Annica Kronsell
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199846061
- eISBN:
- 9780199933099
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199846061.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book explores the post-national defense and its gender implications. A characteristic of the post-national defense is that less attention is paid to the defense of the territory and more to the ...
More
This book explores the post-national defense and its gender implications. A characteristic of the post-national defense is that less attention is paid to the defense of the territory and more to the security situation outside its borders, often in cooperation with other states. It is exemplified with Sweden and the EU as empirical cases. The main research question is how gender aspects and UN SCR 1325 has influenced the way that the post-national defense organizes its practices and the policies pursued? A feminist constructivist institutional approach is the theoretical base. By combining theories on gender, masculinity, militarism, and cosmopolitanism in rich case studies it improves the theory’s complexity and shows its applicability. UN SCR 1325 has been integrated in training and education of the troops of the post-national defense. Gender has been mainstreamed in post-national military practice but at the same time re-interpreted as meaning women, often also women in distant places. This book also shows how militaries have used (hetero)sexuality as an important resource in combat effectiveness. This is a challenge for the post-national defense that engages in peace tasks because military organizations have the use of weapons and violence as its core professional skills. Furthermore, this military training has been tightly connected with masculinity. When gender is equated with women it becomes difficult to raise issues about masculinity, violence and sexuality, an equally important aspect in a gender analysis of the post-national defense.Less
This book explores the post-national defense and its gender implications. A characteristic of the post-national defense is that less attention is paid to the defense of the territory and more to the security situation outside its borders, often in cooperation with other states. It is exemplified with Sweden and the EU as empirical cases. The main research question is how gender aspects and UN SCR 1325 has influenced the way that the post-national defense organizes its practices and the policies pursued? A feminist constructivist institutional approach is the theoretical base. By combining theories on gender, masculinity, militarism, and cosmopolitanism in rich case studies it improves the theory’s complexity and shows its applicability. UN SCR 1325 has been integrated in training and education of the troops of the post-national defense. Gender has been mainstreamed in post-national military practice but at the same time re-interpreted as meaning women, often also women in distant places. This book also shows how militaries have used (hetero)sexuality as an important resource in combat effectiveness. This is a challenge for the post-national defense that engages in peace tasks because military organizations have the use of weapons and violence as its core professional skills. Furthermore, this military training has been tightly connected with masculinity. When gender is equated with women it becomes difficult to raise issues about masculinity, violence and sexuality, an equally important aspect in a gender analysis of the post-national defense.
Annica Kronsell
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199846061
- eISBN:
- 9780199933099
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199846061.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Examining post-national defense peacekeeping practices verifies that Sweden has a gender aware post-national defense. This success was attributed to a systematic approach to gender and UN SCR 1325 ...
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Examining post-national defense peacekeeping practices verifies that Sweden has a gender aware post-national defense. This success was attributed to a systematic approach to gender and UN SCR 1325 training, appointed gender advisors and a committed leadership. Surprisingly, these achievements were reached without increasing female troop numbers. Probing this further reveals that gender has been translated to women. In the context of the Swedish ISAF it means the local Afghani women, i.e. gender equals the “other“ women. Gender is made into a problem-solving tool, reducing its transformative potential. The analysis suggests that it diverts from the “real” problem of legitimacy for peacekeeping missions. Their quest to win the “hearts and minds” of the people are more concerned with the view of sexuality embedded in militaries than with women. Thus it is crucial to discuss masculinity as well as sexuality in order to reach the objectives of post-national militaries when they are stationed abroad. To inform of codes of conduct is clearly not sufficient.Less
Examining post-national defense peacekeeping practices verifies that Sweden has a gender aware post-national defense. This success was attributed to a systematic approach to gender and UN SCR 1325 training, appointed gender advisors and a committed leadership. Surprisingly, these achievements were reached without increasing female troop numbers. Probing this further reveals that gender has been translated to women. In the context of the Swedish ISAF it means the local Afghani women, i.e. gender equals the “other“ women. Gender is made into a problem-solving tool, reducing its transformative potential. The analysis suggests that it diverts from the “real” problem of legitimacy for peacekeeping missions. Their quest to win the “hearts and minds” of the people are more concerned with the view of sexuality embedded in militaries than with women. Thus it is crucial to discuss masculinity as well as sexuality in order to reach the objectives of post-national militaries when they are stationed abroad. To inform of codes of conduct is clearly not sufficient.
