Asef Bayat
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195369212
- eISBN:
- 9780199871179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369212.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Islam
In Muslim societies, youth politics has espoused two contradictory sentiments: youth as a source of fear and hope. On the one hand, youths are seen as the foot soldiers of radical Islamism and ...
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In Muslim societies, youth politics has espoused two contradictory sentiments: youth as a source of fear and hope. On the one hand, youths are seen as the foot soldiers of radical Islamism and violent politics, and on the other, as agents of democratic change and an open society. Through a comparative analysis of youth cultural politics in the Middle East—notably Iran, Egypt, and, somewhat, Saudi Arabia—this chapter first argues that political imaginations about the young—whether as radical Islamists or democratic reformers—are misconstrued. Second, by conceptually distinguishing between “young people” (as an age category) and “youth” (as a social category), this chapter postulates that “youth movements” are not necessarily about political change, but are essentially about “claiming youthfulness.” The political efficacy of youth movements depends to a large extent on the capacity of the adversaries—the political and moral authority—to accommodate the claims of youthfulness.Less
In Muslim societies, youth politics has espoused two contradictory sentiments: youth as a source of fear and hope. On the one hand, youths are seen as the foot soldiers of radical Islamism and violent politics, and on the other, as agents of democratic change and an open society. Through a comparative analysis of youth cultural politics in the Middle East—notably Iran, Egypt, and, somewhat, Saudi Arabia—this chapter first argues that political imaginations about the young—whether as radical Islamists or democratic reformers—are misconstrued. Second, by conceptually distinguishing between “young people” (as an age category) and “youth” (as a social category), this chapter postulates that “youth movements” are not necessarily about political change, but are essentially about “claiming youthfulness.” The political efficacy of youth movements depends to a large extent on the capacity of the adversaries—the political and moral authority—to accommodate the claims of youthfulness.
Joen A. Carpenter
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195129076
- eISBN:
- 9780199853274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195129076.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
The Youth for Christ phenomenon was the first sign that the revival of revivalism, which had been percolating deep within the fundamentalist movement, was finally breaking out into public view. The ...
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The Youth for Christ phenomenon was the first sign that the revival of revivalism, which had been percolating deep within the fundamentalist movement, was finally breaking out into public view. The people who designed and promoted these rallies were not the recognized godfathers of fundamentalism but a coalition of youthful, relatively unknown evangelists. The rallies blended fundamentalists and other evangelicals into a broad coalition and showed how the movement might win a valued place once more in the public life of the nation. The Youth for Christ movement and the larger revival impulse that lay behind it were driven by two intense desires: for public respect and for spiritual awakening.Less
The Youth for Christ phenomenon was the first sign that the revival of revivalism, which had been percolating deep within the fundamentalist movement, was finally breaking out into public view. The people who designed and promoted these rallies were not the recognized godfathers of fundamentalism but a coalition of youthful, relatively unknown evangelists. The rallies blended fundamentalists and other evangelicals into a broad coalition and showed how the movement might win a valued place once more in the public life of the nation. The Youth for Christ movement and the larger revival impulse that lay behind it were driven by two intense desires: for public respect and for spiritual awakening.
Steven M. Wasserstrom
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195394337
- eISBN:
- 9780199777358
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195394337.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This article examines the life and works of Joachim Wach (1898–1955) during his career in Germany (1922–35). Aspects examined include his homosocial participation in youth movements (Jugendbewegung) ...
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This article examines the life and works of Joachim Wach (1898–1955) during his career in Germany (1922–35). Aspects examined include his homosocial participation in youth movements (Jugendbewegung) and in the Stefan George Circle, the development of his conceptions of the Master, interpretation (Verstehen), and the science of religion (Religionswissenschaft), and his personal relationships with members of the so-called Conservative Revolution. These aspects are examined in an effort to illuminate the strengths and weaknesses of his thought in its American versions, especially during his time at the University of Chicago (1945–55). His flight from Nazi Germany, his self-understanding of his own Jewish ancestry and of his Mendelssohn heritage, and his establishment of an Americanized history of religions are also applied toward an integrated interpretation of his life and works.Less
This article examines the life and works of Joachim Wach (1898–1955) during his career in Germany (1922–35). Aspects examined include his homosocial participation in youth movements (Jugendbewegung) and in the Stefan George Circle, the development of his conceptions of the Master, interpretation (Verstehen), and the science of religion (Religionswissenschaft), and his personal relationships with members of the so-called Conservative Revolution. These aspects are examined in an effort to illuminate the strengths and weaknesses of his thought in its American versions, especially during his time at the University of Chicago (1945–55). His flight from Nazi Germany, his self-understanding of his own Jewish ancestry and of his Mendelssohn heritage, and his establishment of an Americanized history of religions are also applied toward an integrated interpretation of his life and works.
