Jane Lewis and Rebecca Surender (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199266722
- eISBN:
- 9780191601941
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266727.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This book explores the origins, content and consequences of Third Way social policy reform in the welfare systems of industrialized economies. It considers the extent to which Third Way ideology and ...
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This book explores the origins, content and consequences of Third Way social policy reform in the welfare systems of industrialized economies. It considers the extent to which Third Way ideology and institutional structures converge or vary in various national settings. The book is divided into three parts. Part I traces the political and historical development of the Third Way social policy agenda. Part II focuses on the areas central to restructuring welfare states. Part III discusses the meaning of a Third Way approach of social policy.Less
This book explores the origins, content and consequences of Third Way social policy reform in the welfare systems of industrialized economies. It considers the extent to which Third Way ideology and institutional structures converge or vary in various national settings. The book is divided into three parts. Part I traces the political and historical development of the Third Way social policy agenda. Part II focuses on the areas central to restructuring welfare states. Part III discusses the meaning of a Third Way approach of social policy.
Stuart White
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199266722
- eISBN:
- 9780191601941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266727.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Critics of the Third Way in welfare argue that it represents a break with the philosophy of the welfare state characteristic of mainstream social democracy. They argue that the Third Way is not ...
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Critics of the Third Way in welfare argue that it represents a break with the philosophy of the welfare state characteristic of mainstream social democracy. They argue that the Third Way is not genuinely egalitarian. They argue that it embodies ideas about personal responsibility and social duty that are incompatible with a social democratic commitment to a welfare state founded on ‘social rights’. This paper considers these claims. It argues that central Third Way claims about the balancing of rights and responsibilities do in fact fit with the mainstream traditions of social democratic welfare philosophy. However, Third Way thinkers do indeed aspire to a much less ambitious kind of egalitarianism than was aspired to by past generations of social democratic thinkers.Less
Critics of the Third Way in welfare argue that it represents a break with the philosophy of the welfare state characteristic of mainstream social democracy. They argue that the Third Way is not genuinely egalitarian. They argue that it embodies ideas about personal responsibility and social duty that are incompatible with a social democratic commitment to a welfare state founded on ‘social rights’. This paper considers these claims. It argues that central Third Way claims about the balancing of rights and responsibilities do in fact fit with the mainstream traditions of social democratic welfare philosophy. However, Third Way thinkers do indeed aspire to a much less ambitious kind of egalitarianism than was aspired to by past generations of social democratic thinkers.
Rebecca Surender
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199266722
- eISBN:
- 9780191601941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266727.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
There has been considerable rethinking on the part of governments when it comes to social policy, in particular, about the relationships between the labour market, the family, and the state, and ...
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There has been considerable rethinking on the part of governments when it comes to social policy, in particular, about the relationships between the labour market, the family, and the state, and about the role of the state and the nature of governance. Very little of the post-war welfare settlement remains unquestioned, whether the nature of the risk addressed; the nature of entitlements and the form of conditionality to be applied; or the best means of making provision. This chapter outlines these welfare state changes and discusses possible explanations for them including political pragmatism, rapid structural change and the role of political ideas. It argues that whether referred to as ‘Third Way’ or not, many similarities in the welfare reforms adopted by industrialized welfare states can be identified. The chapter offers an examination of the US, the UK, and Australian cases to argue that in order to understand why an explicit discourse of policy reconfiguration and reform was actively embraced in some countries but avoided in others, an analysis of the impact of both the political history and constraints of institutional structures is necessary.Less
There has been considerable rethinking on the part of governments when it comes to social policy, in particular, about the relationships between the labour market, the family, and the state, and about the role of the state and the nature of governance. Very little of the post-war welfare settlement remains unquestioned, whether the nature of the risk addressed; the nature of entitlements and the form of conditionality to be applied; or the best means of making provision. This chapter outlines these welfare state changes and discusses possible explanations for them including political pragmatism, rapid structural change and the role of political ideas. It argues that whether referred to as ‘Third Way’ or not, many similarities in the welfare reforms adopted by industrialized welfare states can be identified. The chapter offers an examination of the US, the UK, and Australian cases to argue that in order to understand why an explicit discourse of policy reconfiguration and reform was actively embraced in some countries but avoided in others, an analysis of the impact of both the political history and constraints of institutional structures is necessary.
