Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266685
- eISBN:
- 9780191601057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266689.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Discusses the transatlantic drift (or split) that has occurred between the US and Western Europe since the election of George W. Bush in December 2000, and the attack on the World Trade Centre in New ...
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Discusses the transatlantic drift (or split) that has occurred between the US and Western Europe since the election of George W. Bush in December 2000, and the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York on 11 Sept 2001. The further tensions that have arisen since then over the Afghanistan and Iraq wars are discussed, as is the crisis over North Korea and the huge expansion in NATO and in the EU through the entry of Eastern European countries. The author presents speculations on the future of the American–Western European relationship, and forecasts an even further drift apart. This he bases on eight primary reasons, which he discusses in detail. These are: the Cold War is over; unilateralism is growing stronger in the US; the EU is slowly but steadily taking on an ever stronger role; out‐of‐area disputes are becoming increasingly frequent and they have been notoriously difficult to handle for the two sides of the Atlantic; redefinitions of leadership and burdens are always difficult to do; economic disputes are proliferating; even cultural disputes are becoming increasingly numerous; and finally, demographic changes are taking place, particularly on the American side of the Atlantic, that in the long run are likely to challenge the existing relationship.Less
Discusses the transatlantic drift (or split) that has occurred between the US and Western Europe since the election of George W. Bush in December 2000, and the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York on 11 Sept 2001. The further tensions that have arisen since then over the Afghanistan and Iraq wars are discussed, as is the crisis over North Korea and the huge expansion in NATO and in the EU through the entry of Eastern European countries. The author presents speculations on the future of the American–Western European relationship, and forecasts an even further drift apart. This he bases on eight primary reasons, which he discusses in detail. These are: the Cold War is over; unilateralism is growing stronger in the US; the EU is slowly but steadily taking on an ever stronger role; out‐of‐area disputes are becoming increasingly frequent and they have been notoriously difficult to handle for the two sides of the Atlantic; redefinitions of leadership and burdens are always difficult to do; economic disputes are proliferating; even cultural disputes are becoming increasingly numerous; and finally, demographic changes are taking place, particularly on the American side of the Atlantic, that in the long run are likely to challenge the existing relationship.
Glenn Yago and Susanne Trimbath
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195149234
- eISBN:
- 9780199871865
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195149238.003.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Financial Economics
This short introductory chapter provides a brief analysis of the high‐yield (junk bond) market in the USA in 2001 and 2002, discussing the multitude of influences upon it, including the September 11, ...
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This short introductory chapter provides a brief analysis of the high‐yield (junk bond) market in the USA in 2001 and 2002, discussing the multitude of influences upon it, including the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. It notes that any attempt to compare the impact of these attacks with previous historical events will be flawed because the combination of an act of war committed in the USA at the time of a recession has never before occurred. A table is presented that attempts to sort out the positive and negative effects of individual events and circumstances on the market for high‐yield securities, and a summary is given of the immediate damage to the credit markets in September 2001. It is suggested that there is at least anecdotal evidence of large cash positions sitting on the sidelines globally, so that any recovery could be significant.Less
This short introductory chapter provides a brief analysis of the high‐yield (junk bond) market in the USA in 2001 and 2002, discussing the multitude of influences upon it, including the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks. It notes that any attempt to compare the impact of these attacks with previous historical events will be flawed because the combination of an act of war committed in the USA at the time of a recession has never before occurred. A table is presented that attempts to sort out the positive and negative effects of individual events and circumstances on the market for high‐yield securities, and a summary is given of the immediate damage to the credit markets in September 2001. It is suggested that there is at least anecdotal evidence of large cash positions sitting on the sidelines globally, so that any recovery could be significant.
Samuel Justin Sinclair and Daniel Antonius
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195388114
- eISBN:
- 9780199949816
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195388114.001.0001
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
The psychology of terrorism, in its most basic form, is about fear. While academics continue to debate the meaning of terrorism, the end result for many people affected is fear and terror. However, ...
