Asef Bayat
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195369212
- eISBN:
- 9780199871179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369212.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Islam
In Muslim societies, youth politics has espoused two contradictory sentiments: youth as a source of fear and hope. On the one hand, youths are seen as the foot soldiers of radical Islamism and ...
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In Muslim societies, youth politics has espoused two contradictory sentiments: youth as a source of fear and hope. On the one hand, youths are seen as the foot soldiers of radical Islamism and violent politics, and on the other, as agents of democratic change and an open society. Through a comparative analysis of youth cultural politics in the Middle East—notably Iran, Egypt, and, somewhat, Saudi Arabia—this chapter first argues that political imaginations about the young—whether as radical Islamists or democratic reformers—are misconstrued. Second, by conceptually distinguishing between “young people” (as an age category) and “youth” (as a social category), this chapter postulates that “youth movements” are not necessarily about political change, but are essentially about “claiming youthfulness.” The political efficacy of youth movements depends to a large extent on the capacity of the adversaries—the political and moral authority—to accommodate the claims of youthfulness.Less
In Muslim societies, youth politics has espoused two contradictory sentiments: youth as a source of fear and hope. On the one hand, youths are seen as the foot soldiers of radical Islamism and violent politics, and on the other, as agents of democratic change and an open society. Through a comparative analysis of youth cultural politics in the Middle East—notably Iran, Egypt, and, somewhat, Saudi Arabia—this chapter first argues that political imaginations about the young—whether as radical Islamists or democratic reformers—are misconstrued. Second, by conceptually distinguishing between “young people” (as an age category) and “youth” (as a social category), this chapter postulates that “youth movements” are not necessarily about political change, but are essentially about “claiming youthfulness.” The political efficacy of youth movements depends to a large extent on the capacity of the adversaries—the political and moral authority—to accommodate the claims of youthfulness.
Joen A. Carpenter
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195129076
- eISBN:
- 9780199853274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195129076.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
The Youth for Christ phenomenon was the first sign that the revival of revivalism, which had been percolating deep within the fundamentalist movement, was finally breaking out into public view. The ...
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The Youth for Christ phenomenon was the first sign that the revival of revivalism, which had been percolating deep within the fundamentalist movement, was finally breaking out into public view. The people who designed and promoted these rallies were not the recognized godfathers of fundamentalism but a coalition of youthful, relatively unknown evangelists. The rallies blended fundamentalists and other evangelicals into a broad coalition and showed how the movement might win a valued place once more in the public life of the nation. The Youth for Christ movement and the larger revival impulse that lay behind it were driven by two intense desires: for public respect and for spiritual awakening.Less
The Youth for Christ phenomenon was the first sign that the revival of revivalism, which had been percolating deep within the fundamentalist movement, was finally breaking out into public view. The people who designed and promoted these rallies were not the recognized godfathers of fundamentalism but a coalition of youthful, relatively unknown evangelists. The rallies blended fundamentalists and other evangelicals into a broad coalition and showed how the movement might win a valued place once more in the public life of the nation. The Youth for Christ movement and the larger revival impulse that lay behind it were driven by two intense desires: for public respect and for spiritual awakening.
Steven M. Wasserstrom
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195394337
- eISBN:
- 9780199777358
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195394337.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This article examines the life and works of Joachim Wach (1898–1955) during his career in Germany (1922–35). Aspects examined include his homosocial participation in youth movements (Jugendbewegung) ...
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This article examines the life and works of Joachim Wach (1898–1955) during his career in Germany (1922–35). Aspects examined include his homosocial participation in youth movements (Jugendbewegung) and in the Stefan George Circle, the development of his conceptions of the Master, interpretation (Verstehen), and the science of religion (Religionswissenschaft), and his personal relationships with members of the so-called Conservative Revolution. These aspects are examined in an effort to illuminate the strengths and weaknesses of his thought in its American versions, especially during his time at the University of Chicago (1945–55). His flight from Nazi Germany, his self-understanding of his own Jewish ancestry and of his Mendelssohn heritage, and his establishment of an Americanized history of religions are also applied toward an integrated interpretation of his life and works.Less
This article examines the life and works of Joachim Wach (1898–1955) during his career in Germany (1922–35). Aspects examined include his homosocial participation in youth movements (Jugendbewegung) and in the Stefan George Circle, the development of his conceptions of the Master, interpretation (Verstehen), and the science of religion (Religionswissenschaft), and his personal relationships with members of the so-called Conservative Revolution. These aspects are examined in an effort to illuminate the strengths and weaknesses of his thought in its American versions, especially during his time at the University of Chicago (1945–55). His flight from Nazi Germany, his self-understanding of his own Jewish ancestry and of his Mendelssohn heritage, and his establishment of an Americanized history of religions are also applied toward an integrated interpretation of his life and works.
