanks to his lawyer, John Philpot Curran, Drennan withdrew from political activity, married a rich English lady, became a minor sentimental poet, and confined his political observations to his correspondence with his sister and brother-in-law, valuably collected as The Drennan Letters (1931, 1999).
Daniel L. Dreisbach
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199860371
- eISBN:
- 9780199950164
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199860371.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter argues that the meanings of the Establishment Clause and the Religious Test Clause were not entirely clear at the time that the Constitution and Bill of Rights were adopted, and the ...
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This chapter argues that the meanings of the Establishment Clause and the Religious Test Clause were not entirely clear at the time that the Constitution and Bill of Rights were adopted, and the meanings were debated in the immediately following years. Most of the founders believed that religion was an important support for society. Some believed that the state should play a role in nurturing and supporting religious institutions (without necessarily favoring religious establishments) while others believed that religious freedom could best be promoted by the separation of church and state (while denying that they were hostile to religion). The debates arose in the context of issues such as the presidential election of 1800, Sunday delivery of mail, and religious proclamations.Less
This chapter argues that the meanings of the Establishment Clause and the Religious Test Clause were not entirely clear at the time that the Constitution and Bill of Rights were adopted, and the meanings were debated in the immediately following years. Most of the founders believed that religion was an important support for society. Some believed that the state should play a role in nurturing and supporting religious institutions (without necessarily favoring religious establishments) while others believed that religious freedom could best be promoted by the separation of church and state (while denying that they were hostile to religion). The debates arose in the context of issues such as the presidential election of 1800, Sunday delivery of mail, and religious proclamations.
Joshua A. Douglas
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781501752216
- eISBN:
- 9781501752230
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501752216.003.0024
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter describes the election of 1800. As initially drafted, the Constitution said that the president was the candidate who received the most Electoral College votes, and the vice president was ...
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This chapter describes the election of 1800. As initially drafted, the Constitution said that the president was the candidate who received the most Electoral College votes, and the vice president was the person who came in second. Had that system remained in place, Donald Trump's vice president after the 2016 election would have been none other than his political foe, Hillary Clinton. The framers, most notably George Washington, recognized the existence of political parties in the states, but most framers shunned the idea of political factionalism as anathema to the proper functioning of the new federal government. They instead thought that the Electoral College could help to foster consensus building. Yet here we are, with Democrats and Republicans engaged in political warfare, ideologically dueling in every election. The continuing partisan clashes stem in part from the Twelfth Amendment, which was a direct response to the controversial election of 1800.Less
This chapter describes the election of 1800. As initially drafted, the Constitution said that the president was the candidate who received the most Electoral College votes, and the vice president was the person who came in second. Had that system remained in place, Donald Trump's vice president after the 2016 election would have been none other than his political foe, Hillary Clinton. The framers, most notably George Washington, recognized the existence of political parties in the states, but most framers shunned the idea of political factionalism as anathema to the proper functioning of the new federal government. They instead thought that the Electoral College could help to foster consensus building. Yet here we are, with Democrats and Republicans engaged in political warfare, ideologically dueling in every election. The continuing partisan clashes stem in part from the Twelfth Amendment, which was a direct response to the controversial election of 1800.
Ulrich Bindseil
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- July 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780198849995
- eISBN:
- 9780191884429
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198849995.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
The annex presents, with a common template, a catalogue of 25 pre-1800 central banks. While it benefits considerably from previous surveys, it has a narrower focus on central bank operations and ...
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The annex presents, with a common template, a catalogue of 25 pre-1800 central banks. While it benefits considerably from previous surveys, it has a narrower focus on central bank operations and balance sheets, and on the genealogy of central banking. It also includes some banks which are not contained in the previous surveys of Roberds and Velde (the Bank of Scotland, the Banco di Santo Spirito di Roma, the American settlers’ land bank projects, the central bank projects of Leipzig and Cologne, the Copenhagen bank, the Russian Assignation Banks, the Banco Nacional de San Carlo, the Bank of North America, and the Bank of the United States). Not all institutions completely fulfil the definition of a central bank, and particularly not for the entire lifetime of its existence. However, all banks included had, at least in the way they were conceived, important elements of central banking, and thereby at least illustrate the challenges that central bank design faced pre-1800.Less
The annex presents, with a common template, a catalogue of 25 pre-1800 central banks. While it benefits considerably from previous surveys, it has a narrower focus on central bank operations and balance sheets, and on the genealogy of central banking. It also includes some banks which are not contained in the previous surveys of Roberds and Velde (the Bank of Scotland, the Banco di Santo Spirito di Roma, the American settlers’ land bank projects, the central bank projects of Leipzig and Cologne, the Copenhagen bank, the Russian Assignation Banks, the Banco Nacional de San Carlo, the Bank of North America, and the Bank of the United States). Not all institutions completely fulfil the definition of a central bank, and particularly not for the entire lifetime of its existence. However, all banks included had, at least in the way they were conceived, important elements of central banking, and thereby at least illustrate the challenges that central bank design faced pre-1800.