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The psychology of terrorism, in its most basic form, is about fear. While academics continue to debate the meaning of terrorism, the end result for many people affected is fear and terror. However, many studying the effects of terrorism have focused more exclusively on discrete psychopathological constructs, most of which are clinically based. Ironically, these paradigms fail to acknowledge the primacy of basic fear in the context of terrorism, as well as how fear affects people in both positive and negative ways—above and beyond whether one meets criteria for a clinical disorder. The purpose of this book is to unpack the complexity of terrorism fears, and to present a new paradigm for understanding the psychology of terrorism. As such, this book will present empirical and theoretical frameworks for understanding fear as a dynamic process that motivates and affects people on a myriad of levels, from the individual to society at large. The book will also highlight the paradox of how fear can negatively affect people and societies and can also be a central force underlying resilience and post-traumatic growth in the context of terrorism and political violence. Finally, this volume will discuss how society has changed as a function of terrorism, and specifically how our own systems for managing terrorism may in fact contribute to fear.Less
The psychology of terrorism, in its most basic form, is about fear. While academics continue to debate the meaning of terrorism, the end result for many people affected is fear and terror. However, many studying the effects of terrorism have focused more exclusively on discrete psychopathological constructs, most of which are clinically based. Ironically, these paradigms fail to acknowledge the primacy of basic fear in the context of terrorism, as well as how fear affects people in both positive and negative ways—above and beyond whether one meets criteria for a clinical disorder. The purpose of this book is to unpack the complexity of terrorism fears, and to present a new paradigm for understanding the psychology of terrorism. As such, this book will present empirical and theoretical frameworks for understanding fear as a dynamic process that motivates and affects people on a myriad of levels, from the individual to society at large. The book will also highlight the paradox of how fear can negatively affect people and societies and can also be a central force underlying resilience and post-traumatic growth in the context of terrorism and political violence. Finally, this volume will discuss how society has changed as a function of terrorism, and specifically how our own systems for managing terrorism may in fact contribute to fear.
Samuel Justin Sinclair and Daniel Antonius
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195388114
- eISBN:
- 9780199949816
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195388114.003.0003
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
The purpose of this chapter is to present an overview of the science that has been disseminated over the past decade on the psychological impact of terrorism. Both short- and longer-term research on ...
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The purpose of this chapter is to present an overview of the science that has been disseminated over the past decade on the psychological impact of terrorism. Both short- and longer-term research on the psychiatric and medical effects of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks is first presented, and then compared to other studies within the United States (e.g., following the Oklahoma City bombing) and internationally (e.g., in Israel, England, Spain, France, etc.). Data are presented on both the general population as well as specific sub-groups that may be vulnerable to negative outcomes (e.g., those directly exposed, children, service professionals, etc.). Overall, this research suggests that while spikes in psychopathology occur immediately following an act of terrorism, these rates decline over time and return to baseline rates 6 to 12 months following the attack. However, specific populations exhibit more chronic rates of psychopathology over time (e.g., populations directly exposed, those with prior psychiatric history, etc.).Less
The purpose of this chapter is to present an overview of the science that has been disseminated over the past decade on the psychological impact of terrorism. Both short- and longer-term research on the psychiatric and medical effects of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks is first presented, and then compared to other studies within the United States (e.g., following the Oklahoma City bombing) and internationally (e.g., in Israel, England, Spain, France, etc.). Data are presented on both the general population as well as specific sub-groups that may be vulnerable to negative outcomes (e.g., those directly exposed, children, service professionals, etc.). Overall, this research suggests that while spikes in psychopathology occur immediately following an act of terrorism, these rates decline over time and return to baseline rates 6 to 12 months following the attack. However, specific populations exhibit more chronic rates of psychopathology over time (e.g., populations directly exposed, those with prior psychiatric history, etc.).
Peter Hopkins and Richard Gale (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748625871
- eISBN:
- 9780748671335
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748625871.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Following the events of 11th September 2001 in the USA, and more especially, the bombings on the London underground on 7th July 2005 and the incident at Glasgow Airport on 30th June 2007, an ...