Robin Okey
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199213917
- eISBN:
- 9780191707490
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199213917.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter explores the complex roots of the student movement in Bosnia. It examines the influence of the clash of values in a modernizing context, longer-term Balkan traditions of tyrannicide, and ...
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This chapter explores the complex roots of the student movement in Bosnia. It examines the influence of the clash of values in a modernizing context, longer-term Balkan traditions of tyrannicide, and parallels with Russian populist violence. Indirectly, inherited anger, fear of expulsion from school, lack of discipline among nationalistic teachers, lack of professional qualifications among native Bosnian teachers, and lack of leadership contributed to the development of student movements. More directly, Czech influence in shaping a ‘progressive’, secular nationalism enabled south Slav students to link their ethnic rebelliousness with the ‘modernist’ spirit of the age. However, the chief role in the development of the Bosnian youth movement was played by events, including the annexation of 1908 and Ban Slavko Cuvaj's dissolution of the Croatian Diet.Less
This chapter explores the complex roots of the student movement in Bosnia. It examines the influence of the clash of values in a modernizing context, longer-term Balkan traditions of tyrannicide, and parallels with Russian populist violence. Indirectly, inherited anger, fear of expulsion from school, lack of discipline among nationalistic teachers, lack of professional qualifications among native Bosnian teachers, and lack of leadership contributed to the development of student movements. More directly, Czech influence in shaping a ‘progressive’, secular nationalism enabled south Slav students to link their ethnic rebelliousness with the ‘modernist’ spirit of the age. However, the chief role in the development of the Bosnian youth movement was played by events, including the annexation of 1908 and Ban Slavko Cuvaj's dissolution of the Croatian Diet.
Charles Ukeje
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- April 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195178425
- eISBN:
- 9780199958528
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195178425.003.0017
- Subject:
- Psychology, Clinical Child Psychology / School Psychology
Drawing from extensive ethnographic fieldwork in the Niger Delta, this chapter describes ongoing protests of the local community against the practices of the multinational oil companies, and ...
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Drawing from extensive ethnographic fieldwork in the Niger Delta, this chapter describes ongoing protests of the local community against the practices of the multinational oil companies, and repression and violence of the state. It illustrates how youth movements and violence in the region have been deeply embedded in the historical, economic, and political context of Nigeria by tracing Nigeria's colonial, postcolonial military, and postmilitary civilian phases in history. Analyzing the complexities of the ongoing Nigerian conflict from the perspectives of multinational oil companies, local communities, and young people, the chapter argues that youth movements are integral to relations among diverse stakeholders of national resources in conflict with the multinational companies. It offers ideas for transforming the current inequities and lack of access to social and educational mobility, and for re-engaging youth as leaders in social issues, using nonviolent methods.Less
Drawing from extensive ethnographic fieldwork in the Niger Delta, this chapter describes ongoing protests of the local community against the practices of the multinational oil companies, and repression and violence of the state. It illustrates how youth movements and violence in the region have been deeply embedded in the historical, economic, and political context of Nigeria by tracing Nigeria's colonial, postcolonial military, and postmilitary civilian phases in history. Analyzing the complexities of the ongoing Nigerian conflict from the perspectives of multinational oil companies, local communities, and young people, the chapter argues that youth movements are integral to relations among diverse stakeholders of national resources in conflict with the multinational companies. It offers ideas for transforming the current inequities and lack of access to social and educational mobility, and for re-engaging youth as leaders in social issues, using nonviolent methods.
Harry Hendrick
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198217824
- eISBN:
- 9780191678295
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198217824.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This chapter describes the salient features of youth organizations in Great Britain during the 1800s. It attempts to show the motivation and workings of the voluntary youth movement prior to the ...
