Robin Archer
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295389
- eISBN:
- 9780191598722
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295383.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book argues that by pursuing the goal of economic democracy, socialism can return to the centre of political life in the advanced capitalist countries. It seeks to demonstrate, to socialists and ...
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This book argues that by pursuing the goal of economic democracy, socialism can return to the centre of political life in the advanced capitalist countries. It seeks to demonstrate, to socialists and non‐socialists alike, that there is both a strong moral case for economic democracy and a feasible strategy for achieving it. In an economic democracy, companies operate in a market economy, but are governed by their workers. The argument that economic democracy is a morally desirable goal rests on an appeal to the value of individual freedom. Since workers are the only individuals who are subject to the authority of companies, it is workers, and not capitalists, who should exercise direct decision‐making control over those companies. The argument that economic democracy is a feasible goal rests on an appeal to the advantages of a corporatist industrial relations system. Corporatism enables workers to pursue economic democracy through a series of trade‐offs in which they exchange wage rises or other goods for incremental increases in control. But rational capitalists and governments—even social democratic governments—will only agree to these trade‐offs if certain conditions are met. The book sets out these conditions and shows that they have in fact been met in recent years.Less
This book argues that by pursuing the goal of economic democracy, socialism can return to the centre of political life in the advanced capitalist countries. It seeks to demonstrate, to socialists and non‐socialists alike, that there is both a strong moral case for economic democracy and a feasible strategy for achieving it. In an economic democracy, companies operate in a market economy, but are governed by their workers. The argument that economic democracy is a morally desirable goal rests on an appeal to the value of individual freedom. Since workers are the only individuals who are subject to the authority of companies, it is workers, and not capitalists, who should exercise direct decision‐making control over those companies. The argument that economic democracy is a feasible goal rests on an appeal to the advantages of a corporatist industrial relations system. Corporatism enables workers to pursue economic democracy through a series of trade‐offs in which they exchange wage rises or other goods for incremental increases in control. But rational capitalists and governments—even social democratic governments—will only agree to these trade‐offs if certain conditions are met. The book sets out these conditions and shows that they have in fact been met in recent years.
Gerd-Rainer Horn
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199204496
- eISBN:
- 9780191708145
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204496.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This book studies the development of a distinct, progressive variant of Catholicism in 20th century Western Europe. This Left Catholicism served to lay the basis for the subsequent events and ...
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This book studies the development of a distinct, progressive variant of Catholicism in 20th century Western Europe. This Left Catholicism served to lay the basis for the subsequent events and evolutions associated with Vatican II. Initially emerging within the boundaries of Catholic Action, fuelled by the growing power and self‐confidence of the Catholic laity, a series of challenges to received wisdom and an array of novel experiments were launched in various corners of Western Europe. The moment of liberation from Nazi occupation and world war in 1944/45 turned out to be the highpoint of the promising paradigm shifts at the center of this book. Concentrating on interrelated developments in theology, Catholic politics and apostolic social action, most concrete examples are drawn from Italian, French, and Belgian national contexts. This book highlights organisations (e.g. the Jeunesse Ouvrière Chrétienne), social movements (e.g. the worker priests) and intellectual trends (e.g. la nouvelle théologie), at the same time that it demonstrates the pivotal contributions of key individuals, such as the theologians Jacques Maritain and Emmanuel Mounier — or millenarian activist priests, such as Don Zeno Saltini or Don Primo Mazzolari, operating in the epicentre of radical post‐liberation Italy, the Emilia‐Romagna. Based on research in more than twenty archives between Leuven and Rome, this study suggests that first‐wave Western European Left Catholicism served as an inspiration — and constituted a prototype — for subsequent Third World Liberation Theology.Less
This book studies the development of a distinct, progressive variant of Catholicism in 20th century Western Europe. This Left Catholicism served to lay the basis for the subsequent events and evolutions associated with Vatican II. Initially emerging within the boundaries of Catholic Action, fuelled by the growing power and self‐confidence of the Catholic laity, a series of challenges to received wisdom and an array of novel experiments were launched in various corners of Western Europe. The moment of liberation from Nazi occupation and world war in 1944/45 turned out to be the highpoint of the promising paradigm shifts at the center of this book. Concentrating on interrelated developments in theology, Catholic politics and apostolic social action, most concrete examples are drawn from Italian, French, and Belgian national contexts. This book highlights organisations (e.g. the Jeunesse Ouvrière Chrétienne), social movements (e.g. the worker priests) and intellectual trends (e.g. la nouvelle théologie), at the same time that it demonstrates the pivotal contributions of key individuals, such as the theologians Jacques Maritain and Emmanuel Mounier — or millenarian activist priests, such as Don Zeno Saltini or Don Primo Mazzolari, operating in the epicentre of radical post‐liberation Italy, the Emilia‐Romagna. Based on research in more than twenty archives between Leuven and Rome, this study suggests that first‐wave Western European Left Catholicism served as an inspiration — and constituted a prototype — for subsequent Third World Liberation Theology.