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Following the events of 11th September 2001 in the USA, and more especially, the bombings on the London underground on 7th July 2005 and the incident at Glasgow Airport on 30th June 2007, an increasing amount of public attention has been focused upon Muslims in Britain. Against the backdrop of this debate, this book sets out a series of insights into the everyday lives of Muslims living in contemporary Britain, in an attempt to move beyond prevalent stereotypes concerning what it means to be ‘Muslim’. Combining original empirical research with theoretical interventions, this collection offers a range of reflections on how Muslims in Britain negotiate their everyday lives, manage experiences of racism and exclusion, and develop local networks and global connections. The chapters explore a broad range of themes including gender relations; educational and economic issues; migration and mobility; religion and politics; racism and Islamophobia; and the construction and contestation of Muslim identities. Threaded through the treatment of these themes is a unifying concern with the ways in which geography matters to how Muslims negotiate their daily experiences as well as their racialised, gendered and religious identities. Above all, attention is focused upon the role of the home and local community, the influence of the economy and the nation, and the power of transnational connections and mobilities in the everyday lives of Muslims in Britain.Less
Following the events of 11th September 2001 in the USA, and more especially, the bombings on the London underground on 7th July 2005 and the incident at Glasgow Airport on 30th June 2007, an increasing amount of public attention has been focused upon Muslims in Britain. Against the backdrop of this debate, this book sets out a series of insights into the everyday lives of Muslims living in contemporary Britain, in an attempt to move beyond prevalent stereotypes concerning what it means to be ‘Muslim’. Combining original empirical research with theoretical interventions, this collection offers a range of reflections on how Muslims in Britain negotiate their everyday lives, manage experiences of racism and exclusion, and develop local networks and global connections. The chapters explore a broad range of themes including gender relations; educational and economic issues; migration and mobility; religion and politics; racism and Islamophobia; and the construction and contestation of Muslim identities. Threaded through the treatment of these themes is a unifying concern with the ways in which geography matters to how Muslims negotiate their daily experiences as well as their racialised, gendered and religious identities. Above all, attention is focused upon the role of the home and local community, the influence of the economy and the nation, and the power of transnational connections and mobilities in the everyday lives of Muslims in Britain.
Ben Saul
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199535477
- eISBN:
- 9780191712197
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199535477.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
Despite numerous efforts since the 1920s, the international community has failed to define or criminalize ‘terrorism’ in international law. This book first explores the policy reasons for defining ...
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Despite numerous efforts since the 1920s, the international community has failed to define or criminalize ‘terrorism’ in international law. This book first explores the policy reasons for defining and criminalizing terrorism, before proposing the basic elements of an international definition. Terrorism should be defined and criminalized because it seriously undermines fundamental human rights, jeopardizes the state and peaceful politics, and may threaten international peace and security. Definition would also help to distinguish political from private violence, eliminating the overreach of the many ‘sectoral’ anti-terrorism treaties. A definition may also help to confine the scope of UN Security Council resolutions since 11 September 2001, which have encouraged states to pursue unilateral and excessive counter-terrorism measures. Defining terrorism as a discrete international crime normatively recognizes and protects vital international community values and interests, symbolically expresses community condemnation, and stigmatizes offenders. Any definition of terrorism must also accommodate reasonable claims to political violence, particularly against repressive governments, and this book examines the range of exceptions, justifications, excuses, defences, and amnesties potentially available to terrorists, as well as purported exceptions such as self-determination struggles, ‘state terrorism’, and armed conflicts. While this book seeks to minimize recourse to violence, it recognizes that international law should not become complicit in oppression by criminalizing legitimate forms of political resistance. In the absence of an international definition, the remainder of the book explores how the international community has responded to terrorism in international and ‘regional’ treaties, the United Nations system, and in customary law. The final part of the book explores the distinctive prohibitions and crime of ‘terrorism’ in armed conflict under international humanitarian law.Less