Annica Kronsell
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199846061
- eISBN:
- 9780199933099
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199846061.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The chapter explores the emerging EU security and defense governance (ESDP) and asked how gender has been conceptualized and organized in the development and institutionalization of its military ...
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The chapter explores the emerging EU security and defense governance (ESDP) and asked how gender has been conceptualized and organized in the development and institutionalization of its military activities. The ESDP is a new post-national institution with a shared commitment by member states to take on tasks to ‘save distant others’ in the name of human rights. To be a full-fledged cosmopolitan military requires that the organization also incorporate those ideals in its own organization, through gender equality and mainstreaming. The ESDP is dominated by men throughout, mainly due to the influence of the member states’ militaries. The analysis verifies the unwillingness to achieve gender parity in military organizations. Gender mainstreaming, if taken to mean education about gender effects and how it can improve operational effectiveness, was more successful. Gender has been re-interpreted through the work with UN SCRs, to be viewed in an instrumental way as something providing added value and increasing operational effectiveness.Less
The chapter explores the emerging EU security and defense governance (ESDP) and asked how gender has been conceptualized and organized in the development and institutionalization of its military activities. The ESDP is a new post-national institution with a shared commitment by member states to take on tasks to ‘save distant others’ in the name of human rights. To be a full-fledged cosmopolitan military requires that the organization also incorporate those ideals in its own organization, through gender equality and mainstreaming. The ESDP is dominated by men throughout, mainly due to the influence of the member states’ militaries. The analysis verifies the unwillingness to achieve gender parity in military organizations. Gender mainstreaming, if taken to mean education about gender effects and how it can improve operational effectiveness, was more successful. Gender has been re-interpreted through the work with UN SCRs, to be viewed in an instrumental way as something providing added value and increasing operational effectiveness.
Annica Kronsell
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199846061
- eISBN:
- 9780199933099
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199846061.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter concludes the book by highlighting the findings in relation to the following themes: the way that UN SCR 1325 has impacted peacekeeping and other post-national defense practices, how ...
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This chapter concludes the book by highlighting the findings in relation to the following themes: the way that UN SCR 1325 has impacted peacekeeping and other post-national defense practices, how women have been conceptualized as peacekeepers by outlining the relationship between military institutions and sexuality, relating the findings on the relationship between militarism and the gender order, and discussing the role of cosmopolitan values in the post-national defense. Finally, the conclusion suggests that to deal with the unresolved ambivalence on the use of violence in peacekeeping operations it may be useful for feminists to engage with post-national defense practices and turn to feminist ethics of war and peacekeeping. Feminists would not remain “innocent” as the “beautiful souls”, as pacifists or anti-militarists, but have agency and the possibility to propose alternativesLess
This chapter concludes the book by highlighting the findings in relation to the following themes: the way that UN SCR 1325 has impacted peacekeeping and other post-national defense practices, how women have been conceptualized as peacekeepers by outlining the relationship between military institutions and sexuality, relating the findings on the relationship between militarism and the gender order, and discussing the role of cosmopolitan values in the post-national defense. Finally, the conclusion suggests that to deal with the unresolved ambivalence on the use of violence in peacekeeping operations it may be useful for feminists to engage with post-national defense practices and turn to feminist ethics of war and peacekeeping. Feminists would not remain “innocent” as the “beautiful souls”, as pacifists or anti-militarists, but have agency and the possibility to propose alternatives
Sophie Richter-Devroe
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780252041860
- eISBN:
- 9780252050558
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041860.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
Chapter 1 provides an ethnography and analysis of women’s peacebuilding initiatives in Palestine, tracking the ways in which the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and the liberal Women, Peace and ...