Marshall Ganz
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195162011
- eISBN:
- 9780199943401
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162011.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This book tells the story of Cesar Chavez and the United Farm Workers' ground-breaking victory, drawing important lessons from this dramatic tale. Since the 1900s, large-scale agricultural ...
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This book tells the story of Cesar Chavez and the United Farm Workers' ground-breaking victory, drawing important lessons from this dramatic tale. Since the 1900s, large-scale agricultural enterprises relied on migrant labor—a cheap, unorganized, and powerless workforce. In 1965, when some 800 Filipino grape workers began to strike under the aegis of the AFL-CIO, the UFW soon joined the action with 2,000 Mexican workers and turned the strike into a civil rights struggle. They engaged in civil disobedience, mobilized support from churches and students, boycotted growers, and transformed their struggle into La Causa, a farm workers' movement that eventually triumphed over the grape industry's Goliath. Why did they succeed? How can the powerless challenge the powerful successfully? Offering insight from a long-time movement organizer and scholar, the book illustrates how they had the ability and resourcefulness to devise good strategy and turn short-term advantages into long-term gains. The book covers the movement's struggles, set-backs, and successes.Less
This book tells the story of Cesar Chavez and the United Farm Workers' ground-breaking victory, drawing important lessons from this dramatic tale. Since the 1900s, large-scale agricultural enterprises relied on migrant labor—a cheap, unorganized, and powerless workforce. In 1965, when some 800 Filipino grape workers began to strike under the aegis of the AFL-CIO, the UFW soon joined the action with 2,000 Mexican workers and turned the strike into a civil rights struggle. They engaged in civil disobedience, mobilized support from churches and students, boycotted growers, and transformed their struggle into La Causa, a farm workers' movement that eventually triumphed over the grape industry's Goliath. Why did they succeed? How can the powerless challenge the powerful successfully? Offering insight from a long-time movement organizer and scholar, the book illustrates how they had the ability and resourcefulness to devise good strategy and turn short-term advantages into long-term gains. The book covers the movement's struggles, set-backs, and successes.
Bernhard Ebbinghaus
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286119
- eISBN:
- 9780191604089
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286116.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The chapter analyzes the main trends and cross-national variations in early exit from work for eight European countries, Japan, and the USA. Participation levels and employment rates of older workers ...
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The chapter analyzes the main trends and cross-national variations in early exit from work for eight European countries, Japan, and the USA. Participation levels and employment rates of older workers between age 55 and 64 have declined. Cohort-adjusted early exit rates for both men and women show not only a rise in early retirement over the 1970s and early 1980s, but also substantial cross-national differences. Early exit from work is widespread in Continental Europe, less so in Scandinavia, Anglophone market economies, and in Japan.Less
The chapter analyzes the main trends and cross-national variations in early exit from work for eight European countries, Japan, and the USA. Participation levels and employment rates of older workers between age 55 and 64 have declined. Cohort-adjusted early exit rates for both men and women show not only a rise in early retirement over the 1970s and early 1980s, but also substantial cross-national differences. Early exit from work is widespread in Continental Europe, less so in Scandinavia, Anglophone market economies, and in Japan.