Despite numerous efforts since the 1920s, the international community has failed to define or criminalize ‘terrorism’ in international law. This book first explores the policy reasons for defining and criminalizing terrorism, before proposing the basic elements of an international definition. Terrorism should be defined and criminalized because it seriously undermines fundamental human rights, jeopardizes the state and peaceful politics, and may threaten international peace and security. Definition would also help to distinguish political from private violence, eliminating the overreach of the many ‘sectoral’ anti-terrorism treaties. A definition may also help to confine the scope of UN Security Council resolutions since 11 September 2001, which have encouraged states to pursue unilateral and excessive counter-terrorism measures. Defining terrorism as a discrete international crime normatively recognizes and protects vital international community values and interests, symbolically expresses community condemnation, and stigmatizes offenders. Any definition of terrorism must also accommodate reasonable claims to political violence, particularly against repressive governments, and this book examines the range of exceptions, justifications, excuses, defences, and amnesties potentially available to terrorists, as well as purported exceptions such as self-determination struggles, ‘state terrorism’, and armed conflicts. While this book seeks to minimize recourse to violence, it recognizes that international law should not become complicit in oppression by criminalizing legitimate forms of political resistance. In the absence of an international definition, the remainder of the book explores how the international community has responded to terrorism in international and ‘regional’ treaties, the United Nations system, and in customary law. The final part of the book explores the distinctive prohibitions and crime of ‘terrorism’ in armed conflict under international humanitarian law.
Solomon Schimmel
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195128413
- eISBN:
- 9780199834648
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195128419.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Examines the range of responses to the September 11, 2001 (9/11) act of terrorism on the World Trade Center, such as calls for revenge, justice, self‐criticism, repentance, and forgiveness. This is ...
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Examines the range of responses to the September 11, 2001 (9/11) act of terrorism on the World Trade Center, such as calls for revenge, justice, self‐criticism, repentance, and forgiveness. This is followed by a comparison of Jewish and Christian responses to requests for forgiveness made by perpetrators of atrocities in Nazi Germany and in South Africa. Concludes with the hope that the book will help bring us closer to the biblical vision of love founded on justice, compassion, and self‐transformation.Less
Examines the range of responses to the September 11, 2001 (9/11) act of terrorism on the World Trade Center, such as calls for revenge, justice, self‐criticism, repentance, and forgiveness. This is followed by a comparison of Jewish and Christian responses to requests for forgiveness made by perpetrators of atrocities in Nazi Germany and in South Africa. Concludes with the hope that the book will help bring us closer to the biblical vision of love founded on justice, compassion, and self‐transformation.
Michael F. Cairo
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813136721
- eISBN:
- 9780813141275
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813136721.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Moving to an application of the worldviews of George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush, this chapter examines the decisions to go to war with Iraq. Beginning with George H.W. Bush, the chapter examines ...
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Moving to an application of the worldviews of George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush, this chapter examines the decisions to go to war with Iraq. Beginning with George H.W. Bush, the chapter examines the administration’s policy toward Iraq prior to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. It then analyzes how George H.W. Bush and his administration responded to the invasion. Turning to George W. Bush, the chapter explores the pre-September 11th administration policy toward Iraq and the impact of the September 11th attacks on the United States on that policy. Returning to George H.W. Bush, the chapter explains how the president and his advisors pursued a policy of multilateralism, building a coalition to defend Saudi Arabia and, if necessary, evict Iraq from Kuwait. Finally, the chapter concludes by focusing on George W. Bush’s argument for regime change in Iraq, focusing on how the president and his advisors made that case. Throughout, the chapter demonstrates how the “enlightened” realist and “cowboy” liberal worldviews played a role in each administration’s decisions and policies.Less
Moving to an application of the worldviews of George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush, this chapter examines the decisions to go to war with Iraq. Beginning with George H.W. Bush, the chapter examines the administration’s policy toward Iraq prior to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. It then analyzes how George H.W. Bush and his administration responded to the invasion. Turning to George W. Bush, the chapter explores the pre-September 11th administration policy toward Iraq and the impact of the September 11th attacks on the United States on that policy. Returning to George H.W. Bush, the chapter explains how the president and his advisors pursued a policy of multilateralism, building a coalition to defend Saudi Arabia and, if necessary, evict Iraq from Kuwait. Finally, the chapter concludes by focusing on George W. Bush’s argument for regime change in Iraq, focusing on how the president and his advisors made that case. Throughout, the chapter demonstrates how the “enlightened” realist and “cowboy” liberal worldviews played a role in each administration’s decisions and policies.