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This chapter describes the salient features of youth organizations in Great Britain during the 1800s. It attempts to show the motivation and workings of the voluntary youth movement prior to the introduction of collectivist measures after 1900. It explains why the adolescent male labour reformers were eager to incorporate several aspects of the movement's practice and ideology within those policies. There are three main criticisms on youth organizations. These are their failure to reach the mass of boys, their limited educational value and their ability to provide nothing but amusement.Less
This chapter describes the salient features of youth organizations in Great Britain during the 1800s. It attempts to show the motivation and workings of the voluntary youth movement prior to the introduction of collectivist measures after 1900. It explains why the adolescent male labour reformers were eager to incorporate several aspects of the movement's practice and ideology within those policies. There are three main criticisms on youth organizations. These are their failure to reach the mass of boys, their limited educational value and their ability to provide nothing but amusement.
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780853236085
- eISBN:
- 9781846313677
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780853236085.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Social Groups
Founded on November 4, 1901, the German Youth Movement was inspired by the Wandervogel movement that arose from a group of schoolboys based on a shorthand class in Steglitz, a suburb of Berlin, ...
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Founded on November 4, 1901, the German Youth Movement was inspired by the Wandervogel movement that arose from a group of schoolboys based on a shorthand class in Steglitz, a suburb of Berlin, Germany four years earlier. The class was called Stenographia, which was led by Hermann Hoffmann. Hoffmann's deputy, Karl Fischer, was the driving force behind the establishment of the Wandervogel as a schoolboy rambling club and thus was also the founder of the German Youth Movement. This chapter discusses the history of the German Youth Movement and describes its membership and ideology. It also considers the ‘Meissner Formula’, which set the movement apart from German society, its organisational structure known as the bund, the Free German Youth, and the Bündische Youth period. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the movement's three ‘sub-sections’ comprised of Catholics, Protestants and Jews.Less
Founded on November 4, 1901, the German Youth Movement was inspired by the Wandervogel movement that arose from a group of schoolboys based on a shorthand class in Steglitz, a suburb of Berlin, Germany four years earlier. The class was called Stenographia, which was led by Hermann Hoffmann. Hoffmann's deputy, Karl Fischer, was the driving force behind the establishment of the Wandervogel as a schoolboy rambling club and thus was also the founder of the German Youth Movement. This chapter discusses the history of the German Youth Movement and describes its membership and ideology. It also considers the ‘Meissner Formula’, which set the movement apart from German society, its organisational structure known as the bund, the Free German Youth, and the Bündische Youth period. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the movement's three ‘sub-sections’ comprised of Catholics, Protestants and Jews.
David Engel
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195134681
- eISBN:
- 9780199848652
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195134681.003.0020
- Subject:
- History, History of Religion
A review of the book, Lema 'an herutenu veherutkhem: habund bepolin 1939–1949 (For Our Freedom and Yours: The Jewish Labor Bund in Poland 1939–1949) by Daniel Blatman is presented. Blatman's ...
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A review of the book, Lema 'an herutenu veherutkhem: habund bepolin 1939–1949 (For Our Freedom and Yours: The Jewish Labor Bund in Poland 1939–1949) by Daniel Blatman is presented. Blatman's pioneering study of the Bund during the Second World War and afterwards places its author squarely within the latter camp. In his words, “the Bund's struggle during the Holocaust to survive, on the one hand, as a movement bearing a particular ideological legacy and, on the other, to integrate itself into the [overall] Jewish struggle for survival represents an additional aspect of the manner in which Jews coped with the burden of that time” — an aspect worth studying because it embodied “a fundamentally different perception” of the threat facing Polish Jewry “than that of the Zionist youth movements and parties” whose perspective “has been adopted without dissent by historians and scholars in Israel”.Less
A review of the book, Lema 'an herutenu veherutkhem: habund bepolin 1939–1949 (For Our Freedom and Yours: The Jewish Labor Bund in Poland 1939–1949) by Daniel Blatman is presented. Blatman's pioneering study of the Bund during the Second World War and afterwards places its author squarely within the latter camp. In his words, “the Bund's struggle during the Holocaust to survive, on the one hand, as a movement bearing a particular ideological legacy and, on the other, to integrate itself into the [overall] Jewish struggle for survival represents an additional aspect of the manner in which Jews coped with the burden of that time” — an aspect worth studying because it embodied “a fundamentally different perception” of the threat facing Polish Jewry “than that of the Zionist youth movements and parties” whose perspective “has been adopted without dissent by historians and scholars in Israel”.