Robin Okey
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199213917
- eISBN:
- 9780191707490
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199213917.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter explores the complex roots of the student movement in Bosnia. It examines the influence of the clash of values in a modernizing context, longer-term Balkan traditions of tyrannicide, and ...
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This chapter explores the complex roots of the student movement in Bosnia. It examines the influence of the clash of values in a modernizing context, longer-term Balkan traditions of tyrannicide, and parallels with Russian populist violence. Indirectly, inherited anger, fear of expulsion from school, lack of discipline among nationalistic teachers, lack of professional qualifications among native Bosnian teachers, and lack of leadership contributed to the development of student movements. More directly, Czech influence in shaping a ‘progressive’, secular nationalism enabled south Slav students to link their ethnic rebelliousness with the ‘modernist’ spirit of the age. However, the chief role in the development of the Bosnian youth movement was played by events, including the annexation of 1908 and Ban Slavko Cuvaj's dissolution of the Croatian Diet.Less
This chapter explores the complex roots of the student movement in Bosnia. It examines the influence of the clash of values in a modernizing context, longer-term Balkan traditions of tyrannicide, and parallels with Russian populist violence. Indirectly, inherited anger, fear of expulsion from school, lack of discipline among nationalistic teachers, lack of professional qualifications among native Bosnian teachers, and lack of leadership contributed to the development of student movements. More directly, Czech influence in shaping a ‘progressive’, secular nationalism enabled south Slav students to link their ethnic rebelliousness with the ‘modernist’ spirit of the age. However, the chief role in the development of the Bosnian youth movement was played by events, including the annexation of 1908 and Ban Slavko Cuvaj's dissolution of the Croatian Diet.
Charles Ukeje
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- April 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195178425
- eISBN:
- 9780199958528
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195178425.003.0017
- Subject:
- Psychology, Clinical Child Psychology / School Psychology
Drawing from extensive ethnographic fieldwork in the Niger Delta, this chapter describes ongoing protests of the local community against the practices of the multinational oil companies, and ...
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Drawing from extensive ethnographic fieldwork in the Niger Delta, this chapter describes ongoing protests of the local community against the practices of the multinational oil companies, and repression and violence of the state. It illustrates how youth movements and violence in the region have been deeply embedded in the historical, economic, and political context of Nigeria by tracing Nigeria's colonial, postcolonial military, and postmilitary civilian phases in history. Analyzing the complexities of the ongoing Nigerian conflict from the perspectives of multinational oil companies, local communities, and young people, the chapter argues that youth movements are integral to relations among diverse stakeholders of national resources in conflict with the multinational companies. It offers ideas for transforming the current inequities and lack of access to social and educational mobility, and for re-engaging youth as leaders in social issues, using nonviolent methods.Less
Drawing from extensive ethnographic fieldwork in the Niger Delta, this chapter describes ongoing protests of the local community against the practices of the multinational oil companies, and repression and violence of the state. It illustrates how youth movements and violence in the region have been deeply embedded in the historical, economic, and political context of Nigeria by tracing Nigeria's colonial, postcolonial military, and postmilitary civilian phases in history. Analyzing the complexities of the ongoing Nigerian conflict from the perspectives of multinational oil companies, local communities, and young people, the chapter argues that youth movements are integral to relations among diverse stakeholders of national resources in conflict with the multinational companies. It offers ideas for transforming the current inequities and lack of access to social and educational mobility, and for re-engaging youth as leaders in social issues, using nonviolent methods.
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780853236085
- eISBN:
- 9781846313677
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780853236085.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Social Groups
Founded on November 4, 1901, the German Youth Movement was inspired by the Wandervogel movement that arose from a group of schoolboys based on a shorthand class in Steglitz, a suburb of Berlin, ...