David Fisher
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199599240
- eISBN:
- 9780191725692
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599240.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion, Religion and Society
Following the 9/11 attacks, al‐Qaeda and other terrorist groups pose a threat, operating with global networks and potentially armed with weapons of mass destruction. To counter these threats, US ...
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Following the 9/11 attacks, al‐Qaeda and other terrorist groups pose a threat, operating with global networks and potentially armed with weapons of mass destruction. To counter these threats, US policy‐makers argued that extreme times justify extreme measures. These include pre‐emptive military action to forestall terrorist attacks and new methods of interrogation to uncover them. Just‐war thinking would license neither the new US doctrine of pre‐emption nor the new interrogation techniques. For an absolutist torture is always wrong, but a consequentialist, such as Dershowitz, justifies torture if it could save lives. To understand why torture is wrong we need to deploy all the resources of virtuous consequentialism, attending not just to the consequences but the internal states and character of the torturer and his victim. We want our public servants to be virtuous. Yet we need our special interrogators to be men or women of vice.Less
Following the 9/11 attacks, al‐Qaeda and other terrorist groups pose a threat, operating with global networks and potentially armed with weapons of mass destruction. To counter these threats, US policy‐makers argued that extreme times justify extreme measures. These include pre‐emptive military action to forestall terrorist attacks and new methods of interrogation to uncover them. Just‐war thinking would license neither the new US doctrine of pre‐emption nor the new interrogation techniques. For an absolutist torture is always wrong, but a consequentialist, such as Dershowitz, justifies torture if it could save lives. To understand why torture is wrong we need to deploy all the resources of virtuous consequentialism, attending not just to the consequences but the internal states and character of the torturer and his victim. We want our public servants to be virtuous. Yet we need our special interrogators to be men or women of vice.
David Fisher
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199599240
- eISBN:
- 9780191725692
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599240.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion, Religion and Society
Changes in the nature of warfare are traced from the 1945–89 era of strategic stability through the Balkans imbroglio of the 1990s to the advent of the new threat of global terrorism marked by 9/11. ...
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Changes in the nature of warfare are traced from the 1945–89 era of strategic stability through the Balkans imbroglio of the 1990s to the advent of the new threat of global terrorism marked by 9/11. The current fashion, inaugurated by Kaldor and Smith, to talk of ‘new wars’ that have replaced industrial inter‐state war, is criticized. War is a protean monster that regularly changes its nature. It is mistaken to suppose that the latest protean mutation is the form war will henceforth take. Recent trends, including the shift from wars of necessity to wars of choice, have underlined the importance of both moral clarity on why war is being undertaken and of virtuous behaviour by all involved in its conduct. Morality not just provides a necessary external constraint on war but may also furnish both the ground for undertaking military operations and a vital internal tool for their successful conduct.Less
Changes in the nature of warfare are traced from the 1945–89 era of strategic stability through the Balkans imbroglio of the 1990s to the advent of the new threat of global terrorism marked by 9/11. The current fashion, inaugurated by Kaldor and Smith, to talk of ‘new wars’ that have replaced industrial inter‐state war, is criticized. War is a protean monster that regularly changes its nature. It is mistaken to suppose that the latest protean mutation is the form war will henceforth take. Recent trends, including the shift from wars of necessity to wars of choice, have underlined the importance of both moral clarity on why war is being undertaken and of virtuous behaviour by all involved in its conduct. Morality not just provides a necessary external constraint on war but may also furnish both the ground for undertaking military operations and a vital internal tool for their successful conduct.