Sekou M. Franklin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814789384
- eISBN:
- 9780814760611
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814789384.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
What happened to black youth in the post-civil rights generation? What kind of causes did they rally around and were they even rallying in the first place? This book takes a close look at a variety ...
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What happened to black youth in the post-civil rights generation? What kind of causes did they rally around and were they even rallying in the first place? This book takes a close look at a variety of key civil rights groups across the country over the last forty years to provide a broad view of black youth and social movement activism. It examines popular mobilization among the generation of activists—principally black students, youth, and young adults—who came of age after the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The book argues that the political environment in the post-civil rights era, along with constraints on social activism, made it particularly difficult for young black activists to start and sustain popular mobilization campaigns. Building on case studies from around the country—including New York, the Carolinas, California, Louisiana, and Baltimore—the book explores the inner workings and end results of activist groups such as the Southern Negro Youth Congress, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Student Organization for Black Unity, the Free South Africa Campaign, the New Haven Youth Movement, the Black Student Leadership Network, the Juvenile Justice Reform Movement, and the AFL-CIO's Union Summer campaign. It demonstrates how youth-based movements and intergenerational campaigns have attempted to circumvent modern constraints, providing insight into how the very inner workings of these organizations have and have not been effective in creating change and involving youth.Less
What happened to black youth in the post-civil rights generation? What kind of causes did they rally around and were they even rallying in the first place? This book takes a close look at a variety of key civil rights groups across the country over the last forty years to provide a broad view of black youth and social movement activism. It examines popular mobilization among the generation of activists—principally black students, youth, and young adults—who came of age after the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The book argues that the political environment in the post-civil rights era, along with constraints on social activism, made it particularly difficult for young black activists to start and sustain popular mobilization campaigns. Building on case studies from around the country—including New York, the Carolinas, California, Louisiana, and Baltimore—the book explores the inner workings and end results of activist groups such as the Southern Negro Youth Congress, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Student Organization for Black Unity, the Free South Africa Campaign, the New Haven Youth Movement, the Black Student Leadership Network, the Juvenile Justice Reform Movement, and the AFL-CIO's Union Summer campaign. It demonstrates how youth-based movements and intergenerational campaigns have attempted to circumvent modern constraints, providing insight into how the very inner workings of these organizations have and have not been effective in creating change and involving youth.
Daniel Kupfert Heller
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691174754
- eISBN:
- 9781400888627
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691174754.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This chapter details Vladimir Jabotinsky's first encounter with Polish Jewish youth, during a last-ditch effort in 1927 to gain supporters for his political organization, the Union of Revisionist ...
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This chapter details Vladimir Jabotinsky's first encounter with Polish Jewish youth, during a last-ditch effort in 1927 to gain supporters for his political organization, the Union of Revisionist Zionists. He initially viewed the Polish Jews flocking to greet him at train stations with a mix of pity, disdain, and suspicion. Little did he know that they would transform his very understanding of Revisionism's mission and the tools required to bring him to power. The chapter then describes how members of several Jewish youth movements in Poland helped to convince the Revisionist leader to turn the celebration of militarism and the rejection of socialism into core components of his organization's program. Culminating with the founding of Poland's Betar youth movement at the end of 1927, it reveals how Polish Jewish youth were not merely the passive recipients of ideology imposed “from above” but played an active role in shaping the political beliefs and behaviors they adopted.Less
This chapter details Vladimir Jabotinsky's first encounter with Polish Jewish youth, during a last-ditch effort in 1927 to gain supporters for his political organization, the Union of Revisionist Zionists. He initially viewed the Polish Jews flocking to greet him at train stations with a mix of pity, disdain, and suspicion. Little did he know that they would transform his very understanding of Revisionism's mission and the tools required to bring him to power. The chapter then describes how members of several Jewish youth movements in Poland helped to convince the Revisionist leader to turn the celebration of militarism and the rejection of socialism into core components of his organization's program. Culminating with the founding of Poland's Betar youth movement at the end of 1927, it reveals how Polish Jewish youth were not merely the passive recipients of ideology imposed “from above” but played an active role in shaping the political beliefs and behaviors they adopted.
Jeff Bowersox
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199641093
- eISBN:
- 9780191750625
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641093.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Cultural History
chapter traces the early years of the Pathfinders (Pfadfinder), an organization modeled on the British Boy Scouts’ use of adventurous colonial frontiers to reform how young people lived their lives. ...