Mark Boonshoft
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781469661360
- eISBN:
- 9781469659558
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469661360.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter explains how, during the 1810s and 1820s, a more effective political opposition to aristocratic education formed. In different ways, the “Jeffersonian Revolution” of 1800, the War of ...
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This chapter explains how, during the 1810s and 1820s, a more effective political opposition to aristocratic education formed. In different ways, the “Jeffersonian Revolution” of 1800, the War of 1812, and the Panic of 1819 all helped bolster the critique of academies, and built popular support for public common schools. Historians often skip over this “first era of school reform” and look instead at Horace Mann and the common school reformers of the 1830s. But it was during this period that many northern states started investing in common schools, and also revamping academies and colleges to serve a new educational vision. These institutional changes were all geared toward overthrowing aristocratic education and instead trying to create widespread informed citizenship. But as education came to be seen as an important path to citizenship, the impulse to segregate public schools grew, confining their benefits primarily to white men.Less
This chapter explains how, during the 1810s and 1820s, a more effective political opposition to aristocratic education formed. In different ways, the “Jeffersonian Revolution” of 1800, the War of 1812, and the Panic of 1819 all helped bolster the critique of academies, and built popular support for public common schools. Historians often skip over this “first era of school reform” and look instead at Horace Mann and the common school reformers of the 1830s. But it was during this period that many northern states started investing in common schools, and also revamping academies and colleges to serve a new educational vision. These institutional changes were all geared toward overthrowing aristocratic education and instead trying to create widespread informed citizenship. But as education came to be seen as an important path to citizenship, the impulse to segregate public schools grew, confining their benefits primarily to white men.
Graham T. Nessler
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781469626864
- eISBN:
- 9781469626888
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626864.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter details the military history of Hispaniola from 1795, when the French Republic ejected the rival Spanish empire from the island, to 1801, when Toussaint Louverture unified the island ...
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This chapter details the military history of Hispaniola from 1795, when the French Republic ejected the rival Spanish empire from the island, to 1801, when Toussaint Louverture unified the island under his rule. This is the first of two chapters to focus on the rise and governance of Louverture, a former slave who rose rapidly through the military ranks and, like his eventual nominal superior Napoleon Bonaparte, parlayed his military triumphs into political power. As Toussaint formulated an independent foreign policy, repelled British invaders from Hispaniola, and waged a brutal civil war against rival André Rigaud, Santo Domingo factored centrally into his strategic thinking, diplomacy, and military leadership. This chapter details these dynamics and culminates in Toussaint’s successful but short-lived invasion of Santo Domingo, which exacerbated a growing rift between the black general and France’s ruler, Napoleon Bonaparte.Less
This chapter details the military history of Hispaniola from 1795, when the French Republic ejected the rival Spanish empire from the island, to 1801, when Toussaint Louverture unified the island under his rule. This is the first of two chapters to focus on the rise and governance of Louverture, a former slave who rose rapidly through the military ranks and, like his eventual nominal superior Napoleon Bonaparte, parlayed his military triumphs into political power. As Toussaint formulated an independent foreign policy, repelled British invaders from Hispaniola, and waged a brutal civil war against rival André Rigaud, Santo Domingo factored centrally into his strategic thinking, diplomacy, and military leadership. This chapter details these dynamics and culminates in Toussaint’s successful but short-lived invasion of Santo Domingo, which exacerbated a growing rift between the black general and France’s ruler, Napoleon Bonaparte.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804758390
- eISBN:
- 9780804787482
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804758390.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter charts the convergence of geography and history, an inextricable intertwinement of geographic space and historical time during the period that has usually been seen as characterized by ...
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This chapter charts the convergence of geography and history, an inextricable intertwinement of geographic space and historical time during the period that has usually been seen as characterized by the absolute dominance of the historical paradigm. It argues for the emergence of geohistory at around 1800. Taking into account the philosophy of history, geographic science, and poetry, this chapter holds that it was precisely the theoretical precursors of historism from Herder to Friedrich Schlegel and Wilhelm von Humboldt who laid the foundation of geohistorical thinking. It describes a radically new picture of modern historical thought, contending that historism and geohistorical thinking represented its two complementary strands.Less
This chapter charts the convergence of geography and history, an inextricable intertwinement of geographic space and historical time during the period that has usually been seen as characterized by the absolute dominance of the historical paradigm. It argues for the emergence of geohistory at around 1800. Taking into account the philosophy of history, geographic science, and poetry, this chapter holds that it was precisely the theoretical precursors of historism from Herder to Friedrich Schlegel and Wilhelm von Humboldt who laid the foundation of geohistorical thinking. It describes a radically new picture of modern historical thought, contending that historism and geohistorical thinking represented its two complementary strands.