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Founded on November 4, 1901, the German Youth Movement was inspired by the Wandervogel movement that arose from a group of schoolboys based on a shorthand class in Steglitz, a suburb of Berlin, Germany four years earlier. The class was called Stenographia, which was led by Hermann Hoffmann. Hoffmann's deputy, Karl Fischer, was the driving force behind the establishment of the Wandervogel as a schoolboy rambling club and thus was also the founder of the German Youth Movement. This chapter discusses the history of the German Youth Movement and describes its membership and ideology. It also considers the ‘Meissner Formula’, which set the movement apart from German society, its organisational structure known as the bund, the Free German Youth, and the Bündische Youth period. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the movement's three ‘sub-sections’ comprised of Catholics, Protestants and Jews.Less
Founded on November 4, 1901, the German Youth Movement was inspired by the Wandervogel movement that arose from a group of schoolboys based on a shorthand class in Steglitz, a suburb of Berlin, Germany four years earlier. The class was called Stenographia, which was led by Hermann Hoffmann. Hoffmann's deputy, Karl Fischer, was the driving force behind the establishment of the Wandervogel as a schoolboy rambling club and thus was also the founder of the German Youth Movement. This chapter discusses the history of the German Youth Movement and describes its membership and ideology. It also considers the ‘Meissner Formula’, which set the movement apart from German society, its organisational structure known as the bund, the Free German Youth, and the Bündische Youth period. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the movement's three ‘sub-sections’ comprised of Catholics, Protestants and Jews.
Sekou M. Franklin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814789384
- eISBN:
- 9780814760611
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814789384.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
What happened to black youth in the post-civil rights generation? What kind of causes did they rally around and were they even rallying in the first place? This book takes a close look at a variety ...
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What happened to black youth in the post-civil rights generation? What kind of causes did they rally around and were they even rallying in the first place? This book takes a close look at a variety of key civil rights groups across the country over the last forty years to provide a broad view of black youth and social movement activism. It examines popular mobilization among the generation of activists—principally black students, youth, and young adults—who came of age after the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The book argues that the political environment in the post-civil rights era, along with constraints on social activism, made it particularly difficult for young black activists to start and sustain popular mobilization campaigns. Building on case studies from around the country—including New York, the Carolinas, California, Louisiana, and Baltimore—the book explores the inner workings and end results of activist groups such as the Southern Negro Youth Congress, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Student Organization for Black Unity, the Free South Africa Campaign, the New Haven Youth Movement, the Black Student Leadership Network, the Juvenile Justice Reform Movement, and the AFL-CIO's Union Summer campaign. It demonstrates how youth-based movements and intergenerational campaigns have attempted to circumvent modern constraints, providing insight into how the very inner workings of these organizations have and have not been effective in creating change and involving youth.Less
What happened to black youth in the post-civil rights generation? What kind of causes did they rally around and were they even rallying in the first place? This book takes a close look at a variety of key civil rights groups across the country over the last forty years to provide a broad view of black youth and social movement activism. It examines popular mobilization among the generation of activists—principally black students, youth, and young adults—who came of age after the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The book argues that the political environment in the post-civil rights era, along with constraints on social activism, made it particularly difficult for young black activists to start and sustain popular mobilization campaigns. Building on case studies from around the country—including New York, the Carolinas, California, Louisiana, and Baltimore—the book explores the inner workings and end results of activist groups such as the Southern Negro Youth Congress, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Student Organization for Black Unity, the Free South Africa Campaign, the New Haven Youth Movement, the Black Student Leadership Network, the Juvenile Justice Reform Movement, and the AFL-CIO's Union Summer campaign. It demonstrates how youth-based movements and intergenerational campaigns have attempted to circumvent modern constraints, providing insight into how the very inner workings of these organizations have and have not been effective in creating change and involving youth.
Harry Hendrick
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198217824
- eISBN:
- 9780191678295
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198217824.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This chapter describes the salient features of youth organizations in Great Britain during the 1800s. It attempts to show the motivation and workings of the voluntary youth movement prior to the ...
