Benjamin Reilly
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199286874
- eISBN:
- 9780191713156
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199286874.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This book shows how political reformers across the Asia-Pacific region have responded to the reality of their internal diversity by deliberate, innovative, and often highly ambitious forms of ...
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This book shows how political reformers across the Asia-Pacific region have responded to the reality of their internal diversity by deliberate, innovative, and often highly ambitious forms of political engineering. Harking back to the success of the East Asian ‘Tigers’ and their unorthodox but successful interventions in the economic arena, many democratizing Northeast Asian, Southeast Asian, and Pacific Island states are now seeking to manage political change by far-reaching reforms to their electoral, parliamentary, and party systems. This book is part of the Oxford Studies in Democratization, a series for scholars and students of comparative politics and related disciplines. Volumes concentrate on the comparative study of the democratization process that accompanied the decline and termination of the cold war. The geographical focus of the series is primarily Latin America, the Caribbean, Southern and Eastern Europe, and relevant experiences in Africa and Asia.Less
This book shows how political reformers across the Asia-Pacific region have responded to the reality of their internal diversity by deliberate, innovative, and often highly ambitious forms of political engineering. Harking back to the success of the East Asian ‘Tigers’ and their unorthodox but successful interventions in the economic arena, many democratizing Northeast Asian, Southeast Asian, and Pacific Island states are now seeking to manage political change by far-reaching reforms to their electoral, parliamentary, and party systems. This book is part of the Oxford Studies in Democratization, a series for scholars and students of comparative politics and related disciplines. Volumes concentrate on the comparative study of the democratization process that accompanied the decline and termination of the cold war. The geographical focus of the series is primarily Latin America, the Caribbean, Southern and Eastern Europe, and relevant experiences in Africa and Asia.
Michael Gallagher
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199257560
- eISBN:
- 9780191603280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257566.003.0026
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The origins of electoral systems are varied, with some brought into being with all-party consensus and others being introduced by majorities for clearly partisan motives. Turning to the impact of ...
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The origins of electoral systems are varied, with some brought into being with all-party consensus and others being introduced by majorities for clearly partisan motives. Turning to the impact of electoral systems, the existence of the patterns highlighted by Duverger’s Law is evident, yet it is also clear that electoral systems do not by themselves shape party systems. The impact of electoral systems upon intra-party power, and upon the representativeness of parliaments, is assessed in the light of the evidence from 22 countries. The chapter discusses the criteria that might be employed to decide the question of which electoral system is best.Less
The origins of electoral systems are varied, with some brought into being with all-party consensus and others being introduced by majorities for clearly partisan motives. Turning to the impact of electoral systems, the existence of the patterns highlighted by Duverger’s Law is evident, yet it is also clear that electoral systems do not by themselves shape party systems. The impact of electoral systems upon intra-party power, and upon the representativeness of parliaments, is assessed in the light of the evidence from 22 countries. The chapter discusses the criteria that might be employed to decide the question of which electoral system is best.
Michael Gallagher and Paul Mitchell (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199257560
- eISBN:
- 9780191603280
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257566.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Electoral systems are the central political institution in representative democracies. They convert votes into seats and structure the choices facing voters. They also affect the behaviour of ...