Jochen Clasen and Daniel Clegg
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199266722
- eISBN:
- 9780191601941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266727.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Identifies the main trends in family policy across European countries over the last decade or so and analyses how these developments are to be interpreted, especially in the context of what they ...
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Identifies the main trends in family policy across European countries over the last decade or so and analyses how these developments are to be interpreted, especially in the context of what they reveal about how the Third Way approaches the family. Family policy, and more generally the relationship between the state and the family, is changing. Among the most notable changes are: a heightened interest on the part of the state in family solidarity (especially as it relates to the behaviour of men); a move to treat children independently of their families and to grant them individual rights; a tendency to treat both parents as workers; a move towards a greater welfare mix; and a move towards gender neutrality for the purposes of social policy. In terms of an explanation, while many of these developments have some common currency with Third Way thinking, they are not fully comprehensible in terms of the advance of a Third Way project as such. Rather, they draw their origins from different sources, and, by and large, are very influenced by historical and contemporary processes at national level.Less
Identifies the main trends in family policy across European countries over the last decade or so and analyses how these developments are to be interpreted, especially in the context of what they reveal about how the Third Way approaches the family. Family policy, and more generally the relationship between the state and the family, is changing. Among the most notable changes are: a heightened interest on the part of the state in family solidarity (especially as it relates to the behaviour of men); a move to treat children independently of their families and to grant them individual rights; a tendency to treat both parents as workers; a move towards a greater welfare mix; and a move towards gender neutrality for the purposes of social policy. In terms of an explanation, while many of these developments have some common currency with Third Way thinking, they are not fully comprehensible in terms of the advance of a Third Way project as such. Rather, they draw their origins from different sources, and, by and large, are very influenced by historical and contemporary processes at national level.
Mary Daly
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199266722
- eISBN:
- 9780191601941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266727.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Explores the idea of the social investment state in the context of Third Way thinking and practice. It considers the social investment state as: a normative ideal; a pragmatic response to the ...
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Explores the idea of the social investment state in the context of Third Way thinking and practice. It considers the social investment state as: a normative ideal; a pragmatic response to the perceived economic and social challenges facing mature welfare states; and an analytical tool. Following a discussion of its evolution and key elements, the chapter explores the emergence of the social investment state in the UK and Canada. It offers a critical analysis of the treatment of children as citizen-workers of the future, drawing out the implications for children and also women.Less
Explores the idea of the social investment state in the context of Third Way thinking and practice. It considers the social investment state as: a normative ideal; a pragmatic response to the perceived economic and social challenges facing mature welfare states; and an analytical tool. Following a discussion of its evolution and key elements, the chapter explores the emergence of the social investment state in the UK and Canada. It offers a critical analysis of the treatment of children as citizen-workers of the future, drawing out the implications for children and also women.
Janet Newman
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199266722
- eISBN:
- 9780191601941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266727.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Examines the social policies associated with 'third ways' in European social democracy. It focuses on the Third Way in terms of discourse (e.g. a rhetoric of reconciliation), values (e.g. solidarity, ...
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Examines the social policies associated with 'third ways' in European social democracy. It focuses on the Third Way in terms of discourse (e.g. a rhetoric of reconciliation), values (e.g. solidarity, equity), and policy goals and mechanisms (e.g. maximizing employment; containing public spending and strengthening the social investment component of welfare states). Our main conclusion is that the current position is best represented by one-third way with several variants, and that there is greater similarity on the level of policy content than on values or discourse.Less
Examines the social policies associated with 'third ways' in European social democracy. It focuses on the Third Way in terms of discourse (e.g. a rhetoric of reconciliation), values (e.g. solidarity, equity), and policy goals and mechanisms (e.g. maximizing employment; containing public spending and strengthening the social investment component of welfare states). Our main conclusion is that the current position is best represented by one-third way with several variants, and that there is greater similarity on the level of policy content than on values or discourse.
Jane Lewis
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199266722
- eISBN:
- 9780191601941
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266727.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Presents a comparative overview of non-profit or third-sector organizations in a wider welfare policy and civil society context. It addresses the social, economic, and political developments that ...