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This chapter describes the salient features of youth organizations in Great Britain during the 1800s. It attempts to show the motivation and workings of the voluntary youth movement prior to the introduction of collectivist measures after 1900. It explains why the adolescent male labour reformers were eager to incorporate several aspects of the movement's practice and ideology within those policies. There are three main criticisms on youth organizations. These are their failure to reach the mass of boys, their limited educational value and their ability to provide nothing but amusement.Less
This chapter describes the salient features of youth organizations in Great Britain during the 1800s. It attempts to show the motivation and workings of the voluntary youth movement prior to the introduction of collectivist measures after 1900. It explains why the adolescent male labour reformers were eager to incorporate several aspects of the movement's practice and ideology within those policies. There are three main criticisms on youth organizations. These are their failure to reach the mass of boys, their limited educational value and their ability to provide nothing but amusement.
David Engel
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195134681
- eISBN:
- 9780199848652
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195134681.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
A review of the book, Lema 'an herutenu veherutkhem: habund bepolin 1939–1949 (For Our Freedom and Yours: The Jewish Labor Bund in Poland 1939–1949) by Daniel Blatman is presented. Blatman's ...
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A review of the book, Lema 'an herutenu veherutkhem: habund bepolin 1939–1949 (For Our Freedom and Yours: The Jewish Labor Bund in Poland 1939–1949) by Daniel Blatman is presented. Blatman's pioneering study of the Bund during the Second World War and afterwards places its author squarely within the latter camp. In his words, “the Bund's struggle during the Holocaust to survive, on the one hand, as a movement bearing a particular ideological legacy and, on the other, to integrate itself into the [overall] Jewish struggle for survival represents an additional aspect of the manner in which Jews coped with the burden of that time” — an aspect worth studying because it embodied “a fundamentally different perception” of the threat facing Polish Jewry “than that of the Zionist youth movements and parties” whose perspective “has been adopted without dissent by historians and scholars in Israel”.Less
A review of the book, Lema 'an herutenu veherutkhem: habund bepolin 1939–1949 (For Our Freedom and Yours: The Jewish Labor Bund in Poland 1939–1949) by Daniel Blatman is presented. Blatman's pioneering study of the Bund during the Second World War and afterwards places its author squarely within the latter camp. In his words, “the Bund's struggle during the Holocaust to survive, on the one hand, as a movement bearing a particular ideological legacy and, on the other, to integrate itself into the [overall] Jewish struggle for survival represents an additional aspect of the manner in which Jews coped with the burden of that time” — an aspect worth studying because it embodied “a fundamentally different perception” of the threat facing Polish Jewry “than that of the Zionist youth movements and parties” whose perspective “has been adopted without dissent by historians and scholars in Israel”.
Daniel Kupfert Heller
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691174754
- eISBN:
- 9781400888627
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691174754.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This chapter details Vladimir Jabotinsky's first encounter with Polish Jewish youth, during a last-ditch effort in 1927 to gain supporters for his political organization, the Union of Revisionist ...
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This chapter details Vladimir Jabotinsky's first encounter with Polish Jewish youth, during a last-ditch effort in 1927 to gain supporters for his political organization, the Union of Revisionist Zionists. He initially viewed the Polish Jews flocking to greet him at train stations with a mix of pity, disdain, and suspicion. Little did he know that they would transform his very understanding of Revisionism's mission and the tools required to bring him to power. The chapter then describes how members of several Jewish youth movements in Poland helped to convince the Revisionist leader to turn the celebration of militarism and the rejection of socialism into core components of his organization's program. Culminating with the founding of Poland's Betar youth movement at the end of 1927, it reveals how Polish Jewish youth were not merely the passive recipients of ideology imposed “from above” but played an active role in shaping the political beliefs and behaviors they adopted.Less
This chapter details Vladimir Jabotinsky's first encounter with Polish Jewish youth, during a last-ditch effort in 1927 to gain supporters for his political organization, the Union of Revisionist Zionists. He initially viewed the Polish Jews flocking to greet him at train stations with a mix of pity, disdain, and suspicion. Little did he know that they would transform his very understanding of Revisionism's mission and the tools required to bring him to power. The chapter then describes how members of several Jewish youth movements in Poland helped to convince the Revisionist leader to turn the celebration of militarism and the rejection of socialism into core components of his organization's program. Culminating with the founding of Poland's Betar youth movement at the end of 1927, it reveals how Polish Jewish youth were not merely the passive recipients of ideology imposed “from above” but played an active role in shaping the political beliefs and behaviors they adopted.