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Electoral systems are the central political institution in representative democracies. They convert votes into seats and structure the choices facing voters. They also affect the behaviour of political parties, individual MPs, and candidates. This book looks at three kinds of issues. First, it focuses on the ‘political science of electoral systems’, that is, it joins the canon of works that have attempted to explore various relationships between electoral systems on the one hand and ‘outputs’ such as government formation, the behaviour of political actors, the representativeness of parliaments, and the quality of governance. Second, while quite a lot is known about generic families of electoral systems, such as ‘plurality rule’ or ‘proportional representation’, much less is known about variation within these broad types and how exactly a given electoral system ‘really works’ in a particular country. Thus, the book includes detailed studies of the operation of electoral systems in 22 countries. Third, it studies the ‘politics of electoral systems’. It treats each country’s electoral system as, potentially at least, constituting a political issue in its own right. It establishes the reasons behind the initial adoption of an electoral system and discusses who supports the current electoral system and who opposes it, who benefits from it and who loses out, reviewing the current debate in each country on the question of electoral reform. This highlights issues relevant to normative debates about which electoral systems ‘work well’ and which do not, which ones operate uncontentiously, and which ones are a focus of division in the countries employing them. It reviews these questions by in-depth studies of 22 countries – chosen to represent a range of different electoral systems and located in all continents of the world – along with a number of chapters supplying comparative analysis.Less
Electoral systems are the central political institution in representative democracies. They convert votes into seats and structure the choices facing voters. They also affect the behaviour of political parties, individual MPs, and candidates. This book looks at three kinds of issues. First, it focuses on the ‘political science of electoral systems’, that is, it joins the canon of works that have attempted to explore various relationships between electoral systems on the one hand and ‘outputs’ such as government formation, the behaviour of political actors, the representativeness of parliaments, and the quality of governance. Second, while quite a lot is known about generic families of electoral systems, such as ‘plurality rule’ or ‘proportional representation’, much less is known about variation within these broad types and how exactly a given electoral system ‘really works’ in a particular country. Thus, the book includes detailed studies of the operation of electoral systems in 22 countries. Third, it studies the ‘politics of electoral systems’. It treats each country’s electoral system as, potentially at least, constituting a political issue in its own right. It establishes the reasons behind the initial adoption of an electoral system and discusses who supports the current electoral system and who opposes it, who benefits from it and who loses out, reviewing the current debate in each country on the question of electoral reform. This highlights issues relevant to normative debates about which electoral systems ‘work well’ and which do not, which ones operate uncontentiously, and which ones are a focus of division in the countries employing them. It reviews these questions by in-depth studies of 22 countries – chosen to represent a range of different electoral systems and located in all continents of the world – along with a number of chapters supplying comparative analysis.
Matthew Soberg Shugart and Martin P. Wattenberg (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. In the view of many electoral ...
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This is a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. In the view of many electoral reformers, its subject, mixed‐member electoral systems, offers the best of both the traditional British single‐seat district system and proportional representation (PR) systems. The book seeks to evaluate why mixed‐member systems have recently appealed to many countries with diverse electoral histories, and how well expectations for these systems have been met. Consequently, each major country that has adopted a mixed system has two chapters, one on origins and one on consequences. The countries included are Germany, New Zealand, Italy, Israel, Japan, Venezuela, Bolivia, Mexico, Hungary, and Russia. In addition, there are also chapters on the prospects for a mixed‐member system being adopted in Britain and Canada, respectively. The material presented suggests that mixed‐member systems have been largely successful thus far; they appear to be more likely than most other electoral systems to generate two‐bloc party systems, without in the process reducing minor parties to insignificance, and in addition, are more likely than any other class of electoral system simultaneously to generate local accountability and a nationally oriented party system. Mixed‐member electoral systems have now joined majoritarian and proportional systems as basic options to be considered whenever electoral systems are designed or redesigned. This development represents a fundamental change in thinking about electoral systems around the world. The 25 chapters of the book, most of which were originally presented at a conference held in Newport Beach, California, in December 1998, are arranged in four parts: I. Placing Mixed‐Member Systems in the World of Electoral Systems (Chapters 1–2); II. Origins of Mixed‐Member Systems (Chapters 3–12); III. Consequences of Mixed‐Member Systems (Chapters 13–22); and IV. Prospects for Reform in Other Countries (Chapters 23–25); a short glossary is included.Less
This is a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. In the view of many electoral reformers, its subject, mixed‐member electoral systems, offers the best of both the traditional British single‐seat district system and proportional representation (PR) systems. The book seeks to evaluate why mixed‐member systems have recently appealed to many countries with diverse electoral histories, and how well expectations for these systems have been met. Consequently, each major country that has adopted a mixed system has two chapters, one on origins and one on consequences. The countries included are Germany, New Zealand, Italy, Israel, Japan, Venezuela, Bolivia, Mexico, Hungary, and Russia. In addition, there are also chapters on the prospects for a mixed‐member system being adopted in Britain and Canada, respectively. The material presented suggests that mixed‐member systems have been largely successful thus far; they appear to be more likely than most other electoral systems to generate two‐bloc party systems, without in the process reducing minor parties to insignificance, and in addition, are more likely than any other class of electoral system simultaneously to generate local accountability and a nationally oriented party system. Mixed‐member electoral systems have now joined majoritarian and proportional systems as basic options to be considered whenever electoral systems are designed or redesigned. This development represents a fundamental change in thinking about electoral systems around the world. The 25 chapters of the book, most of which were originally presented at a conference held in Newport Beach, California, in December 1998, are arranged in four parts: I. Placing Mixed‐Member Systems in the World of Electoral Systems (Chapters 1–2); II. Origins of Mixed‐Member Systems (Chapters 3–12); III. Consequences of Mixed‐Member Systems (Chapters 13–22); and IV. Prospects for Reform in Other Countries (Chapters 23–25); a short glossary is included.