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Chapter 1 provides an ethnography and analysis of women’s peacebuilding initiatives in Palestine, tracking the ways in which the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and the liberal Women, Peace and Security agenda was interpreted and implemented there. After the Oslo Accords, foreign donors but also some scholarly analysts have displayed a peculiar fascination with peacebuilding initiatives between Palestinian and Israelis. Such joint peace initiatives often are legitimized in the international community with reference to the UNSCR 1325, but they have become few and lack social support and impact in Palestine. Countering liberal approaches to peace, politics, and the public sphere, including Habermas’s notion of ideal speech, this chapter argues that joint Palestinian and Israeli women’s peacebuilding in fact constitutes an attempt to discipline rather than to strengthen women’s political activism in Palestine.Less
Chapter 1 provides an ethnography and analysis of women’s peacebuilding initiatives in Palestine, tracking the ways in which the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and the liberal Women, Peace and Security agenda was interpreted and implemented there. After the Oslo Accords, foreign donors but also some scholarly analysts have displayed a peculiar fascination with peacebuilding initiatives between Palestinian and Israelis. Such joint peace initiatives often are legitimized in the international community with reference to the UNSCR 1325, but they have become few and lack social support and impact in Palestine. Countering liberal approaches to peace, politics, and the public sphere, including Habermas’s notion of ideal speech, this chapter argues that joint Palestinian and Israeli women’s peacebuilding in fact constitutes an attempt to discipline rather than to strengthen women’s political activism in Palestine.
Sabrina Karim and Kyle Beardsley
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- March 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190602420
- eISBN:
- 9780190602444
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190602420.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Recent developments such as Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, the “Hillary doctrine,” and the integration of women into combat roles in the United States have propelled gender equality to the ...
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Recent developments such as Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, the “Hillary doctrine,” and the integration of women into combat roles in the United States have propelled gender equality to the forefront of international politics. The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, however, has been integrating gender equality into peacekeeping missions for nearly two decades—as part of the women, peace, and security agenda that was most clearly articulated in UN Security Council Resolution 1325. To what extent have peacekeeping operations achieved gender equality within the peacekeeping missions and been vehicles for promoting gender equality in postconflict states? While there have been major improvements related to women’s participation and protection, there is still much left to be desired. The authors argue that gender power imbalances between the sexes and among genders place restrictions on the participation of women in peacekeeping missions. Specifically, discrimination, a relegation of women to safe spaces, and sexual exploitation, abuse, harassment, and violence (SEAHV) continue to threaten progress on gender equality. Using unique cross-national data on sex-disaggregated participation of peacekeepers and on the allegations of SEAHV, as well as original data from the UN Mission in Liberia, the authors examine the origins and consequences of these challenges. They also identify and examine how increasing the representation of women in peacekeeping forces and, even more important, enhancing a more holistic value for “equal opportunity” can enable peacekeeping operations to overcome the challenges posed by power imbalances and be more of an example of and vehicle for gender equality globally.Less
Recent developments such as Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, the “Hillary doctrine,” and the integration of women into combat roles in the United States have propelled gender equality to the forefront of international politics. The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, however, has been integrating gender equality into peacekeeping missions for nearly two decades—as part of the women, peace, and security agenda that was most clearly articulated in UN Security Council Resolution 1325. To what extent have peacekeeping operations achieved gender equality within the peacekeeping missions and been vehicles for promoting gender equality in postconflict states? While there have been major improvements related to women’s participation and protection, there is still much left to be desired. The authors argue that gender power imbalances between the sexes and among genders place restrictions on the participation of women in peacekeeping missions. Specifically, discrimination, a relegation of women to safe spaces, and sexual exploitation, abuse, harassment, and violence (SEAHV) continue to threaten progress on gender equality. Using unique cross-national data on sex-disaggregated participation of peacekeepers and on the allegations of SEAHV, as well as original data from the UN Mission in Liberia, the authors examine the origins and consequences of these challenges. They also identify and examine how increasing the representation of women in peacekeeping forces and, even more important, enhancing a more holistic value for “equal opportunity” can enable peacekeeping operations to overcome the challenges posed by power imbalances and be more of an example of and vehicle for gender equality globally.