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Presents a comparative overview of non-profit or third-sector organizations in a wider welfare policy and civil society context. It addresses the social, economic, and political developments that have made this set of institutions more central to policy debates in developed market economies; in particular, within a broad policy framework known as the Third Way, which, unlike other policy approaches, pays the greatest and most systematic attention to the non-profit sector. The chapter finds that the strength of the Third Way stance toward the non-profit sector is closely related to its weakness: Because its basic perspective towards voluntarism and civil society overlaps significantly with those of neo-liberalism on the one hand, and with approaches in reformed minded post-corporatists countries, its distinct policy thrust is hard to fathom. Indeed, many countries practice some form of ‘third-wayism’ in their search for new policy approaches to modernize the welfare state.Less
Presents a comparative overview of non-profit or third-sector organizations in a wider welfare policy and civil society context. It addresses the social, economic, and political developments that have made this set of institutions more central to policy debates in developed market economies; in particular, within a broad policy framework known as the Third Way, which, unlike other policy approaches, pays the greatest and most systematic attention to the non-profit sector. The chapter finds that the strength of the Third Way stance toward the non-profit sector is closely related to its weakness: Because its basic perspective towards voluntarism and civil society overlaps significantly with those of neo-liberalism on the one hand, and with approaches in reformed minded post-corporatists countries, its distinct policy thrust is hard to fathom. Indeed, many countries practice some form of ‘third-wayism’ in their search for new policy approaches to modernize the welfare state.
Bruno Amable
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199261130
- eISBN:
- 9780191602474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926113X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic Systems
This chapter examines the main transformations that have taken place in the Continental European model of capitalism, in connection with the opposition between the main ideological and political ...
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This chapter examines the main transformations that have taken place in the Continental European model of capitalism, in connection with the opposition between the main ideological and political currents. It analyses the opposition between a project of regulated capitalism, which corresponds to a renewal of the Continental model, and a neo-liberal project, which aims at transforming the EU countries into market-based economies. It is argued that the Third Way was one political strategy compatible with the neo-liberal project, and that its relative failure can be explained with the help of our theory of the diversity of capitalism.Less
This chapter examines the main transformations that have taken place in the Continental European model of capitalism, in connection with the opposition between the main ideological and political currents. It analyses the opposition between a project of regulated capitalism, which corresponds to a renewal of the Continental model, and a neo-liberal project, which aims at transforming the EU countries into market-based economies. It is argued that the Third Way was one political strategy compatible with the neo-liberal project, and that its relative failure can be explained with the help of our theory of the diversity of capitalism.
Peter Ramsay
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199581061
- eISBN:
- 9780191741005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199581061.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This chapter explains the normative basis of New Labour's policy claim that citizens owe duties of reassurance. It argues that this idea arises from an axiomatic proposition of three theories that ...
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This chapter explains the normative basis of New Labour's policy claim that citizens owe duties of reassurance. It argues that this idea arises from an axiomatic proposition of three theories that had a major influence on New Labour — The Third Way, communitarianism, neoliberalism — and that this proposition remains significant in the civic conservatism underlying the Big Society thinking of the Coalition government. All in different ways assume that the autonomy of citizens is vulnerable to insecurity caused by others' hostility and indifference. The influence of this theory is explained as a consequence of the partial political victory of Hayekian neoliberalism over welfare liberalism during the 1980s. It is the aspect in which Hayekian ideas failed that explains the rise to influence of the other theories, and the emergence with this of the idea of a duty towards others' feelings of security — a right to security.Less
This chapter explains the normative basis of New Labour's policy claim that citizens owe duties of reassurance. It argues that this idea arises from an axiomatic proposition of three theories that had a major influence on New Labour — The Third Way, communitarianism, neoliberalism — and that this proposition remains significant in the civic conservatism underlying the Big Society thinking of the Coalition government. All in different ways assume that the autonomy of citizens is vulnerable to insecurity caused by others' hostility and indifference. The influence of this theory is explained as a consequence of the partial political victory of Hayekian neoliberalism over welfare liberalism during the 1980s. It is the aspect in which Hayekian ideas failed that explains the rise to influence of the other theories, and the emergence with this of the idea of a duty towards others' feelings of security — a right to security.
Jamie Peck
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199580576
- eISBN:
- 9780191595240
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580576.003.0006
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
This chapter presents a critical examination of President Barack Obama's economic philosophy and policy, focusing on the presidential campaign and his first year in office. It is argued that ...