Johannes Lindvall
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199590643
- eISBN:
- 9780191723407
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199590643.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
Ever since the 1970s, the problem of unemployment has defined politics in Western Europe, but governments have responded in different ways. In the 1970s and 1980s, some governments used macroeconomic ...
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Ever since the 1970s, the problem of unemployment has defined politics in Western Europe, but governments have responded in different ways. In the 1970s and 1980s, some governments used macroeconomic policy to support domestic economic activity and maintain full employment. In the 1990s and 2000s, on the other hand, some governments made large labor market policy changes to ensure that the unemployed were looking for jobs, well-trained, and matched with employers willing to hire them. Comparing Austria, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Sweden, this book shows that governments made different choices because of underlying political differences: the development of party systems, corporatism, and norms regarding the purpose of political authority. Low unemployment was the linchpin of political arrangements in Western Europe after the Second World War. When mass unemployment became a threat again in the 1970s, Austria and Sweden – where the post-war political order remained intact – used economic policies to preserve full employment. In the 1990s and 2000s, governments in Denmark and the Netherlands – who had lived with high unemployment for a long period of time and reformed their political models in the course of the 1980s – undertook far-reaching labor market policy changes.Less
Ever since the 1970s, the problem of unemployment has defined politics in Western Europe, but governments have responded in different ways. In the 1970s and 1980s, some governments used macroeconomic policy to support domestic economic activity and maintain full employment. In the 1990s and 2000s, on the other hand, some governments made large labor market policy changes to ensure that the unemployed were looking for jobs, well-trained, and matched with employers willing to hire them. Comparing Austria, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Sweden, this book shows that governments made different choices because of underlying political differences: the development of party systems, corporatism, and norms regarding the purpose of political authority. Low unemployment was the linchpin of political arrangements in Western Europe after the Second World War. When mass unemployment became a threat again in the 1970s, Austria and Sweden – where the post-war political order remained intact – used economic policies to preserve full employment. In the 1990s and 2000s, governments in Denmark and the Netherlands – who had lived with high unemployment for a long period of time and reformed their political models in the course of the 1980s – undertook far-reaching labor market policy changes.
Stefano Bartolini
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286430
- eISBN:
- 9780191603242
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286434.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter investigates the electoral representation of the integration issues, assuming that the shift in the location of institutional power related to European integration may be accompanied by ...
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This chapter investigates the electoral representation of the integration issues, assuming that the shift in the location of institutional power related to European integration may be accompanied by a corresponding change in the direction of the efforts of mass politics. It documents the extent to which European issues differentiate the attitudes of voters and parties alike. It argues that the attitudes of national and European parties, of political elites, and public opinion towards the constitutive issues of integration are hard to interpret, referring to historical cleavages or to a left-right dimension. It interprets the Europarties development as a top-down attempt by political elites to institutionalize an isomorphic party system at the EU level that tends to select those nation-like issues on which a structuring easier. It discusses the strong collusive push of both national and European parties towards constitutive EU issues in which their divisions appear insurmountable and would undermine their effective existence. The current situation witnesses an imbalance between the lack of party system structuring at the EU level and the growing potential for party system destructuring at the national level. If EU-related latent oppositions were to be politicized, the resulting alignments will not closely correspond with the political divisions on which domestic politics has traditionally been founded.Less
This chapter investigates the electoral representation of the integration issues, assuming that the shift in the location of institutional power related to European integration may be accompanied by a corresponding change in the direction of the efforts of mass politics. It documents the extent to which European issues differentiate the attitudes of voters and parties alike. It argues that the attitudes of national and European parties, of political elites, and public opinion towards the constitutive issues of integration are hard to interpret, referring to historical cleavages or to a left-right dimension. It interprets the Europarties development as a top-down attempt by political elites to institutionalize an isomorphic party system at the EU level that tends to select those nation-like issues on which a structuring easier. It discusses the strong collusive push of both national and European parties towards constitutive EU issues in which their divisions appear insurmountable and would undermine their effective existence. The current situation witnesses an imbalance between the lack of party system structuring at the EU level and the growing potential for party system destructuring at the national level. If EU-related latent oppositions were to be politicized, the resulting alignments will not closely correspond with the political divisions on which domestic politics has traditionally been founded.