Brenda Fitzpatrick
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781447326694
- eISBN:
- 9781447326724
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447326694.003.0007
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Gender Studies
This chapter focusses on United Nations Security Council 1325 passed in 2000. It analyses the resolution in detail; highlights the beginnings of changed attitudes to tactical rape and sexual violence ...
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This chapter focusses on United Nations Security Council 1325 passed in 2000. It analyses the resolution in detail; highlights the beginnings of changed attitudes to tactical rape and sexual violence in conflict and implications for accepting these as issues within the mandate of the Security Council. It reviews steps leading to the resolution and providing the basis for future work. The National Action Plans required of states are considered finding their limitations and significance. This is done within acknowledgement that states form the Security Council and some states are among the perpetrators of these crimes. Limitations of resolutions are highlighted.Less
This chapter focusses on United Nations Security Council 1325 passed in 2000. It analyses the resolution in detail; highlights the beginnings of changed attitudes to tactical rape and sexual violence in conflict and implications for accepting these as issues within the mandate of the Security Council. It reviews steps leading to the resolution and providing the basis for future work. The National Action Plans required of states are considered finding their limitations and significance. This is done within acknowledgement that states form the Security Council and some states are among the perpetrators of these crimes. Limitations of resolutions are highlighted.
Kara Ellerby
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781479893607
- eISBN:
- 9781479803521
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479893607.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Through a tracing of key international documents, one can better understand how gender equality emerged as a specific set of politics and how “gender equals women” was a key development in this ...
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Through a tracing of key international documents, one can better understand how gender equality emerged as a specific set of politics and how “gender equals women” was a key development in this process. This chapter focuses on two narratives about gender that remain in tension with one another. One is radical and critical of the world order, while the other treats gender as a “technocratic” shortcut—treating women as a means to an end. Through a careful reading of the Geneva Conventions, reports on the World Conferences on Women, the Vienna Declaration, the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Declaration on Violence Against Women, and United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325), a dual and dueling set of global narratives emerges. These narratives are reproduced in a neoliberal world order that prefers and promotes liberal feminist women’s rights and inclusion that adds women without challenging or radically destabilizing gender or the gendered institutions that exclude women in the first place.Less
Through a tracing of key international documents, one can better understand how gender equality emerged as a specific set of politics and how “gender equals women” was a key development in this process. This chapter focuses on two narratives about gender that remain in tension with one another. One is radical and critical of the world order, while the other treats gender as a “technocratic” shortcut—treating women as a means to an end. Through a careful reading of the Geneva Conventions, reports on the World Conferences on Women, the Vienna Declaration, the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Declaration on Violence Against Women, and United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325), a dual and dueling set of global narratives emerges. These narratives are reproduced in a neoliberal world order that prefers and promotes liberal feminist women’s rights and inclusion that adds women without challenging or radically destabilizing gender or the gendered institutions that exclude women in the first place.
Sabrina Karim and Kyle Beardsley
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- March 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190602420
- eISBN:
- 9780190602444
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190602420.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter lays the historical foundations for the book by providing an account of gender reforms in peacekeeping operations. It explains how implementing gender reforms became a part of ...