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This chapter presents a critical examination of President Barack Obama's economic philosophy and policy, focusing on the presidential campaign and his first year in office. It is argued that ‘Obamanomics’ represents an appropriately ambiguous placeholder for what remains an elusive economic philosophy, which in practice has oscillated between emergency measures and pragmatic adjustments. The nearest relative to Obamanomics may be the ‘Third Way’ ideology espoused by Bill Clinton and Tony Blair in the late 1990s, which likewise sought to combine an embrace of free-market globalization with social amelioration in domestic policy. In as far as the financial crisis of 2008-9 provided both an impetus and a rationale for a radical reorientation of economic policy in the United States (and internationally), the opportunity for developing a progressive version of Obamanomics may already have been missed. Rather than transcending neoliberalism, this seems to presage a further period of accommodation and adaptation.Less
This chapter presents a critical examination of President Barack Obama's economic philosophy and policy, focusing on the presidential campaign and his first year in office. It is argued that ‘Obamanomics’ represents an appropriately ambiguous placeholder for what remains an elusive economic philosophy, which in practice has oscillated between emergency measures and pragmatic adjustments. The nearest relative to Obamanomics may be the ‘Third Way’ ideology espoused by Bill Clinton and Tony Blair in the late 1990s, which likewise sought to combine an embrace of free-market globalization with social amelioration in domestic policy. In as far as the financial crisis of 2008-9 provided both an impetus and a rationale for a radical reorientation of economic policy in the United States (and internationally), the opportunity for developing a progressive version of Obamanomics may already have been missed. Rather than transcending neoliberalism, this seems to presage a further period of accommodation and adaptation.
Mark A. Pollack
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296409
- eISBN:
- 9780191599989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296401.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The EU's founding Treaties have been characterized by political contestation along two dimensions: a centre‐periphery dimension in which centralization to Brussels is opposed to national sovereignty, ...
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The EU's founding Treaties have been characterized by political contestation along two dimensions: a centre‐periphery dimension in which centralization to Brussels is opposed to national sovereignty, and a left‐right dimension pitting a center‐right project of market liberalization against a center‐left project of ‘regulated capitalism’. From the Treaty of Rome through the Maastricht Treaty, the fundamental thrust of the treaties has been neoliberal, focusing on the creation of a unified European marketplace, while side agreements have secured some elements of the regulated capitalism project. In this context, the Treaty of Amsterdam represents an outlier: a Treaty that addresses the central concerns of the regulated capitalism model (e.g. employment, social policy, and the environment), but does so primarily through new regulatory instruments and comparison of best practices rather than binding EU regulations. For good or ill, this ‘Blairite Treaty’ reflects the ‘Third Way’ governing philosophy of British Prime Minister Tony Blair.Less
The EU's founding Treaties have been characterized by political contestation along two dimensions: a centre‐periphery dimension in which centralization to Brussels is opposed to national sovereignty, and a left‐right dimension pitting a center‐right project of market liberalization against a center‐left project of ‘regulated capitalism’. From the Treaty of Rome through the Maastricht Treaty, the fundamental thrust of the treaties has been neoliberal, focusing on the creation of a unified European marketplace, while side agreements have secured some elements of the regulated capitalism project. In this context, the Treaty of Amsterdam represents an outlier: a Treaty that addresses the central concerns of the regulated capitalism model (e.g. employment, social policy, and the environment), but does so primarily through new regulatory instruments and comparison of best practices rather than binding EU regulations. For good or ill, this ‘Blairite Treaty’ reflects the ‘Third Way’ governing philosophy of British Prime Minister Tony Blair.
Tony Fitzpatrick
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719064760
- eISBN:
- 9781781700433
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719064760.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Social democracy has made a political comeback in recent years, especially under the influence of the ‘Third Way’. Not everyone is convinced, however, that ‘Third Way’ social democracy is the best ...
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Social democracy has made a political comeback in recent years, especially under the influence of the ‘Third Way’. Not everyone is convinced, however, that ‘Third Way’ social democracy is the best means of reviving the Left's project. This book considers this dissent and offers an alternative approach. Bringing together a range of social and political theories, it engages with some contemporary debates regarding the present direction and future of the Left. Drawing upon egalitarian, feminist and environmental ideas, the book proposes that the social democratic tradition can be renewed but only if the dominance of conservative ideas is challenged more effectively. It explores a number of issues with this aim in mind, including justice, the state, democracy, new technologies, future generations and the advances in genetics.Less
Social democracy has made a political comeback in recent years, especially under the influence of the ‘Third Way’. Not everyone is convinced, however, that ‘Third Way’ social democracy is the best means of reviving the Left's project. This book considers this dissent and offers an alternative approach. Bringing together a range of social and political theories, it engages with some contemporary debates regarding the present direction and future of the Left. Drawing upon egalitarian, feminist and environmental ideas, the book proposes that the social democratic tradition can be renewed but only if the dominance of conservative ideas is challenged more effectively. It explores a number of issues with this aim in mind, including justice, the state, democracy, new technologies, future generations and the advances in genetics.