Matthew Søberg Shugart
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199257560
- eISBN:
- 9780191603280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257566.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
A comprehensive review of the literature on electoral systems establishes the progress made in the field in recent years. This area of political science research can now be regarded as a mature ...
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A comprehensive review of the literature on electoral systems establishes the progress made in the field in recent years. This area of political science research can now be regarded as a mature field. Questions concerning the relationships between electoral systems, proportionality, and the number of political parties in a party system (often summed up in terms of Duverger’s Law, or variants thereof) can now be regarded as largely settled. Important questions for future research include the intraparty dimension of electoral systems, and the origins of electoral systems.Less
A comprehensive review of the literature on electoral systems establishes the progress made in the field in recent years. This area of political science research can now be regarded as a mature field. Questions concerning the relationships between electoral systems, proportionality, and the number of political parties in a party system (often summed up in terms of Duverger’s Law, or variants thereof) can now be regarded as largely settled. Important questions for future research include the intraparty dimension of electoral systems, and the origins of electoral systems.
Hans‐Dieter Klingemann
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273218
- eISBN:
- 9780191602962
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273219.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter offers a historical description of the development of the national party systems of the countries represented in the book. First, it provides an overview of the political parties in the ...
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This chapter offers a historical description of the development of the national party systems of the countries represented in the book. First, it provides an overview of the political parties in the various countries and classifies them by party family. Second, it deals with three aspects of inter-party competition which have been singled out as important by previous research efforts: (1) the number of political parties (fragmentation), (2) the ideological distance between parties (polarization), and (3) the degree of electoral change (volatility). Measures of these characteristics allow a basic description of the structure and dynamics of party systems.Less
This chapter offers a historical description of the development of the national party systems of the countries represented in the book. First, it provides an overview of the political parties in the various countries and classifies them by party family. Second, it deals with three aspects of inter-party competition which have been singled out as important by previous research efforts: (1) the number of political parties (fragmentation), (2) the ideological distance between parties (polarization), and (3) the degree of electoral change (volatility). Measures of these characteristics allow a basic description of the structure and dynamics of party systems.
R. Kenneth Carty
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240562
- eISBN:
- 9780191600296
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240566.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The electoral explosion that overthrew the established patterns of Canada's national party system in 1993 marked the end of yet another cycle in Canadian party system development, for there had been ...
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The electoral explosion that overthrew the established patterns of Canada's national party system in 1993 marked the end of yet another cycle in Canadian party system development, for there had been similar reshapings in the early 1960s and in the 1920s. In each case, the party transformations were about more than shifting electoral alignments and party fortunes, they also involved radical changes in the organization and activities of the parties concerned. However, although the formal organizational structure of Canadian parties has varied considerably, they have all been essentially cadre‐like in their structure and character, and the core linkage problem has been one of tying an American society to European‐style governing institutions. Electoral realignments have also been cast in geographic rather than social structural terms, and recent decades have seen the disintegration of the party system in a different sense as federal (national) politics has become increasingly disentangled from provincial politics. The introduction discusses these topics; the next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine the possible crisis in party legitimacy in Canada, the cadre organizations of the Canadian cadre parties, and the functions of the Canadian cadre parties in a modern polity (governance, political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, participatory organizations, and political communication and education).Less
The electoral explosion that overthrew the established patterns of Canada's national party system in 1993 marked the end of yet another cycle in Canadian party system development, for there had been similar reshapings in the early 1960s and in the 1920s. In each case, the party transformations were about more than shifting electoral alignments and party fortunes, they also involved radical changes in the organization and activities of the parties concerned. However, although the formal organizational structure of Canadian parties has varied considerably, they have all been essentially cadre‐like in their structure and character, and the core linkage problem has been one of tying an American society to European‐style governing institutions. Electoral realignments have also been cast in geographic rather than social structural terms, and recent decades have seen the disintegration of the party system in a different sense as federal (national) politics has become increasingly disentangled from provincial politics. The introduction discusses these topics; the next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine the possible crisis in party legitimacy in Canada, the cadre organizations of the Canadian cadre parties, and the functions of the Canadian cadre parties in a modern polity (governance, political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, participatory organizations, and political communication and education).
Leonardo Morlino
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In this chapter, Leonardo Morlino presents an analytical framework for studying the implementation of constitutional norms. The aim of the first section is to isolate the guiding concepts for ...