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chapter traces the early years of the Pathfinders (Pfadfinder), an organization modeled on the British Boy Scouts’ use of adventurous colonial frontiers to reform how young people lived their lives. The movement drew support from young Germans interested in the exotic and adventurous but also faced challenges from powerful conservative critics who decried its “foreign” character and predicted that its liberating potential would undermine any educational potential. Paradoxically, the changes critics forced upon the organization undermined the progressive colonial pedagogy that had proven so popular in the first place. The early development of the Pathfinders demonstrates the resonance of the colonial world with reformist sentiment as well as the difficulty of reconciling colonial exoticism with the national and imperial projects promoted by state sponsors.Less
chapter traces the early years of the Pathfinders (Pfadfinder), an organization modeled on the British Boy Scouts’ use of adventurous colonial frontiers to reform how young people lived their lives. The movement drew support from young Germans interested in the exotic and adventurous but also faced challenges from powerful conservative critics who decried its “foreign” character and predicted that its liberating potential would undermine any educational potential. Paradoxically, the changes critics forced upon the organization undermined the progressive colonial pedagogy that had proven so popular in the first place. The early development of the Pathfinders demonstrates the resonance of the colonial world with reformist sentiment as well as the difficulty of reconciling colonial exoticism with the national and imperial projects promoted by state sponsors.
Sarah Wobick-Segev
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781503605145
- eISBN:
- 9781503606548
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503605145.003.0004
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
Chapter 3 examines the growing anxiety over the future of Judaism and Jewishness as it was expressed toward children and youth. Vacation camps and youth movements were seen as ideal venues for formal ...
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Chapter 3 examines the growing anxiety over the future of Judaism and Jewishness as it was expressed toward children and youth. Vacation camps and youth movements were seen as ideal venues for formal and informal education. Their creators and organizers hoped that such spaces would create bonds between Jewish children and instill in them a sense of Jewish belonging. Parents, too, had a role to play in this story. Just as they had come to use leisure and social spaces to solidify belonging with other Jews and to find a spouse, they hoped that children and youth would develop a sense of Jewish self-identification through social and leisure practices. Together, parents and leaders wanted children to develop a sense of Jewish belonging and for this reason encouraged them to participate in Jewish organizations and play in Jewish environments.Less
Chapter 3 examines the growing anxiety over the future of Judaism and Jewishness as it was expressed toward children and youth. Vacation camps and youth movements were seen as ideal venues for formal and informal education. Their creators and organizers hoped that such spaces would create bonds between Jewish children and instill in them a sense of Jewish belonging. Parents, too, had a role to play in this story. Just as they had come to use leisure and social spaces to solidify belonging with other Jews and to find a spouse, they hoped that children and youth would develop a sense of Jewish self-identification through social and leisure practices. Together, parents and leaders wanted children to develop a sense of Jewish belonging and for this reason encouraged them to participate in Jewish organizations and play in Jewish environments.
Daniel Kupfert Heller
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691174754
- eISBN:
- 9781400888627
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691174754.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This introductory chapter provides a background of the Betar youth movement in Poland in the 1930s. Like dozens of Zionist youth movements operating in the country at the time, Betar promised to ...
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This introductory chapter provides a background of the Betar youth movement in Poland in the 1930s. Like dozens of Zionist youth movements operating in the country at the time, Betar promised to prepare its members for a new life in the Yishuv—the Jewish community of prestate Palestine—by providing vocational training, Hebrew classes, and lessons in Jewish history. What set Betar apart was its commitment to the military training of Jewish youth, as well as its support of several prominent policies of the European Right. They deemed rifles, not ploughs or shovels, to be the most important tools to fulfill Zionism's goals. Like the vast majority of Zionist activists between the two world wars, Betar's leader, Vladimir Jabotinsky, sought to capture the hearts and minds of Jews living in Poland. His Union of Revisionist Zionists, founded in 1925, would go on to become one of the most popular Zionist organizations in the interwar period.Less
This introductory chapter provides a background of the Betar youth movement in Poland in the 1930s. Like dozens of Zionist youth movements operating in the country at the time, Betar promised to prepare its members for a new life in the Yishuv—the Jewish community of prestate Palestine—by providing vocational training, Hebrew classes, and lessons in Jewish history. What set Betar apart was its commitment to the military training of Jewish youth, as well as its support of several prominent policies of the European Right. They deemed rifles, not ploughs or shovels, to be the most important tools to fulfill Zionism's goals. Like the vast majority of Zionist activists between the two world wars, Betar's leader, Vladimir Jabotinsky, sought to capture the hearts and minds of Jews living in Poland. His Union of Revisionist Zionists, founded in 1925, would go on to become one of the most popular Zionist organizations in the interwar period.