Jenny Andersson
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804762632
- eISBN:
- 9780804772921
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804762632.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book offers a detailed account of the way that social democracy today makes sense of capitalism. In particular, it challenges the idea that social democracy has gone “neoliberal,” arguing that ...
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This book offers a detailed account of the way that social democracy today makes sense of capitalism. In particular, it challenges the idea that social democracy has gone “neoliberal,” arguing that so-called Third Way policies seem to have brought out new aspects of a thoroughgoing social interventionism with roots deep in the history of social democracy. The author develops the claim that what distinguishes today's social democracy from the past is the way that it equates cultural and social values with economic values, which in turn places a premium on individuals who are capable of succeeding in the knowledge economy. Offering a study of Britain's New Labour and Sweden's Social Democratic Party, and of the political cultural transformations that have taken place in those countries, the book looks seriously into how the economic, social, and cultural policies of contemporary social democracy fit together to form a particular understanding of capitalism and capitalist politics.Less
This book offers a detailed account of the way that social democracy today makes sense of capitalism. In particular, it challenges the idea that social democracy has gone “neoliberal,” arguing that so-called Third Way policies seem to have brought out new aspects of a thoroughgoing social interventionism with roots deep in the history of social democracy. The author develops the claim that what distinguishes today's social democracy from the past is the way that it equates cultural and social values with economic values, which in turn places a premium on individuals who are capable of succeeding in the knowledge economy. Offering a study of Britain's New Labour and Sweden's Social Democratic Party, and of the political cultural transformations that have taken place in those countries, the book looks seriously into how the economic, social, and cultural policies of contemporary social democracy fit together to form a particular understanding of capitalism and capitalist politics.
David Rueda
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199216352
- eISBN:
- 9780191712241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216352.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter analyses how the interaction between government partisanship and unemployment vulnerability affect the politics of active labour market policies (ALMPs) in Spain, the Netherlands, and ...
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This chapter analyses how the interaction between government partisanship and unemployment vulnerability affect the politics of active labour market policies (ALMPs) in Spain, the Netherlands, and the UK. The analysis of the Spanish case shows that government partisanship does not affect ALMPs. Social democratic governments in Spain have not promoted higher levels of ALMPs compared with conservative ones. Developments in the Netherlands are remarkably similar to those in Spain. The analysis of the UK case shows a clear temporal division. During the 1970s and 1980s, government partisanship did not affect a general disinterest in ALMPs. Employers did not want them, unions had incentives not to pay too much attention to them, and Conservative and Labour governments had no reason to favour them. High levels of insider protection made the Labour Party indifferent to ALMPs until the arrival of Margaret Thatcher. The decrease in insider protection promoted by the conservative governments of Thatcher and Major facilitated a new interest in ALMPs by insiders and the emergence of Blair's Third Way (defined as a Labour strategy with employment promotion as a preeminent goal).Less
This chapter analyses how the interaction between government partisanship and unemployment vulnerability affect the politics of active labour market policies (ALMPs) in Spain, the Netherlands, and the UK. The analysis of the Spanish case shows that government partisanship does not affect ALMPs. Social democratic governments in Spain have not promoted higher levels of ALMPs compared with conservative ones. Developments in the Netherlands are remarkably similar to those in Spain. The analysis of the UK case shows a clear temporal division. During the 1970s and 1980s, government partisanship did not affect a general disinterest in ALMPs. Employers did not want them, unions had incentives not to pay too much attention to them, and Conservative and Labour governments had no reason to favour them. High levels of insider protection made the Labour Party indifferent to ALMPs until the arrival of Margaret Thatcher. The decrease in insider protection promoted by the conservative governments of Thatcher and Major facilitated a new interest in ALMPs by insiders and the emergence of Blair's Third Way (defined as a Labour strategy with employment promotion as a preeminent goal).