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In this chapter, Leonardo Morlino presents an analytical framework for studying the implementation of constitutional norms. The aim of the first section is to isolate the guiding concepts for analysing constitutional design and its implementation. The second section explores the main aspects of constitutional design and the problems related to implementation in Southern Europe. The third section presents the constitutional designs of selected Eastern European countries and identifies certain implementation problems they faced. Some tentative conclusions are drawn from the empirical evidence presented in the first two sections with reference to the patterns of constitutional design implementation.Less
In this chapter, Leonardo Morlino presents an analytical framework for studying the implementation of constitutional norms. The aim of the first section is to isolate the guiding concepts for analysing constitutional design and its implementation. The second section explores the main aspects of constitutional design and the problems related to implementation in Southern Europe. The third section presents the constitutional designs of selected Eastern European countries and identifies certain implementation problems they faced. Some tentative conclusions are drawn from the empirical evidence presented in the first two sections with reference to the patterns of constitutional design implementation.
Robert G. Moser
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0023
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The Russian mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system introduced by executive decree in 1993 and passed into law in 1995 did not produce the outcomes expected by its designers, nor have electoral system ...
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The Russian mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system introduced by executive decree in 1993 and passed into law in 1995 did not produce the outcomes expected by its designers, nor have electoral system effects in Russia followed expectations in the electoral systems literature. Russia has been rather exceptional in the degree of fractionalization allowed under its MMM system, and there has been a great disparity in electoral support for parties in the list and nominal tiers of the system, and a proliferation of independent candidates with no partisan affiliation in the single‐seat districts (SSD). These unexpected outcomes might lead one to consider the MMM system to be a failure, but this chapter argues that the intraparty effects of the system, namely, the incentives promoting the formation of national parties with strong grassroots organization, make the current MMM system ideal for Russia. The purpose of the chapter is to lay out the effects of Russia's MMM system and offer some explanations for its unexpected outcomes. There are five sections: the first provides a brief description of the system; the second looks at the interparty dimension; the third expands on the interparty dimension by describing the emerging party system in Russia, examining the effects of the MMM system on the number of electoral parties, and looking at the impact the MMM system has had on the success of particular parties; the fourth section examines the intraparty dimension, and shows how the proportional representation party‐list tier has promoted the formation of parties as the central mechanism for nomination and election to public office while SSD elections in the nominal tier have encouraged party‐building at the local level; the final section offers some conclusions and implications of the Russian case for the study of electoral systems.Less
The Russian mixed‐member majoritarian (MMM) system introduced by executive decree in 1993 and passed into law in 1995 did not produce the outcomes expected by its designers, nor have electoral system effects in Russia followed expectations in the electoral systems literature. Russia has been rather exceptional in the degree of fractionalization allowed under its MMM system, and there has been a great disparity in electoral support for parties in the list and nominal tiers of the system, and a proliferation of independent candidates with no partisan affiliation in the single‐seat districts (SSD). These unexpected outcomes might lead one to consider the MMM system to be a failure, but this chapter argues that the intraparty effects of the system, namely, the incentives promoting the formation of national parties with strong grassroots organization, make the current MMM system ideal for Russia. The purpose of the chapter is to lay out the effects of Russia's MMM system and offer some explanations for its unexpected outcomes. There are five sections: the first provides a brief description of the system; the second looks at the interparty dimension; the third expands on the interparty dimension by describing the emerging party system in Russia, examining the effects of the MMM system on the number of electoral parties, and looking at the impact the MMM system has had on the success of particular parties; the fourth section examines the intraparty dimension, and shows how the proportional representation party‐list tier has promoted the formation of parties as the central mechanism for nomination and election to public office while SSD elections in the nominal tier have encouraged party‐building at the local level; the final section offers some conclusions and implications of the Russian case for the study of electoral systems.
John C. Green
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240562
- eISBN:
- 9780191600296
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240566.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The American party system has experienced considerable change since 1960, and the meaning of this change is the subject of much debate, at the core of which is a basic question: how functional is the ...