More
This chapter lays the historical foundations for the book by providing an account of gender reforms in peacekeeping operations. It explains how implementing gender reforms became a part of international peacekeeping mandates. Specifically, it goes into depth about the evolution of gender mandates before and after the passing of UN Security Council Resolution 1325, including the UN's two most recent evaluations of peacekeeping from 2015. The last part of the chapter highlights the success of current gender reforms, including those related to participation, protection, and gender mainstreaming. In particular, it notes increases in women’s participation in peacekeeping; shows that peacekeeping missions lead to a higher probability of gender reforms domestically; and highlights decreases in the incidents of sexual exploitation, abuse, harassment, and violence in peacekeeping missions, as well as the ability of peacekeeping missions to address conflict-related sexual violence. The chapter concludes with a discussion on gender mainstreaming.Less
This chapter lays the historical foundations for the book by providing an account of gender reforms in peacekeeping operations. It explains how implementing gender reforms became a part of international peacekeeping mandates. Specifically, it goes into depth about the evolution of gender mandates before and after the passing of UN Security Council Resolution 1325, including the UN's two most recent evaluations of peacekeeping from 2015. The last part of the chapter highlights the success of current gender reforms, including those related to participation, protection, and gender mainstreaming. In particular, it notes increases in women’s participation in peacekeeping; shows that peacekeeping missions lead to a higher probability of gender reforms domestically; and highlights decreases in the incidents of sexual exploitation, abuse, harassment, and violence in peacekeeping missions, as well as the ability of peacekeeping missions to address conflict-related sexual violence. The chapter concludes with a discussion on gender mainstreaming.
Olga Demetriou and Maria Hadjipavlou
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781474402170
- eISBN:
- 9781474418720
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474402170.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter discusses the role of women in forging paths into post-liberal peace formations. The adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000 could be said to have marked ...
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This chapter discusses the role of women in forging paths into post-liberal peace formations. The adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000 could be said to have marked the incorporation of key tenets of gender rights discourse in the global liberal peace agenda. The resolution is based on liberal principles of representation and participation of women in all levels of peacebuilding and on democratisation in setting up new institutions and norms of gender equality in the post-conflict processes; it also recognises the specific protection needs of women and girls in conflict situations as well as the underutilised contribution women make to conflict prevention, peacebuilding, conflict resolution, and peacekeeping. Ultimately, the chapter asks whether gender discourse can uphold the promise of peace formation by holding peacebuilders accountable to just, democratic, and equal societies.Less
This chapter discusses the role of women in forging paths into post-liberal peace formations. The adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000 could be said to have marked the incorporation of key tenets of gender rights discourse in the global liberal peace agenda. The resolution is based on liberal principles of representation and participation of women in all levels of peacebuilding and on democratisation in setting up new institutions and norms of gender equality in the post-conflict processes; it also recognises the specific protection needs of women and girls in conflict situations as well as the underutilised contribution women make to conflict prevention, peacebuilding, conflict resolution, and peacekeeping. Ultimately, the chapter asks whether gender discourse can uphold the promise of peace formation by holding peacebuilders accountable to just, democratic, and equal societies.
Soumita Basu, Paul Kirby, and Laura Shepherd (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781529207743
- eISBN:
- 9781529207767
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529207743.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
What does gender equality mean for peace, justice, and security? At the turn of the 21st century, feminist advocates persuaded the United Nations Security Council to adopt a resolution that drew ...
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What does gender equality mean for peace, justice, and security? At the turn of the 21st century, feminist advocates persuaded the United Nations Security Council to adopt a resolution that drew attention to this question at the highest levels of international policy. Today the Women, Peace and Security agenda is a complex field, relevant to every conceivable dimension of war and peace. This groundbreaking edited book engages vexed and vexing questions about the future of the agenda, from the legacies of coloniality to the prospects of international law, and from the implications of global arms trade to the impact of climate change. The collection balances analysis of emerging trends with specially-commissioned reflections from those at the forefront of policy and practice.Less
What does gender equality mean for peace, justice, and security? At the turn of the 21st century, feminist advocates persuaded the United Nations Security Council to adopt a resolution that drew attention to this question at the highest levels of international policy. Today the Women, Peace and Security agenda is a complex field, relevant to every conceivable dimension of war and peace. This groundbreaking edited book engages vexed and vexing questions about the future of the agenda, from the legacies of coloniality to the prospects of international law, and from the implications of global arms trade to the impact of climate change. The collection balances analysis of emerging trends with specially-commissioned reflections from those at the forefront of policy and practice.