Peter Ramsay
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199798278
- eISBN:
- 9780199919376
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199798278.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This chapter describes a theoretical justification for imprisonment for public protection (IPP) that is different from and arguably more politically influential at present than traditional ...
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This chapter describes a theoretical justification for imprisonment for public protection (IPP) that is different from and arguably more politically influential at present than traditional utilitarian justifications for selective incapacitation. The first part of the chapter argues that the IPP regime of preventive detention can be justified in the terms of two theories that derive from traditions that, in the minds of their protagonists at least, are alternatives to liberalism in general and to Hobbes in particular. The two theories that can do the justificatory work for IPP are the Third Way theory of Anthony Giddens and the republican penal theory of John Braithwaite and Philip Pettit. Having established that these theories can provide a normative justification for IPP, the second part of the chapter argues that these justifications are expressions of a wider ideology that is indeed a necessary counterpart of neoliberal economic and social policy. But this ideology nevertheless constructs the relation of security and freedom in a way that is both inconsistent with the foundations of liberal thought and denies to the state the political authority that characterized Hobbes's Leviathan.Less
This chapter describes a theoretical justification for imprisonment for public protection (IPP) that is different from and arguably more politically influential at present than traditional utilitarian justifications for selective incapacitation. The first part of the chapter argues that the IPP regime of preventive detention can be justified in the terms of two theories that derive from traditions that, in the minds of their protagonists at least, are alternatives to liberalism in general and to Hobbes in particular. The two theories that can do the justificatory work for IPP are the Third Way theory of Anthony Giddens and the republican penal theory of John Braithwaite and Philip Pettit. Having established that these theories can provide a normative justification for IPP, the second part of the chapter argues that these justifications are expressions of a wider ideology that is indeed a necessary counterpart of neoliberal economic and social policy. But this ideology nevertheless constructs the relation of security and freedom in a way that is both inconsistent with the foundations of liberal thought and denies to the state the political authority that characterized Hobbes's Leviathan.
Bill Jordan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847426567
- eISBN:
- 9781447304296
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847426567.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
The economic crash of 2008–9 put the UK and US, along with several smaller states, back where they had been before the boom years of 2001–7. More seriously, it exploded the claims of Third Way ...
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The economic crash of 2008–9 put the UK and US, along with several smaller states, back where they had been before the boom years of 2001–7. More seriously, it exploded the claims of Third Way governments, especially New Labour in the UK, to have reconciled global markets with new, ethically informed public policies. This chapter notes that that the ultimate failure of the Third Way has been a moral one, and that this has stemmed from an inadequate and incoherent analysis of how ethical principles can be applied to the workings of a market economy exposed to global forces.Less
The economic crash of 2008–9 put the UK and US, along with several smaller states, back where they had been before the boom years of 2001–7. More seriously, it exploded the claims of Third Way governments, especially New Labour in the UK, to have reconciled global markets with new, ethically informed public policies. This chapter notes that that the ultimate failure of the Third Way has been a moral one, and that this has stemmed from an inadequate and incoherent analysis of how ethical principles can be applied to the workings of a market economy exposed to global forces.
Bill Jordan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847426567
- eISBN:
- 9781447304296
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847426567.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
This chapter turns to a more fundamental failure of the Third Way – its inability to recognise and challenge tendencies in global capitalism that threaten future well-being. The obvious manifestation ...
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This chapter turns to a more fundamental failure of the Third Way – its inability to recognise and challenge tendencies in global capitalism that threaten future well-being. The obvious manifestation of this inadequacy is the coming environmental catastrophe, but the issues are broader and deeper even than this. The chapter also shows how the Third Way came to illustrate a disturbing one-sidedness in human development, both intellectual and social. This manifests itself in the attempt to rationalise, organise, depersonalise, and sanitise all aspects of social interaction. The chapter suggests that it is the right side of the brain which is more capable of the ‘frame shifts’ required by environmental challenges, and by those of globalisation more generally.Less
This chapter turns to a more fundamental failure of the Third Way – its inability to recognise and challenge tendencies in global capitalism that threaten future well-being. The obvious manifestation of this inadequacy is the coming environmental catastrophe, but the issues are broader and deeper even than this. The chapter also shows how the Third Way came to illustrate a disturbing one-sidedness in human development, both intellectual and social. This manifests itself in the attempt to rationalise, organise, depersonalise, and sanitise all aspects of social interaction. The chapter suggests that it is the right side of the brain which is more capable of the ‘frame shifts’ required by environmental challenges, and by those of globalisation more generally.