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The American party system has experienced considerable change since 1960, and the meaning of this change is the subject of much debate, at the core of which is a basic question: how functional is the American party system after four turbulent decades? Depending on the evidence considered, scholars offer different answers to this question, ranging from a loss of functionality due to party ‘decline’ to potential gains from party ‘revival’. Reviews these arguments and assesses changes in key aspects of the American party system between 1960 and 1996. It finds some merit in both the ‘declinist’ and ‘revivalist’ points of view. There is a brief introductory section to the current situation, and this is followed by two further introductory sections, which present a more in‐depth discussion of the American ‘two‐party’ (Republicans and Democrats) system, and of party decline and revival. The next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine the popular legitimacy of American parties, the organizational strength of American parties, and the systemic functionality of American parties (governance and political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, political communication and education, and encouraging political participation).Less
The American party system has experienced considerable change since 1960, and the meaning of this change is the subject of much debate, at the core of which is a basic question: how functional is the American party system after four turbulent decades? Depending on the evidence considered, scholars offer different answers to this question, ranging from a loss of functionality due to party ‘decline’ to potential gains from party ‘revival’. Reviews these arguments and assesses changes in key aspects of the American party system between 1960 and 1996. It finds some merit in both the ‘declinist’ and ‘revivalist’ points of view. There is a brief introductory section to the current situation, and this is followed by two further introductory sections, which present a more in‐depth discussion of the American ‘two‐party’ (Republicans and Democrats) system, and of party decline and revival. The next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine the popular legitimacy of American parties, the organizational strength of American parties, and the systemic functionality of American parties (governance and political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, political communication and education, and encouraging political participation).
Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295495
- eISBN:
- 9780191599804
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295499.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book looks at how the evidence of change and stability in modern political parties and party systems is interpreted. The emphasis is on western European political parties. The primary focus of ...
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This book looks at how the evidence of change and stability in modern political parties and party systems is interpreted. The emphasis is on western European political parties. The primary focus of the book is on processes of political adaptation and control, but it also concerns how parties and party systems generate their own momentum and ‘freeze’ themselves into place. Amidst the widespread contemporary discussion of the challenge to modern democracy and the crisis for traditional forms of political representation, it offers an emphasis on how party systems survive, and on how change, when it does occur, may be analysed and understood. The book has four parts, and the constituent chapters are from various essays reflecting work that has been carried out since the late 1980s. Part I contains an introductory chapter on the freezing of party systems. Part II has three chapters that deal with questions of persistence and change, and with the vulnerability and endurance of traditional parties. Part III has two chapters in which attention shifts to the question of party organization, and to the ways in which the established parties are increasingly coming to invade the state, finding there a new source of privilege and a new means of ensuring their own survival. Part IV has three chapters that focus on structures of competition in western party systems, as well as on the problems associated with the consolidation of the new party systems in post-communist Europe.Less
This book looks at how the evidence of change and stability in modern political parties and party systems is interpreted. The emphasis is on western European political parties. The primary focus of the book is on processes of political adaptation and control, but it also concerns how parties and party systems generate their own momentum and ‘freeze’ themselves into place. Amidst the widespread contemporary discussion of the challenge to modern democracy and the crisis for traditional forms of political representation, it offers an emphasis on how party systems survive, and on how change, when it does occur, may be analysed and understood. The book has four parts, and the constituent chapters are from various essays reflecting work that has been carried out since the late 1980s. Part I contains an introductory chapter on the freezing of party systems. Part II has three chapters that deal with questions of persistence and change, and with the vulnerability and endurance of traditional parties. Part III has two chapters in which attention shifts to the question of party organization, and to the ways in which the established parties are increasingly coming to invade the state, finding there a new source of privilege and a new means of ensuring their own survival. Part IV has three chapters that focus on structures of competition in western party systems, as well as on the problems associated with the consolidation of the new party systems in post-communist Europe.
Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295495
- eISBN:
- 9780191599804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295499.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the third of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and presents an overall review. In the first section, Approaches to the Classification of Party Systems: ...
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This is the third of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and presents an overall review. In the first section, Approaches to the Classification of Party Systems: A Review it looks at the principal existing approaches to the classification of party systems, pointing to both their limits and possibilities when applied within comparative analysis. It then goes on in the second section, Party Systems and the Competition for Government, to underline the importance of understanding the structure of competition in any given party system, since in many ways the whole notion of a party system is centred on the assumption that there exists a stable structure of competition. Structures of competition can be seen to be either closed (and predictable) or open (and unpredictable), depending on the patterns of alternation in government, the degree of innovation or persistence in processes of government formation, and the range of parties gaining access to government. The emphasis in the third section, Party Systems and Electoral Outcomes, is on the need to distinguish between processes of electoral change on the one hand, and changes in party systems and the structures of competition on the other, a distinction which also allows the possibility of situations in which electoral change is the consequence rather than the cause of party system change.Less
This is the third of three chapters on political party systems and structures of competition, and presents an overall review. In the first section, Approaches to the Classification of Party Systems: A Review it looks at the principal existing approaches to the classification of party systems, pointing to both their limits and possibilities when applied within comparative analysis. It then goes on in the second section, Party Systems and the Competition for Government, to underline the importance of understanding the structure of competition in any given party system, since in many ways the whole notion of a party system is centred on the assumption that there exists a stable structure of competition. Structures of competition can be seen to be either closed (and predictable) or open (and unpredictable), depending on the patterns of alternation in government, the degree of innovation or persistence in processes of government formation, and the range of parties gaining access to government. The emphasis in the third section, Party Systems and Electoral Outcomes, is on the need to distinguish between processes of electoral change on the one hand, and changes in party systems and the structures of competition on the other, a distinction which also allows the possibility of situations in which electoral change is the consequence rather than the cause of party system change.