Soumita Basu, Paul Kirby, and Laura J. Shepherd
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781529207743
- eISBN:
- 9781529207767
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529207743.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
This introductory chapter offers a mapping of the field of research to which we – the authors of the chapter and the editors of the volume – hope that the volume itself will contribute. Using the ...
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This introductory chapter offers a mapping of the field of research to which we – the authors of the chapter and the editors of the volume – hope that the volume itself will contribute. Using the motif of ‘new directions’, we chart historical and contemporary scholarship on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS), tracing avenues of enquiry, streams of argument, and architectures of practice across geographical, temporal, and institutional scales. In the course of our mapping, we identify overlapping waves of WPS scholarship, beginning with those who came to study WPS primarily through peace activism and women’s movements (including those who engaged directly with the politics and processes that produced UNSCR 1325), through the emergence of ‘WPS’ as a discrete object of analysis, and to the current state of art represented by the contributions to this volume. In doing so we show how WPS has gone from peace activism at the margins to a more significant landmark in the peace and security environment than perhaps anyone had envisaged. This cataloguing constitutes the first substantive section of the chapter. In the second section of the chapter, we map the contours of the contemporary field of study, proposing three new horizons of WPS scholarship: new themes; new actors; and new methods of encounter. In the final section, we conclude our cartography with a discussion of the ways in which the more recent contributions to WPS scholarship and practice are producing interesting new contestations, tensions, and constellations of power, and re-situate the new politics of WPS in relation to the geographical, temporal and institutional scales which will shape its future trajectories.Less
This introductory chapter offers a mapping of the field of research to which we – the authors of the chapter and the editors of the volume – hope that the volume itself will contribute. Using the motif of ‘new directions’, we chart historical and contemporary scholarship on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS), tracing avenues of enquiry, streams of argument, and architectures of practice across geographical, temporal, and institutional scales. In the course of our mapping, we identify overlapping waves of WPS scholarship, beginning with those who came to study WPS primarily through peace activism and women’s movements (including those who engaged directly with the politics and processes that produced UNSCR 1325), through the emergence of ‘WPS’ as a discrete object of analysis, and to the current state of art represented by the contributions to this volume. In doing so we show how WPS has gone from peace activism at the margins to a more significant landmark in the peace and security environment than perhaps anyone had envisaged. This cataloguing constitutes the first substantive section of the chapter. In the second section of the chapter, we map the contours of the contemporary field of study, proposing three new horizons of WPS scholarship: new themes; new actors; and new methods of encounter. In the final section, we conclude our cartography with a discussion of the ways in which the more recent contributions to WPS scholarship and practice are producing interesting new contestations, tensions, and constellations of power, and re-situate the new politics of WPS in relation to the geographical, temporal and institutional scales which will shape its future trajectories.
Sabrina Karim and Kyle Beardsley
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- March 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780190602420
- eISBN:
- 9780190602444
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190602420.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The chapter provides an introduction for the book. It demonstrates that the United Nations, through the passing of UN Security Council Resolution 1325, has been at the forefront of promoting gender ...
More
The chapter provides an introduction for the book. It demonstrates that the United Nations, through the passing of UN Security Council Resolution 1325, has been at the forefront of promoting gender equality in peacekeeping operations. It highlights the main theme of the book: that there have been successes and challenges with regard to gender equality in and through missions. Challenges stem from gender power imbalances that perpetuate discrimination, a protection norm, and sexual exploitation, abuse, harassment, and violence. It also highlights our approach, which uses existing scholarship on feminist theory related to gender and international relations but takes a positivist approach. The chapter concludes by summarizing the subsequent chapters.Less
The chapter provides an introduction for the book. It demonstrates that the United Nations, through the passing of UN Security Council Resolution 1325, has been at the forefront of promoting gender equality in peacekeeping operations. It highlights the main theme of the book: that there have been successes and challenges with regard to gender equality in and through missions. Challenges stem from gender power imbalances that perpetuate discrimination, a protection norm, and sexual exploitation, abuse, harassment, and violence. It also highlights our approach, which uses existing scholarship on feminist theory related to gender and international relations but takes a positivist approach. The chapter concludes by summarizing the subsequent chapters.