Sangay K. Mishra
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780816681150
- eISBN:
- 9781452954271
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816681150.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Chapter 3 uses the case of racial targeting of South Asians—Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs—in the post-9/11 period and their reactions to the targeting to illustrate the importance of religion in shaping ...
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Chapter 3 uses the case of racial targeting of South Asians—Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs—in the post-9/11 period and their reactions to the targeting to illustrate the importance of religion in shaping the fractured political response to intensified discrimination. The religious identity not only shaped and calibrated the racial targeting but also framed the responses of the South Asian groups and worked against broader panethnic solidarity in opposition to racial hostility.Less
Chapter 3 uses the case of racial targeting of South Asians—Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs—in the post-9/11 period and their reactions to the targeting to illustrate the importance of religion in shaping the fractured political response to intensified discrimination. The religious identity not only shaped and calibrated the racial targeting but also framed the responses of the South Asian groups and worked against broader panethnic solidarity in opposition to racial hostility.
Phil Tiemeyer
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780520274761
- eISBN:
- 9780520955301
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520274761.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Chapter 8 examines the increasingly gay-friendly era since the 1990s, during the peak of America’s neoliberal economic order. Queer flight attendants in this era have won more benefits, including ...
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Chapter 8 examines the increasingly gay-friendly era since the 1990s, during the peak of America’s neoliberal economic order. Queer flight attendants in this era have won more benefits, including flight privileges and health benefits for their domestic partners. Yet just as they have attained parity with their straight peers, all of them have endured unprecedented pay cuts and the loss of collective bargaining power. Along these lines, I consider the plight of disgruntled Jet Blue flight attendant Steven Slater, who in 2010 walked off his job by deploying the plane’s emergency slide. Slater embodies how male flight attendants, even if they are no longer discriminated against, experience their work as undignified and underpaid in the era of airline deregulation and bankruptcies.Less
Chapter 8 examines the increasingly gay-friendly era since the 1990s, during the peak of America’s neoliberal economic order. Queer flight attendants in this era have won more benefits, including flight privileges and health benefits for their domestic partners. Yet just as they have attained parity with their straight peers, all of them have endured unprecedented pay cuts and the loss of collective bargaining power. Along these lines, I consider the plight of disgruntled Jet Blue flight attendant Steven Slater, who in 2010 walked off his job by deploying the plane’s emergency slide. Slater embodies how male flight attendants, even if they are no longer discriminated against, experience their work as undignified and underpaid in the era of airline deregulation and bankruptcies.
Robin Wagner-Pacifici
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226439648
- eISBN:
- 9780226439815
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226439815.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
This chapter describes the analytical mechanism of political semiosis, introducing and specifying the representational, demonstrative (or indexical), and performative features. These features are ...
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This chapter describes the analytical mechanism of political semiosis, introducing and specifying the representational, demonstrative (or indexical), and performative features. These features are illustrated via descriptions of the experiences and conundrums associated with event characterization, inclusion, and involvement on the morning of September 11, 2001. The coordination of the features of political semiosis can lead to a turning point that is generally recognized and thus lead to an incorporation of eventful ruptures into individual, social and political timelines.Less
This chapter describes the analytical mechanism of political semiosis, introducing and specifying the representational, demonstrative (or indexical), and performative features. These features are illustrated via descriptions of the experiences and conundrums associated with event characterization, inclusion, and involvement on the morning of September 11, 2001. The coordination of the features of political semiosis can lead to a turning point that is generally recognized and thus lead to an incorporation of eventful ruptures into individual, social and political timelines.
Aaron W. Hughes
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195372427
- eISBN:
- 9780199949618
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195372427.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
In order to examine the larger theme of religion and violence, this essay describes a course its author regularly teaches on the theme of contested space that is constructed as “sacred” by ...