Sekou M. Franklin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814789384
- eISBN:
- 9780814760611
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814789384.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter investigates the New Haven youth movement in the late 1980s. Fostered by a coalition of black college students and working-class youth, the New Haven youth movement coordinated an ...
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This chapter investigates the New Haven youth movement in the late 1980s. Fostered by a coalition of black college students and working-class youth, the New Haven youth movement coordinated an antiviolence/anticrime initiative designed to combat the burgeoning gun violence between rival street gangs, participated in a protest campaign for equitable public school funding, and mobilized black youth in support of grassroots electoral organizing campaigns. The movement underscored three characteristics of post-civil rights activism. First, it showed how young people can be catalysts for social change in urban municipalities plagued by decaying political machines and social stratification. Second, it demonstrated how young people can be valuable resources to persons who seek to challenge racial hierarchies and economic injustices in municipalities. Third, it identified the difficulties youth activists experience in sustaining resistance campaigns that challenge power structures, especially when allied with public officials and black leaders inclined toward institutional leveraging.Less
This chapter investigates the New Haven youth movement in the late 1980s. Fostered by a coalition of black college students and working-class youth, the New Haven youth movement coordinated an antiviolence/anticrime initiative designed to combat the burgeoning gun violence between rival street gangs, participated in a protest campaign for equitable public school funding, and mobilized black youth in support of grassroots electoral organizing campaigns. The movement underscored three characteristics of post-civil rights activism. First, it showed how young people can be catalysts for social change in urban municipalities plagued by decaying political machines and social stratification. Second, it demonstrated how young people can be valuable resources to persons who seek to challenge racial hierarchies and economic injustices in municipalities. Third, it identified the difficulties youth activists experience in sustaining resistance campaigns that challenge power structures, especially when allied with public officials and black leaders inclined toward institutional leveraging.
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780853236085
- eISBN:
- 9781846313677
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9780853236085.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Social Groups
This chapter provides an overview of three communal movements whose origins can be traced to the German Youth Movement: the Kibbutz, the Bruderhof and the Integrierte Gemeinde. Founded in Sannerz, ...
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This chapter provides an overview of three communal movements whose origins can be traced to the German Youth Movement: the Kibbutz, the Bruderhof and the Integrierte Gemeinde. Founded in Sannerz, Germany, in 1920, the Bruderhof is now an international movement, with roughly 2,000–2,500 members living in ten communities across Australia, England and the northeast United States. The Integrierte Gemeinde is primarily based in Germany, also has a presence in other countries such as Austria, Italy and Tanzania. The Kibbutz movement is currently located almost entirely in Israel. Whereas the Kibbutz and the Bruderhof are both organised around ‘communes’, the Integrierte Gemeinde takes the form of ‘table communities’.Less
This chapter provides an overview of three communal movements whose origins can be traced to the German Youth Movement: the Kibbutz, the Bruderhof and the Integrierte Gemeinde. Founded in Sannerz, Germany, in 1920, the Bruderhof is now an international movement, with roughly 2,000–2,500 members living in ten communities across Australia, England and the northeast United States. The Integrierte Gemeinde is primarily based in Germany, also has a presence in other countries such as Austria, Italy and Tanzania. The Kibbutz movement is currently located almost entirely in Israel. Whereas the Kibbutz and the Bruderhof are both organised around ‘communes’, the Integrierte Gemeinde takes the form of ‘table communities’.
Bahgat Korany and Rabab El-Mahdi (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9789774165368
- eISBN:
- 9781617971365
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774165368.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book tries to answer three questions: 1) A ‘why’ question: the reason we have been surprised by the arrival of the ‘Arab Spring.’ Do we have the right conceptual lenses to understand the region ...