Bernhard Ebbinghaus
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286119
- eISBN:
- 9780191604089
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286116.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Governments have realized the negative impact of early retirement on social expenditures and labor costs, responding with a paradigm shift away from passive labor market policies. Governments seek to ...
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Governments have realized the negative impact of early retirement on social expenditures and labor costs, responding with a paradigm shift away from passive labor market policies. Governments seek to reverse early exit by raising the retirement age in pension systems, reforming disability insurance, closing special early retirement programs, activating older workers, and fostering gradual transitions to retirement. These reforms met many obstacles given the entrenched multiple pathways and status quo defense of the social partners, particularly as benefits came to be viewed as acquired rights.Less
Governments have realized the negative impact of early retirement on social expenditures and labor costs, responding with a paradigm shift away from passive labor market policies. Governments seek to reverse early exit by raising the retirement age in pension systems, reforming disability insurance, closing special early retirement programs, activating older workers, and fostering gradual transitions to retirement. These reforms met many obstacles given the entrenched multiple pathways and status quo defense of the social partners, particularly as benefits came to be viewed as acquired rights.
Pranab Bardhan
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195305197
- eISBN:
- 9780199783519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195305191.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This essay explores the issue of globalization, focusing on damage caused to jobs, wages, and incomes of poor people by the dislocations and competition of international trade and foreign investment, ...
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This essay explores the issue of globalization, focusing on damage caused to jobs, wages, and incomes of poor people by the dislocations and competition of international trade and foreign investment, and the weakening of the ability of the state to compensate for this damage and alleviate poverty. It discusses the poor as self-employed workers, as wage workers, and as users of public services and common property resources. It argues that in the medium-to-long run, globalization need not make the poor much worse off if appropriate domestic policies and institutions are in place and appropriate coordination among the involved parties can be organized. If the institutional prerequisites can be managed, globalization opens the door for some new opportunities even for the poor.Less
This essay explores the issue of globalization, focusing on damage caused to jobs, wages, and incomes of poor people by the dislocations and competition of international trade and foreign investment, and the weakening of the ability of the state to compensate for this damage and alleviate poverty. It discusses the poor as self-employed workers, as wage workers, and as users of public services and common property resources. It argues that in the medium-to-long run, globalization need not make the poor much worse off if appropriate domestic policies and institutions are in place and appropriate coordination among the involved parties can be organized. If the institutional prerequisites can be managed, globalization opens the door for some new opportunities even for the poor.
Daniel A. Bell and Nicola Piper
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199277629
- eISBN:
- 9780191603303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199277621.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The trend in Western liberal democracies is to extend to long-term residents most, if not all, the legal rights of citizens and improving their access to citizenship for immigrants and their ...
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The trend in Western liberal democracies is to extend to long-term residents most, if not all, the legal rights of citizens and improving their access to citizenship for immigrants and their descendants. The situation is different in developed East Asian societies, where the most migrant workers work under short-term contracts without the possibility of becoming equal members of the political community. It is argued that the special circumstances in East Asian societies may justify arrangements for differential rights. The practice of hiring foreign domestic workers ‘fits’ better with the Confucian cultural heritage in East Asia; there are cultural particularities underpinning the system in East Asia which may not be shared elsewhere.Less
The trend in Western liberal democracies is to extend to long-term residents most, if not all, the legal rights of citizens and improving their access to citizenship for immigrants and their descendants. The situation is different in developed East Asian societies, where the most migrant workers work under short-term contracts without the possibility of becoming equal members of the political community. It is argued that the special circumstances in East Asian societies may justify arrangements for differential rights. The practice of hiring foreign domestic workers ‘fits’ better with the Confucian cultural heritage in East Asia; there are cultural particularities underpinning the system in East Asia which may not be shared elsewhere.
Kerstin Isaksson, José Maria Peiró, Claudia Bernhard‐Oettel, Amparo Caballer, Francisco J. Gracia, and José Ramos
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199542697
- eISBN:
- 9780191715389
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199542697.003.0003
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR
A key feature of the research is the inclusion of employers' representatives from all organizations in the study. This chapter outlines their reported reasons for employing temporary workers and ...