Bill Jordan
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847426567
- eISBN:
- 9781447304296
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847426567.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
This chapter argues that the Third Way confined its conception of moral regulation through community to a limited field: the attempt to restore order and cohesion in areas devastated by the ...
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This chapter argues that the Third Way confined its conception of moral regulation through community to a limited field: the attempt to restore order and cohesion in areas devastated by the market-friendly policies of the Reagan–Thatcher years. The Third Way failed to recognise that the individualistic basis of the mainstream social order concealed a wide range of injustices and exploitations which have become apparent in the economic crash. Once its economic model failed, the questions begged by its ‘social contract’ demanded to be answered. Instead of approaching these issues from the perspective of a systematic, abstract justification of the arrangements supposed to create conditions for justice, the chapter builds on the sense of injustice among ordinary people for its moral intuitions.Less
This chapter argues that the Third Way confined its conception of moral regulation through community to a limited field: the attempt to restore order and cohesion in areas devastated by the market-friendly policies of the Reagan–Thatcher years. The Third Way failed to recognise that the individualistic basis of the mainstream social order concealed a wide range of injustices and exploitations which have become apparent in the economic crash. Once its economic model failed, the questions begged by its ‘social contract’ demanded to be answered. Instead of approaching these issues from the perspective of a systematic, abstract justification of the arrangements supposed to create conditions for justice, the chapter builds on the sense of injustice among ordinary people for its moral intuitions.
Jenny Andersson
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719074394
- eISBN:
- 9781781701270
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719074394.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Social policy is not a cost, but a productive investment, wrote the Swedish social democratic economist Gunnar Myrdal in 1932, the year the Swedish social democrats (SAP) gained electoral power. This ...
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Social policy is not a cost, but a productive investment, wrote the Swedish social democratic economist Gunnar Myrdal in 1932, the year the Swedish social democrats (SAP) gained electoral power. This notion of social policy as a productive investment and a prerequisite for economic growth became a core feature in the ideology of Swedish social democracy, and a central component of the universalism of the Swedish welfare state. However, as the SAP embarked on its Third Way in 1981, this outlook on social policy as a productive investment was replaced by the identification of social policy as a cost and a burden for growth. This book discusses the components of this ideological turnaround from Swedish social democracy's post war notion of a strong society, to its notion of a Third Way in the early 1980s. It contributes to the history of Swedish social democracy and recent developments in the Swedish welfare state, and also sheds light on contemporary social policy debates.Less
Social policy is not a cost, but a productive investment, wrote the Swedish social democratic economist Gunnar Myrdal in 1932, the year the Swedish social democrats (SAP) gained electoral power. This notion of social policy as a productive investment and a prerequisite for economic growth became a core feature in the ideology of Swedish social democracy, and a central component of the universalism of the Swedish welfare state. However, as the SAP embarked on its Third Way in 1981, this outlook on social policy as a productive investment was replaced by the identification of social policy as a cost and a burden for growth. This book discusses the components of this ideological turnaround from Swedish social democracy's post war notion of a strong society, to its notion of a Third Way in the early 1980s. It contributes to the history of Swedish social democracy and recent developments in the Swedish welfare state, and also sheds light on contemporary social policy debates.
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804762632
- eISBN:
- 9780804772921
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804762632.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter establishes a framework for understanding the Third Way in the context of the history of social democracy and capitalism, explaining that the fundamental paradox of social democracy is ...
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This chapter establishes a framework for understanding the Third Way in the context of the history of social democracy and capitalism, explaining that the fundamental paradox of social democracy is that the recognition of capitalism as the fundamental means to social progress brings about the recognition of capitalism itself. It also suggests that social democracy has not been primarily concerned with the overthrow of capitalism, and argues that its history is the history of trying to marry utopian critique and pragmatic stances in its various bouts of revisionism.Less
This chapter establishes a framework for understanding the Third Way in the context of the history of social democracy and capitalism, explaining that the fundamental paradox of social democracy is that the recognition of capitalism as the fundamental means to social progress brings about the recognition of capitalism itself. It also suggests that social democracy has not been primarily concerned with the overthrow of capitalism, and argues that its history is the history of trying to marry utopian critique and pragmatic stances in its various bouts of revisionism.
