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This chapter discusses four distinct processes of economic growth: a) Solovian growth, in honor of Robert Solow; b) Smithian growth, Adam Smith's mechanism of growth; c) scale or size effects, which maintained that population growth itself can lead to per capita income growth; and Schumpeterian growth, by Joseph A. Schumpeter. It focuses on the Schumpeterian form of economic growth, which usually accompanies technological change. The chapter discusses technological change dealing with other forms of economic growth only insofar as they touch upon technological change directly. It points out that technological creativity is analyzed largely as a social, rather than an individual, phenomenon. The chapter focuses on why there were, and whether there still are, societies that have more creative individuals in them than others, and discusses the question that lies at the foundation of the issue of issues: Why does economic growth (at least of the Schumpeterian type) occur in some societies and not others?

Chapter 5 focuses on technicities of African American vanguardists, including Langston Hughes, Gwendolyn Bennett, Ralph Ellison and Amiri Baraka. These writers joined the civil rights lawyer and writer Pauli Murray in recognising illegal rail travel and other appropriations of infrastructure as signifyin(g) spatial practices. Building on research by sociologists, historians of technology and literary critics, the chapter uses a techno-bathetic framework to explore how railroads became signifyin(g) machines for the everyday technicities of black life throughout the twentieth century. The long-running crises sparked by the Scottsboro trials encouraged African American avant-gardes to formulate a vernacular, counter-servile technicity that served as a hinge between rhetorical and spatial practice. When Ellison claimed that ‘[o]ur technology was vernacular’, the shared valences he identifies between language, technology and strategies of adaptation and appropriation elides closely with Rayvon Fouché’s conception of ‘black vernacular technological creativity’ and Henry Louis Gates, Jr’s definition of motivated signifyin(g). African American vanguardists dragged the invisible and over-determined rail networks, and the spaces that framed them, back into plain sight, and made them the targets of sustained attack. The chapter argues that by doing so, these writers practiced a nuanced vernacular technicity articulated across the longue durée of industrial modernity.

Although many assistive devices are created in advanced economies, the developing world has been responsible for numerous creative solutions. Despite this, according to the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO), the clear majority of patenting activity in this field occurs in developed countries. Developing countries, which generate comparatively few issued patents, engage in significant innovation using forms of creativity that are not rewarded under the Global North’s patent standards. Developing nations can respond to this circumstance through a number of mechanisms. One is to modify the existing patentability standards to capture more types of creative endeavors. Such an approach should be considered thoughtfully, as the patent system has the potential for both positive and negative consequences for developing nations. Alternatively, nations can adopt other forms of incentives (such as grants or other rewards) to encourage the development of new assistive technologies for their domestic creators.