Joana Cook
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- June 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780197506554
- eISBN:
- 9780197520727
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197506554.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
Chapter 1 discusses the book within the wider scholarly literature, situating it within three intersecting bodies of literature. Firstly, the literature on women, peace and security (especially that ...
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Chapter 1 discusses the book within the wider scholarly literature, situating it within three intersecting bodies of literature. Firstly, the literature on women, peace and security (especially that on UN Security Council Resolution 1325) has advanced the considerations and status of women generally in terms of global peace and security. Second, feminist security studies considers women more specifically in relation to the construction and practices of security. Third, terrorism studies which has increasingly considered women's roles and agency in terrorist groups, yet has not yet adequately considered if or how women's roles have impacted on counterterrorism practices. These three fields try to locate women in relation to security, considering agency, power relations and structures, and interrogate gender binaries in the field. Second, they try to bring to light women who perpetrate or support violence in militant and terrorist groups and their agency (which has direct implications for counterterrorism practices).Less
Chapter 1 discusses the book within the wider scholarly literature, situating it within three intersecting bodies of literature. Firstly, the literature on women, peace and security (especially that on UN Security Council Resolution 1325) has advanced the considerations and status of women generally in terms of global peace and security. Second, feminist security studies considers women more specifically in relation to the construction and practices of security. Third, terrorism studies which has increasingly considered women's roles and agency in terrorist groups, yet has not yet adequately considered if or how women's roles have impacted on counterterrorism practices. These three fields try to locate women in relation to security, considering agency, power relations and structures, and interrogate gender binaries in the field. Second, they try to bring to light women who perpetrate or support violence in militant and terrorist groups and their agency (which has direct implications for counterterrorism practices).
Sahro Ahmed Koshin
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- June 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190947910
- eISBN:
- 9780190055929
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190947910.003.0023
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
Somali women's participation in peace-building and conflict resolution in Somalia has been very limited, and they have been marginalized in all aspects of decision-making and governance. However, ...
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Somali women's participation in peace-building and conflict resolution in Somalia has been very limited, and they have been marginalized in all aspects of decision-making and governance. However, their political participation is closely linked to peace-building and state-building in Somalia, hence the need to study the various factors which promote or inhibit women's involvement in mainstream peace and reconciliation in Somalia. This chapter summarizes broader research conducted in Galkayo (South and North) and Kismayo, and a focus group discussion conducted in Garowe. The study addressed four research objectives: (1) levels of women's participation in peace-building; (2) factors constraining women's participation; (3) policies, frameworks, rules, and regulations encouraging women's participation; and (4) UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and an agenda to catalyse action and bring about positive change.Less
Somali women's participation in peace-building and conflict resolution in Somalia has been very limited, and they have been marginalized in all aspects of decision-making and governance. However, their political participation is closely linked to peace-building and state-building in Somalia, hence the need to study the various factors which promote or inhibit women's involvement in mainstream peace and reconciliation in Somalia. This chapter summarizes broader research conducted in Galkayo (South and North) and Kismayo, and a focus group discussion conducted in Garowe. The study addressed four research objectives: (1) levels of women's participation in peace-building; (2) factors constraining women's participation; (3) policies, frameworks, rules, and regulations encouraging women's participation; and (4) UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and an agenda to catalyse action and bring about positive change.
Rita Manchanda
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781529207743
- eISBN:
- 9781529207767
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529207743.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
The chapter draws upon scholarship and gender expertise, primarily from South Asia, on the everyday resistance and resilience of local women negotiating multiple militarised patriarchies in the ...