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This book tries to answer three questions: 1) A ‘why’ question: the reason we have been surprised by the arrival of the ‘Arab Spring.’ Do we have the right conceptual lenses to understand the region and its different political interactions? 2) A ‘who’ question: the number and type of different groups that launched the protests and occupied Al-Tahrir Square. 3) A ‘how’ question: the way these spontaneous groups coalesced together, overpowered police forces and finally forced former President Mubarak to resign after almost 30 years in power. In addition to the introduction, the book's 13 chapters are regrouped into four parts. These deal with the resistance and limits of authoritarian rule, group dynamics in Tahrir, an attempt to go beyond the immediate and looking ahead. The book has a general bibliography and some appendices of several historical documents of the period as well as a sample of Tahrir slogans.Less
This book tries to answer three questions: 1) A ‘why’ question: the reason we have been surprised by the arrival of the ‘Arab Spring.’ Do we have the right conceptual lenses to understand the region and its different political interactions? 2) A ‘who’ question: the number and type of different groups that launched the protests and occupied Al-Tahrir Square. 3) A ‘how’ question: the way these spontaneous groups coalesced together, overpowered police forces and finally forced former President Mubarak to resign after almost 30 years in power. In addition to the introduction, the book's 13 chapters are regrouped into four parts. These deal with the resistance and limits of authoritarian rule, group dynamics in Tahrir, an attempt to go beyond the immediate and looking ahead. The book has a general bibliography and some appendices of several historical documents of the period as well as a sample of Tahrir slogans.
Daniel Kupfert Heller
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691174754
- eISBN:
- 9781400888627
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691174754.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This chapter focuses on 1928–1931, the years in which Betar began its transformation into a mass movement in Poland. Across Europe, admirers of Fascist Italy were sifting through Benito Mussolini's ...
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This chapter focuses on 1928–1931, the years in which Betar began its transformation into a mass movement in Poland. Across Europe, admirers of Fascist Italy were sifting through Benito Mussolini's political program in search of an antidote to their own political challenges. Fascist ideology in Italy was replete with contradictions and in a state of perpetual flux. Fascist leaders often used this ideological ambiguity to their advantage. The chapter then looks at the workshops of Betar's cultural architects, as they designed an array of myths and rituals linking the group to Judaism and ancient Jewish history, and explores how these projects provided fertile ground for Betar's leaders to determine the extent to which they would embrace the beliefs and behaviors they associated with fascism.Less
This chapter focuses on 1928–1931, the years in which Betar began its transformation into a mass movement in Poland. Across Europe, admirers of Fascist Italy were sifting through Benito Mussolini's political program in search of an antidote to their own political challenges. Fascist ideology in Italy was replete with contradictions and in a state of perpetual flux. Fascist leaders often used this ideological ambiguity to their advantage. The chapter then looks at the workshops of Betar's cultural architects, as they designed an array of myths and rituals linking the group to Judaism and ancient Jewish history, and explores how these projects provided fertile ground for Betar's leaders to determine the extent to which they would embrace the beliefs and behaviors they associated with fascism.
Amir Engel
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226428635
- eISBN:
- 9780226428772
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226428772.003.0002
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Jewish Studies
This chapter discusses Scholem’s formative years from his early youth and up to his decision to leave Switzerland and his companion Walter Benjamin, return to Germany and dedicate himself to the ...
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This chapter discusses Scholem’s formative years from his early youth and up to his decision to leave Switzerland and his companion Walter Benjamin, return to Germany and dedicate himself to the academic exploration of Jewish mysticism. It does so by analyzing Scholem’s notions of Zionism and Exile over and against some of the most important issues of the day, including, Martin Buber’s philosophy of Jewish rejuvenation, the Zionist youth movement, and World War One. Even if he was deeply taken by Buber’s thinking and deeply attached to the Zionist youth movements, Scholem was deeply critical. He was terribly disappointed by Buber’s enthusiastic endorsement of the war. And he was immensely critical of the Youth Movement’s decision to endorse the war. Zionist youth, he believed had no role fighting an imperial war on European land. This chapter thus argues that from a social and political point of view, Scholem was on the margin and in exile. And it suggests understanding his idea of ‘Zion’ as an attempt to imagine a rectified reality, which not yet exists. This chapter also discusses Scholem’s complex relations with Walter Benjamin.Less
This chapter discusses Scholem’s formative years from his early youth and up to his decision to leave Switzerland and his companion Walter Benjamin, return to Germany and dedicate himself to the academic exploration of Jewish mysticism. It does so by analyzing Scholem’s notions of Zionism and Exile over and against some of the most important issues of the day, including, Martin Buber’s philosophy of Jewish rejuvenation, the Zionist youth movement, and World War One. Even if he was deeply taken by Buber’s thinking and deeply attached to the Zionist youth movements, Scholem was deeply critical. He was terribly disappointed by Buber’s enthusiastic endorsement of the war. And he was immensely critical of the Youth Movement’s decision to endorse the war. Zionist youth, he believed had no role fighting an imperial war on European land. This chapter thus argues that from a social and political point of view, Scholem was on the margin and in exile. And it suggests understanding his idea of ‘Zion’ as an attempt to imagine a rectified reality, which not yet exists. This chapter also discusses Scholem’s complex relations with Walter Benjamin.