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In order to examine the larger theme of religion and violence, this essay describes a course its author regularly teaches on the theme of contested space that is constructed as “sacred” by practitioners of different religious traditions. It focuses on Jerusalem, claimed by rival groups who identify with either Islam or Judaism, in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The course objective is threefold: (1) to get students to think about critical theory and method in religion by using concrete examples; (2) to prod them to think about religion as a humanly constructed phenomenon as opposed to a divinely given one; and (3) to get them to reflect critically on how the “religious” intersects with phenomena from which it is customarily differentiated: the political, the ideological, the economic, etc. The present chapter explores these theoretical issues and their practical consequences as they revolve around this specific course, followed by a discussion of the author’s reasons for teaching it.Less
In order to examine the larger theme of religion and violence, this essay describes a course its author regularly teaches on the theme of contested space that is constructed as “sacred” by practitioners of different religious traditions. It focuses on Jerusalem, claimed by rival groups who identify with either Islam or Judaism, in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The course objective is threefold: (1) to get students to think about critical theory and method in religion by using concrete examples; (2) to prod them to think about religion as a humanly constructed phenomenon as opposed to a divinely given one; and (3) to get them to reflect critically on how the “religious” intersects with phenomena from which it is customarily differentiated: the political, the ideological, the economic, etc. The present chapter explores these theoretical issues and their practical consequences as they revolve around this specific course, followed by a discussion of the author’s reasons for teaching it.
Leslie Dorrough Smith
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199337507
- eISBN:
- 9780199366415
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199337507.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter situates Concerned Women for America’s focus on sex, gender, and reproductive issues as just one recent manifestation of a longstanding American trend to connect sexual and gendered ...
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This chapter situates Concerned Women for America’s focus on sex, gender, and reproductive issues as just one recent manifestation of a longstanding American trend to connect sexual and gendered practices with national strength. Starting with the late nineteenth century and spanning through the twenty-first, the chapter shows how everything from immigration and civil rights to war and Communism have been read as explicitly sexual events. In particular, the chapter gives attention to the rise of the Christian Right and Concerned Women for America. It also considers how President Obama and the attacks of September 11, 2001, have been used as symbols generating new sexualized rhetoric. The chapter concludes that whenever gender, race, and sexual norms have changed, chaos rhetoric from many fronts has emerged to warn of America’s demise, something resolved through conformity with conservative political ideologies.Less
This chapter situates Concerned Women for America’s focus on sex, gender, and reproductive issues as just one recent manifestation of a longstanding American trend to connect sexual and gendered practices with national strength. Starting with the late nineteenth century and spanning through the twenty-first, the chapter shows how everything from immigration and civil rights to war and Communism have been read as explicitly sexual events. In particular, the chapter gives attention to the rise of the Christian Right and Concerned Women for America. It also considers how President Obama and the attacks of September 11, 2001, have been used as symbols generating new sexualized rhetoric. The chapter concludes that whenever gender, race, and sexual norms have changed, chaos rhetoric from many fronts has emerged to warn of America’s demise, something resolved through conformity with conservative political ideologies.
Jacob Edmond
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780823242597
- eISBN:
- 9780823242634
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fordham/9780823242597.003.0007
- Subject:
- Literature, World Literature
Through the writings of US poet Charles Bernstein, this chapter examines the tension between affective immediacy and distancing artifice in attempts to read and write our era of globalization. From ...