Steven R. Reed
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199257560
- eISBN:
- 9780191603280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257566.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Japan embarked upon fundamental electoral reform in the 1990s. The single non-transferable vote was replaced by a mixed parallel system, which has resulted in an increase in disproportionality. The ...
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Japan embarked upon fundamental electoral reform in the 1990s. The single non-transferable vote was replaced by a mixed parallel system, which has resulted in an increase in disproportionality. The party system has changed, though not necessarily due to electoral system change. The dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party – something that some reformers hoped electoral reform might threaten – has continued despite some signs of movement towards a genuine two-party system. Factions within the Liberal Democratic Party are less significant than in the past, though again this cannot be attributed entirely to the change in electoral system.Less
Japan embarked upon fundamental electoral reform in the 1990s. The single non-transferable vote was replaced by a mixed parallel system, which has resulted in an increase in disproportionality. The party system has changed, though not necessarily due to electoral system change. The dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party – something that some reformers hoped electoral reform might threaten – has continued despite some signs of movement towards a genuine two-party system. Factions within the Liberal Democratic Party are less significant than in the past, though again this cannot be attributed entirely to the change in electoral system.
Peter M. Siavelis
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199257560
- eISBN:
- 9780191603280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257566.003.0021
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Chile’s binomial open-list PR system was selected by the Pinochet regime as the most likely to optimise the parliamentary strength of the authoritarian right given its level of electoral support. The ...
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Chile’s binomial open-list PR system was selected by the Pinochet regime as the most likely to optimise the parliamentary strength of the authoritarian right given its level of electoral support. The system was intended to lead to the fundamental reshaping of the party system, but instead, two broad alliances have arisen, incorporating many elements of the pre-Pinochet party system. The small district magnitude puts a premium on the need for parties to form alliances, and leads to extensive intra-alliance negotiations regarding candidate selection. The electoral system is unpopular with parties of the centre and left, but institutional barriers to electoral reform are high.Less
Chile’s binomial open-list PR system was selected by the Pinochet regime as the most likely to optimise the parliamentary strength of the authoritarian right given its level of electoral support. The system was intended to lead to the fundamental reshaping of the party system, but instead, two broad alliances have arisen, incorporating many elements of the pre-Pinochet party system. The small district magnitude puts a premium on the need for parties to form alliances, and leads to extensive intra-alliance negotiations regarding candidate selection. The electoral system is unpopular with parties of the centre and left, but institutional barriers to electoral reform are high.
Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295495
- eISBN:
- 9780191599804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295499.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the second of three chapters on persistence and change in political parties. Its theme is the problem of party system change in western Europe, and its purpose, rather than to propose some ...
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This is the second of three chapters on persistence and change in political parties. Its theme is the problem of party system change in western Europe, and its purpose, rather than to propose some rigorous definition of it, is simply to identify some of the problems involved in the understanding of party system change, and, through this approach, to place some key questions on the agenda for future debate and future research. The discussion is presented in six sections: (1) Party Change versus Party System Change; (2) Party System Change; (3) Electoral Volatility and Cleavage Change –– a discussion of the role of ‘social’ cleavage change (resulting from changes in the cleavage structure or social make-up of support to individual parties) in electoral change and party system change in the context of Lipset–Rokkan ‘law’ on ‘the freezing of party systems’; (4) How Much Electoral Change?; (5) The Electoral Bias; and (6) Key Problems.Less
This is the second of three chapters on persistence and change in political parties. Its theme is the problem of party system change in western Europe, and its purpose, rather than to propose some rigorous definition of it, is simply to identify some of the problems involved in the understanding of party system change, and, through this approach, to place some key questions on the agenda for future debate and future research. The discussion is presented in six sections: (1) Party Change versus Party System Change; (2) Party System Change; (3) Electoral Volatility and Cleavage Change –– a discussion of the role of ‘social’ cleavage change (resulting from changes in the cleavage structure or social make-up of support to individual parties) in electoral change and party system change in the context of Lipset–Rokkan ‘law’ on ‘the freezing of party systems’; (4) How Much Electoral Change?; (5) The Electoral Bias; and (6) Key Problems.