Nicholas Attfield
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780197266137
- eISBN:
- 9780191865206
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266137.003.0006
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
August Halm’s 1913 notion of Bruckner as a synthesis between two musical ‘cultures’— represented by Bach and Beethoven—stands at the heart of this chapter. It argues that this idea was part of a ...
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August Halm’s 1913 notion of Bruckner as a synthesis between two musical ‘cultures’— represented by Bach and Beethoven—stands at the heart of this chapter. It argues that this idea was part of a larger project: the reorientation of the ruinous contemporary musical culture that Halm had often lamented. This project stemmed from a close collaboration with one of the most forceful evangelists of German school reform and the Jugendbewegung (‘youth movement’), Gustav Wyneken, and posited the guiding hand of an authoritarian ‘objective spirit’. As in the example of the school curriculum at Wickersdorf, this spirit would in turn be articulated by a carefully administered canon of German musical masters. Thus, the chapter argues that the nation’s youth, attuned by Halm to the dynamic process and autonomous logic of these masterworks, would serve in the transformation of music—as a symbol for wider culture—from a ‘luxury art’ to a true ‘people’s art’.Less
August Halm’s 1913 notion of Bruckner as a synthesis between two musical ‘cultures’— represented by Bach and Beethoven—stands at the heart of this chapter. It argues that this idea was part of a larger project: the reorientation of the ruinous contemporary musical culture that Halm had often lamented. This project stemmed from a close collaboration with one of the most forceful evangelists of German school reform and the Jugendbewegung (‘youth movement’), Gustav Wyneken, and posited the guiding hand of an authoritarian ‘objective spirit’. As in the example of the school curriculum at Wickersdorf, this spirit would in turn be articulated by a carefully administered canon of German musical masters. Thus, the chapter argues that the nation’s youth, attuned by Halm to the dynamic process and autonomous logic of these masterworks, would serve in the transformation of music—as a symbol for wider culture—from a ‘luxury art’ to a true ‘people’s art’.
Daniel Kupfert Heller
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691174754
- eISBN:
- 9781400888627
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691174754.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
This chapter traces Betar's complex relationship to Polish nationalism from the diverse and often conflicting vantage points of Betar's members, leaders, and Polish government officials. Betar's ...
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This chapter traces Betar's complex relationship to Polish nationalism from the diverse and often conflicting vantage points of Betar's members, leaders, and Polish government officials. Betar's efforts to link Zionism with Polish nationalism became a regular feature of their activities in the early 1930s. At the very moment that Betar's leaders claimed to perform a distinct national identity, they modeled their ceremonies on Polish patriotic rituals, called for their members to “act Polish,” and attempted to include Polish government officials as both observers and participants in their celebrations. The chapter then explores the dynamics and paradoxes of acculturation for young Jews coming of age in interwar Poland, as well as the complex factors at play when government officials attempted to determine the extent to which young Jews and other minorities could be integrated into the new Polish state.Less
This chapter traces Betar's complex relationship to Polish nationalism from the diverse and often conflicting vantage points of Betar's members, leaders, and Polish government officials. Betar's efforts to link Zionism with Polish nationalism became a regular feature of their activities in the early 1930s. At the very moment that Betar's leaders claimed to perform a distinct national identity, they modeled their ceremonies on Polish patriotic rituals, called for their members to “act Polish,” and attempted to include Polish government officials as both observers and participants in their celebrations. The chapter then explores the dynamics and paradoxes of acculturation for young Jews coming of age in interwar Poland, as well as the complex factors at play when government officials attempted to determine the extent to which young Jews and other minorities could be integrated into the new Polish state.