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Through the writings of US poet Charles Bernstein, this chapter examines the tension between affective immediacy and distancing artifice in attempts to read and write our era of globalization. From his late–Cold War essays on Ezra Pound and his post–Cold War writing on the “Poetics of the Americas” to his post-9/11 response to the invasion of Iraq in Girly Man and World on Fire, Bernstein highlights the dichotomy between aesthetic and ideological approaches to contemporary literature and culture, inviting both ideologically suspicious and defen¬sively theological readings of his work. He also exemplifies the related problem of the loss of affect in the distant reading prac¬tices that a global perspective seems to entail. In the tension between ideology and theology, artifice and affect, the chapter locates the implicated position of poem, writer, and critic within the global circulation of capital and the uneven structures of modernity.Less
Through the writings of US poet Charles Bernstein, this chapter examines the tension between affective immediacy and distancing artifice in attempts to read and write our era of globalization. From his late–Cold War essays on Ezra Pound and his post–Cold War writing on the “Poetics of the Americas” to his post-9/11 response to the invasion of Iraq in Girly Man and World on Fire, Bernstein highlights the dichotomy between aesthetic and ideological approaches to contemporary literature and culture, inviting both ideologically suspicious and defen¬sively theological readings of his work. He also exemplifies the related problem of the loss of affect in the distant reading prac¬tices that a global perspective seems to entail. In the tension between ideology and theology, artifice and affect, the chapter locates the implicated position of poem, writer, and critic within the global circulation of capital and the uneven structures of modernity.
Martin Innes
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199684465
- eISBN:
- 9780191788093
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199684465.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
Based upon an extended case study of developments in counter-terrorism policy and practice in the UK, this chapter argues that signal crimes frequently play an important role in triggering the reform ...
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Based upon an extended case study of developments in counter-terrorism policy and practice in the UK, this chapter argues that signal crimes frequently play an important role in triggering the reform and development of social institutions. Casting the events of 9/11 as the archetypal signal crime, that has been reinforced by subsequent incidents such as the bombings in London in 2005, it is shown how these signal events have induced profound changes in the ways that nation states think, feel, and act in relation to the risks of terrorism. A particular focus of the analysis is upon tracing the emergence of an innovative, more overt and co-productive approach to counter-terrorist policing.Less
Based upon an extended case study of developments in counter-terrorism policy and practice in the UK, this chapter argues that signal crimes frequently play an important role in triggering the reform and development of social institutions. Casting the events of 9/11 as the archetypal signal crime, that has been reinforced by subsequent incidents such as the bombings in London in 2005, it is shown how these signal events have induced profound changes in the ways that nation states think, feel, and act in relation to the risks of terrorism. A particular focus of the analysis is upon tracing the emergence of an innovative, more overt and co-productive approach to counter-terrorist policing.
Sharada Balachandran Orihuela
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469640921
- eISBN:
- 9781469640945
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640921.003.0007
- Subject:
- Literature, American, 20th Century Literature
The conclusion considers the importance of acts of piracy, terrorism, and narcotrafficking in helping to consolidate and expand the reach of U.S. state power in a post 9/11 world. The U.S. state has ...
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The conclusion considers the importance of acts of piracy, terrorism, and narcotrafficking in helping to consolidate and expand the reach of U.S. state power in a post 9/11 world. The U.S. state has grown and been strengthened by framing certain behaviors as requiring extralegal measures to suppress acts of “inexplicable villainy.” Indeed, perhaps this is why piracy continues to matter. Debates around the existence of Guantanamo Bay and drone strikes point to the capaciousness of the language of terrorism, which has been borrowed from the language of piracy in legitimizing extrajudicial expressions of state power. Indeed, the existence of extrajudicial spaces and expressions of state power, which run counter to the protections guaranteed by the state, have made apparent the need to sustain and perpetuate the language of piracy. It would seem that piracy’s significance has not diminished in the years since the Civil War’s conclusion.Less
The conclusion considers the importance of acts of piracy, terrorism, and narcotrafficking in helping to consolidate and expand the reach of U.S. state power in a post 9/11 world. The U.S. state has grown and been strengthened by framing certain behaviors as requiring extralegal measures to suppress acts of “inexplicable villainy.” Indeed, perhaps this is why piracy continues to matter. Debates around the existence of Guantanamo Bay and drone strikes point to the capaciousness of the language of terrorism, which has been borrowed from the language of piracy in legitimizing extrajudicial expressions of state power. Indeed, the existence of extrajudicial spaces and expressions of state power, which run counter to the protections guaranteed by the state, have made apparent the need to sustain and perpetuate the language of piracy. It would seem that piracy’s significance has not diminished in the years since the Civil War’s conclusion.