Anthony Milner
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199533091
- eISBN:
- 9780191804359
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199533091.003.0027
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter emphasizes that in Southeast Asia from 1800 to 1945, the past was written in a range of ways that questioned the main definition of history. Accounts of past events were not only ...
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This chapter emphasizes that in Southeast Asia from 1800 to 1945, the past was written in a range of ways that questioned the main definition of history. Accounts of past events were not only composed for radically contrasting purpose, but there was also a sharp variation in assumptions about the nature of time and truth, and in the themes treated. This chapter further points out that during the three centuries before 1800, Europeans trading and establishing bases in Southeast Asia had written extensively about its kingdoms, customs, and products. The creation of large colonial states after 1800 intensified the need for such data, and the histories produced, despite their practical objectives, were influenced by contemporary intellectual concerns.Less
This chapter emphasizes that in Southeast Asia from 1800 to 1945, the past was written in a range of ways that questioned the main definition of history. Accounts of past events were not only composed for radically contrasting purpose, but there was also a sharp variation in assumptions about the nature of time and truth, and in the themes treated. This chapter further points out that during the three centuries before 1800, Europeans trading and establishing bases in Southeast Asia had written extensively about its kingdoms, customs, and products. The creation of large colonial states after 1800 intensified the need for such data, and the histories produced, despite their practical objectives, were influenced by contemporary intellectual concerns.
Kenneth Owen
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198827979
- eISBN:
- 9780191866661
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198827979.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century, Political History
This chapter analyses Pennsylvanian and American politics in the late 1790s, focusing particularly on the Jay Treaty debates, the Alien and Sedition Acts, the Fries Rebellion, and the Pennsylvania ...
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This chapter analyses Pennsylvanian and American politics in the late 1790s, focusing particularly on the Jay Treaty debates, the Alien and Sedition Acts, the Fries Rebellion, and the Pennsylvania gubernatorial election of 1799 (a key precursor to the Adams–Jefferson election of 1800). In each episode, Pennsylvanians adopted a different set of political practices, all nevertheless predicated on some form of representative action. In all these episodes, Pennsylvanians argued the right of popular political engagement did not end at election time, but instead was a continuous factor that should shape the governmental decision-making process. The outpouring of popular political activism in a variety of forms underscored the importance of a participatory political culture that could be seen to represent the people as a whole.Less
This chapter analyses Pennsylvanian and American politics in the late 1790s, focusing particularly on the Jay Treaty debates, the Alien and Sedition Acts, the Fries Rebellion, and the Pennsylvania gubernatorial election of 1799 (a key precursor to the Adams–Jefferson election of 1800). In each episode, Pennsylvanians adopted a different set of political practices, all nevertheless predicated on some form of representative action. In all these episodes, Pennsylvanians argued the right of popular political engagement did not end at election time, but instead was a continuous factor that should shape the governmental decision-making process. The outpouring of popular political activism in a variety of forms underscored the importance of a participatory political culture that could be seen to represent the people as a whole.
Thomas Keymer
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198736233
- eISBN:
- 9780191853722
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198736233.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature
This chapter considers the literary representation of union by way of three case studies: Jonathan Swift’s ‘The Story of the Injured Lady’ (written 1707, published 1746), Thomas Finn’s ‘The Painter ...