Reuven Y. Hazan
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This analyzes the consequences of the Israeli version of a mixed electoral system, in which a majoritarian method of electing the head of the executive branch was grafted onto an extremely ...
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This analyzes the consequences of the Israeli version of a mixed electoral system, in which a majoritarian method of electing the head of the executive branch was grafted onto an extremely proportional system of electing the legislature. Focuses on the first two elections in which this mixed system was implemented, 1996 and 1999, and in doing so, concentrates on two aspects of the elections: the election results, i.e., the decimation of the two main parties and the rise of sectarian parties (fragmentation of the parliamentary system); and the electoral dynamics, i.e., the convergence toward the center in both the executive and the legislative elections. The most significant ramifications of the implementation of the direct popular election of the prime minister have been a significant shift in the electoral strength of the parties and a dramatic change in the competitive electoral orientation of the Israeli party system. Neither result was expected by those who initiated and propelled the electoral reform, while many of the actual expectations of the reform were not met. Arranged in the following sections: The Israeli Version of a Mixed Electoral System and Resulting Hybrid Political System; and The Consequences of the Mixed Electoral System for (1) Electoral Competition, (2) Political Representation, and (3) Electoral Efficiency.Less
This analyzes the consequences of the Israeli version of a mixed electoral system, in which a majoritarian method of electing the head of the executive branch was grafted onto an extremely proportional system of electing the legislature. Focuses on the first two elections in which this mixed system was implemented, 1996 and 1999, and in doing so, concentrates on two aspects of the elections: the election results, i.e., the decimation of the two main parties and the rise of sectarian parties (fragmentation of the parliamentary system); and the electoral dynamics, i.e., the convergence toward the center in both the executive and the legislative elections. The most significant ramifications of the implementation of the direct popular election of the prime minister have been a significant shift in the electoral strength of the parties and a dramatic change in the competitive electoral orientation of the Israeli party system. Neither result was expected by those who initiated and propelled the electoral reform, while many of the actual expectations of the reform were not met. Arranged in the following sections: The Israeli Version of a Mixed Electoral System and Resulting Hybrid Political System; and The Consequences of the Mixed Electoral System for (1) Electoral Competition, (2) Political Representation, and (3) Electoral Efficiency.
Sergio Fabbrini
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199235612
- eISBN:
- 9780191715686
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199235612.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter discusses the different forms of structuring of partisan politics in America and the European nation-states. Regarding the party systems, American politics has been traditionally ...
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This chapter discusses the different forms of structuring of partisan politics in America and the European nation-states. Regarding the party systems, American politics has been traditionally organized around different types of sectional cleavages. The inter-state features of the compound polity have influenced the politics at the supra-states level. In the European nation-states, sectional cleavages have never imposed themselves as the inspiring principle of party systems' logic. However, in certain European nation-states (such as Spain or Italy), territorial divisions emerged periodically.Less
This chapter discusses the different forms of structuring of partisan politics in America and the European nation-states. Regarding the party systems, American politics has been traditionally organized around different types of sectional cleavages. The inter-state features of the compound polity have influenced the politics at the supra-states level. In the European nation-states, sectional cleavages have never imposed themselves as the inspiring principle of party systems' logic. However, in certain European nation-states (such as Spain or Italy), territorial divisions emerged periodically.
Rein Taagepera
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199287741
- eISBN:
- 9780191713408
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199287741.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
When some parties have many seats and some have few, we need a meaningful ‘effective’ number of parties so as to compare the effects of electoral systems on party systems. The standard way to express ...
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When some parties have many seats and some have few, we need a meaningful ‘effective’ number of parties so as to compare the effects of electoral systems on party systems. The standard way to express the effective number of parties is to convert to fractional seat shares, square them, add, and take the inverse. The same can be done with fractional vote shares. This method is not ideal, but all others are worse. Effective number of parties can be complemented by a measure of balance in party sizes.Less
When some parties have many seats and some have few, we need a meaningful ‘effective’ number of parties so as to compare the effects of electoral systems on party systems. The standard way to express the effective number of parties is to convert to fractional seat shares, square them, add, and take the inverse. The same can be done with fractional vote shares. This method is not ideal, but all others are worse. Effective number of parties can be complemented by a measure of balance in party sizes.
