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This concluding chapter draws together the themes that have emerged in the volume and provides an overarching analysis of the three sections concerning the concepts and history of Sport and Diplomacy, its relationship to public diplomacy and soft power, and considerations of boycotts. Furthermore, it considers a range of questions which simultaneously consolidate but also challenge the parameters of the field. These include the validity of sport as a ‘site of diplomacy’, the value of spatial and temporal dimensions to the field, and lines of future research.

The introduction to the book lays out the key arguments of sport and diplomacy. It explains the value of the field of study, and why it has emerged in the last five years, and the relationship between these two enduring features of the contemporary world. The sections of the book addressing ‘Concepts and History’, ‘Public Diplomacy’ and ‘No Sport as Diplomacy’ are laid out. Further, it keeps a firm focus on the impact of the relationship between sport and diplomacy on practitioners and policy makers. The introduction argues for the relevance of the whole volume as shedding new light on to question such as: How far has sport been materially overlooked in the relationship between states and diplomacy? To what extent does sport provide a lens upon the international system that gives insight into broader issues of diplomacy, particularly the discourses of Soft Power and Public Diplomacy?; and What is the future of the relationship between Sport and Diplomacy?

This chapter considers the ways in which selected perspectives from the new public diplomacy, as well as established forms of diplomatic study of both state and non-state actors, can illuminate and enhance an understanding of the history and growth of the governing body of world football and the "continental" confederations recognized by FIFA. In turn, it reflect on the ways in which a rigorous study of sporting institutions such as FIFA can contribute to an understanding of the crossover between sport development, sport governance and related forms of diplomacy. A new analysis of the cultural and political dynamics of the developments of FIFA’s regional bodues warrants a forensic approach to the analysis of the historical phases of the confederations emergence. The chapter therefore considers the cases of the formative years of CONCACAF and OCEANIA, small players initially in global football politics but by 2016 providing 52 full members of FIFA, almost a quarter of the powerbrokers making up the 209 members of its Congress. In conclusion, the generally unacknowledged contribution of sport governing bodies to forms of diplomatic practice and relations is reconsidered, in the comparative light of other studies within the book, and the detailed consideration in this chapter of the selected phase of FIFA and confederation development.

A decade before official 'ping pong diplomacy', leaders in the People's Republic of China (PRC) used sports delegation visits to cultivate diplomatic relations with recently decolonized nations. In the early 1960s, the Sino-Soviet split, the rise of various Afro-Asian movements, and decolonization in Africa led to intense Sino-Soviet competition for socialist influence in the Third World. Officially presented to the Chinese public as “friendly” sports exchanges, PRC leaders sought to expand their influence and prove that Chinese socialism under Mao as an alternative (and superior) model to that of the Soviet Union. The chapter, based primarily on declassified official reports from Chinese archives, begins with the first major PRC sports delegation sent to Africa in 1962, a contingent of well-known ping pong athletes. The visit helped Chinese leaders gather knowledge on new allies, officially express shared historical and political solidarities against colonialism and imperialism, and, through sport, demonstrate China's achievements through socialism. These visits sought to build diplomatic ties while promoting and shoring up support - foreign as well as domestic - for a Chinese brand of socialism that professed an alternative, non-Soviet path to socialist modernity.

In 1919, Afghanistan won its independence from British suzerainty. In each subsequent year, the state celebrated the event by staging military parades, organising cultural programmes – and sporting competitions. This chapter considers the independence games from the perspective of British diplomats in Afghanistan who also took part in the contests. In particular, the chapter studies the reports written by British diplomats on the games and explores how notions of fair play and athleticism were projected on the independent state of Afghanistan. The chapter asks if these reports are indicative of larger political and/or colonial ambitions. Complicating conventional assumptions on the primacy of the political in diplomatic relations, this chapter suggests that the physical encounter constituted a central feature in British-Afghan relations.

This chapter responds to issues surrounding Mega Sports Events (MSE) using a study of the political and international relations dimensions of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 Football World Cup. The findings presented confirm the importance of foreign policy in the political ambitions held for the event and provide discussion points concerning the position of Middle Powers within the international community and the policy tools available to them. They also highlight how the value placed on the foreign policy potential of the event, such as the perceived opportunity to demonstrate parity of status with the developed international community, reduced the capacity to pursue or protect domestic policy interests. This notwithstanding, positive outcomes were perceived in a range of areas which suggests that hosting events in developing country contexts may provide valuable opportunities to advance domestic and foreign policy interests if more is known about the true nature of the opportunities presented and how to realise them.