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This chapter considers the literary representation of union by way of three case studies: Jonathan Swift’s ‘The Story of the Injured Lady’ (written 1707, published 1746), Thomas Finn’s ‘The Painter Cut’ (1810), and Tobias Smollett’s Humphry Clinker (1771). Their polemical energy notwithstanding, the allegories of Swift and Finn also display tensions and articulate contradictions typifying the eighteenth century’s figurations of union. These complications may be explained in part as defences against possible prosecution, but they also imply mixed feelings about nationalist commitment, and an awareness of the conceptual or practical incoherence of unitary national identity. Smollett takes such tendencies to their extreme in his masterpiece Humphry Clinker, which juxtaposes multiple conflicting perspectives on union, and plays ironically on the anti-union rhetoric of Fletcher of Saltoun. He fashions the novel, a generation before Scott, as a genre uniquely equipped to address national identity in all its mobility and multiplicity.Less
This chapter considers the literary representation of union by way of three case studies: Jonathan Swift’s ‘The Story of the Injured Lady’ (written 1707, published 1746), Thomas Finn’s ‘The Painter Cut’ (1810), and Tobias Smollett’s Humphry Clinker (1771). Their polemical energy notwithstanding, the allegories of Swift and Finn also display tensions and articulate contradictions typifying the eighteenth century’s figurations of union. These complications may be explained in part as defences against possible prosecution, but they also imply mixed feelings about nationalist commitment, and an awareness of the conceptual or practical incoherence of unitary national identity. Smollett takes such tendencies to their extreme in his masterpiece Humphry Clinker, which juxtaposes multiple conflicting perspectives on union, and plays ironically on the anti-union rhetoric of Fletcher of Saltoun. He fashions the novel, a generation before Scott, as a genre uniquely equipped to address national identity in all its mobility and multiplicity.
Andrew R. Holmes
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198736233
- eISBN:
- 9780191853722
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198736233.003.0008
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature
This chapter explores the relationship between literature and union among Presbyterian writers in nineteenth-century Ulster. It examines the work of the poet William McComb and the journalist James ...
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This chapter explores the relationship between literature and union among Presbyterian writers in nineteenth-century Ulster. It examines the work of the poet William McComb and the journalist James McKnight, who together were responsible for the publication of The Repealer Repulsed (1841), a collection of reportage and literary fancy written in response to Daniel O’Connell’s campaign to repeal the 1800 Act of Union. Their various publications employed a shared Ulster–Scottish Presbyterian heritage to express opposition to the imposition of English Protestant forms and principles, and to highlight the importance and distinctiveness of Presbyterian Scots and Ulster-Scots within the United Kingdom. It demonstrates that Presbyterian writers saw Robert Burns as only one part of a broader literary culture that they shared with Britain and that was usually expressed in standard English, included prose as well as poetry, employed a number of literary genres, and sometimes drew upon a shared Gaelic heritage.Less
This chapter explores the relationship between literature and union among Presbyterian writers in nineteenth-century Ulster. It examines the work of the poet William McComb and the journalist James McKnight, who together were responsible for the publication of The Repealer Repulsed (1841), a collection of reportage and literary fancy written in response to Daniel O’Connell’s campaign to repeal the 1800 Act of Union. Their various publications employed a shared Ulster–Scottish Presbyterian heritage to express opposition to the imposition of English Protestant forms and principles, and to highlight the importance and distinctiveness of Presbyterian Scots and Ulster-Scots within the United Kingdom. It demonstrates that Presbyterian writers saw Robert Burns as only one part of a broader literary culture that they shared with Britain and that was usually expressed in standard English, included prose as well as poetry, employed a number of literary genres, and sometimes drew upon a shared Gaelic heritage.
Ann Andrews
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9781781381427
- eISBN:
- 9781781382165
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Discontinued
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9781781381427.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This introduction places Irish society and the development of the Dublin nationalist press in the context of the Protestant Ascendancy and the 1800 Act of Union. It focuses on what Theobald Wolfe ...
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This introduction places Irish society and the development of the Dublin nationalist press in the context of the Protestant Ascendancy and the 1800 Act of Union. It focuses on what Theobald Wolfe Tone and the 1798 rebellion bequeathed to nationalists in the mid-nineteenth century, not just in terms of political ideology, but also noting how the United Irishmen included literary items in their newspapers to inspire their followers. Delineating the way nationalist journalists were deeply immersed in the political activities of the day, and stressing the importance of the power of newspapers to the survival of the political groups they represented, it shows that nationalist newsprint could also be a battleground for opposing ideologies. It is emphasized that this book has a strong conceptual approach, and argues that in the evolution of the Dublin nationalist press The Nation was the most innovative and influential nationalist newspaper of this period.Less
This introduction places Irish society and the development of the Dublin nationalist press in the context of the Protestant Ascendancy and the 1800 Act of Union. It focuses on what Theobald Wolfe Tone and the 1798 rebellion bequeathed to nationalists in the mid-nineteenth century, not just in terms of political ideology, but also noting how the United Irishmen included literary items in their newspapers to inspire their followers. Delineating the way nationalist journalists were deeply immersed in the political activities of the day, and stressing the importance of the power of newspapers to the survival of the political groups they represented, it shows that nationalist newsprint could also be a battleground for opposing ideologies. It is emphasized that this book has a strong conceptual approach, and argues that in the evolution of the Dublin nationalist press The Nation was the most innovative and influential nationalist newspaper of this period.