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The chapter draws upon scholarship and gender expertise, primarily from South Asia, on the everyday resistance and resilience of local women negotiating multiple militarised patriarchies in the conflict continuum, to critically assess the limits and scope of leveraging the WPS agenda to build a transformative peace. It teases out the plural and contextual meanings of militarisation, peace and justice, emphasising the intersecting structures of disadvantage and discrimination which shape women’s experiences of insecurity. Confronting ‘post conflict’ transitions that likely deliver a violent peace or internal domination, the chapter questions the presumed apolitical engagement of women with peace and calls for attention to their resistance to the crisis of solutions delivered by the hegemonic neo liberal peace and development template. The chapter makes a case for bringing in the concept of ‘resistance’ into the WPS agenda, as it is integral to the collective mobilization of the region’s peace groups as well as women’s alliances with social movements for socio-economic justice and cultural rights. Finally, it outlines how the region’s gender equality and peace advocates have expanded openings for WPS practices in other institutional contexts such as CEDAW.Less
The chapter draws upon scholarship and gender expertise, primarily from South Asia, on the everyday resistance and resilience of local women negotiating multiple militarised patriarchies in the conflict continuum, to critically assess the limits and scope of leveraging the WPS agenda to build a transformative peace. It teases out the plural and contextual meanings of militarisation, peace and justice, emphasising the intersecting structures of disadvantage and discrimination which shape women’s experiences of insecurity. Confronting ‘post conflict’ transitions that likely deliver a violent peace or internal domination, the chapter questions the presumed apolitical engagement of women with peace and calls for attention to their resistance to the crisis of solutions delivered by the hegemonic neo liberal peace and development template. The chapter makes a case for bringing in the concept of ‘resistance’ into the WPS agenda, as it is integral to the collective mobilization of the region’s peace groups as well as women’s alliances with social movements for socio-economic justice and cultural rights. Finally, it outlines how the region’s gender equality and peace advocates have expanded openings for WPS practices in other institutional contexts such as CEDAW.
Minna Lyytikäinen and Marjaana Jauhola
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- January 2021
- ISBN:
- 9781529207743
- eISBN:
- 9781529207767
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781529207743.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
“And then I sNAPped”. How does it feel to snap at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, at a meeting taking stock of the progress of the UNSCR1325 National Action Plan? This paper is a response to the ...
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“And then I sNAPped”. How does it feel to snap at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, at a meeting taking stock of the progress of the UNSCR1325 National Action Plan? This paper is a response to the affective sites of Women, Peace and Security politics and the ways in which academic/activist knowledge has become (un)used by the strategic state. We identify moments of feminist killjoyism, which we call sNAPping, in the context of the wider transition from state feminism to the need to engage with the neoliberal governmentalities of the strategic state”. Our contribution is an auto-ethnographic reflection by two researcher-activists who participated in the multi-stage government-led process of drafting and launching the third Finnish UNSCR1325 National Action Plan and were also the authors of three key advocacy texts. We have used our experiences in such encounters as ethnographic research material to interrogate and analyse the feminist affects of sNAPping.Less
“And then I sNAPped”. How does it feel to snap at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, at a meeting taking stock of the progress of the UNSCR1325 National Action Plan? This paper is a response to the affective sites of Women, Peace and Security politics and the ways in which academic/activist knowledge has become (un)used by the strategic state. We identify moments of feminist killjoyism, which we call sNAPping, in the context of the wider transition from state feminism to the need to engage with the neoliberal governmentalities of the strategic state”. Our contribution is an auto-ethnographic reflection by two researcher-activists who participated in the multi-stage government-led process of drafting and launching the third Finnish UNSCR1325 National Action Plan and were also the authors of three key advocacy texts. We have used our experiences in such encounters as ethnographic research material to interrogate and analyse the feminist affects of sNAPping.