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A key feature of the research is the inclusion of employers' representatives from all organizations in the study. This chapter outlines their reported reasons for employing temporary workers and shows that it is primarily to provide flexibility when covering absences or peaks in demand. It compares their treatment of permanent and temporary workers and reveals a more limited and more transactional relationship with temporary workers. And it describes their assessment of the performance of both categories of worker, finding that employers report slightly higher levels of satisfaction with the performance of temporary workers. However policy and practice associated with the employment of temporary workers is, for the most part, not strongly related to employers' accounts of the performance of permanent and temporary workers.Less
A key feature of the research is the inclusion of employers' representatives from all organizations in the study. This chapter outlines their reported reasons for employing temporary workers and shows that it is primarily to provide flexibility when covering absences or peaks in demand. It compares their treatment of permanent and temporary workers and reveals a more limited and more transactional relationship with temporary workers. And it describes their assessment of the performance of both categories of worker, finding that employers report slightly higher levels of satisfaction with the performance of temporary workers. However policy and practice associated with the employment of temporary workers is, for the most part, not strongly related to employers' accounts of the performance of permanent and temporary workers.
Neil Fligstein
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199580859
- eISBN:
- 9780191702297
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580859.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The European Union's (EU) market integration project has dramatically altered economic activity around Europe. This book presents evidence on how trade has increased, jobs have been created, and ...
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The European Union's (EU) market integration project has dramatically altered economic activity around Europe. This book presents evidence on how trade has increased, jobs have been created, and European business has been reorganized. The changes in the economy have been accompanied by dramatic changes in how people from different societies interact. This book argues that these changes have produced a truly transnational European society. The book explores the nature of that society and its relationship to the creation of a European identity, popular culture, and politics. Much of the current political conflict around Europe can be attributed to who is and who is not involved in European society. Business owners, managers, professionals, white-collar workers, the educated, and the young have all benefited from European economic integration, specifically by interacting more and more with their counterparts in other societies. They tend to think of themselves as Europeans. Older, poorer, less educated, and blue-collar citizens have benefited less. They view the EU as intrusive on national sovereignty, or they fear its pro-business orientation will overwhelm the national welfare states. They have maintained national identities. There is a third group of mainly-middle class citizens who see the EU in mostly positive terms and sometimes — but not always — think of themselves as Europeans. It is this swing group that is most critical for the future of the European project. If they favor more European cooperation, politicians will oblige. But, if they prefer that policies remain wedded to the nation, European cooperation will stall.Less
The European Union's (EU) market integration project has dramatically altered economic activity around Europe. This book presents evidence on how trade has increased, jobs have been created, and European business has been reorganized. The changes in the economy have been accompanied by dramatic changes in how people from different societies interact. This book argues that these changes have produced a truly transnational European society. The book explores the nature of that society and its relationship to the creation of a European identity, popular culture, and politics. Much of the current political conflict around Europe can be attributed to who is and who is not involved in European society. Business owners, managers, professionals, white-collar workers, the educated, and the young have all benefited from European economic integration, specifically by interacting more and more with their counterparts in other societies. They tend to think of themselves as Europeans. Older, poorer, less educated, and blue-collar citizens have benefited less. They view the EU as intrusive on national sovereignty, or they fear its pro-business orientation will overwhelm the national welfare states. They have maintained national identities. There is a third group of mainly-middle class citizens who see the EU in mostly positive terms and sometimes — but not always — think of themselves as Europeans. It is this swing group that is most critical for the future of the European project. If they favor more European cooperation, politicians will oblige. But, if they prefer that policies remain wedded to the nation, European cooperation will stall.
Price V. Fishback
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195067255
- eISBN:
- 9780199855025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195067255.003.0012
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
Coal mining offered the opportunity to earn money quickly during booms, but it was a dirty, dangerous job often located in isolated little towns. To protect themselves against exploitation by ...
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Coal mining offered the opportunity to earn money quickly during booms, but it was a dirty, dangerous job often located in isolated little towns. To protect themselves against exploitation by employers, coal miners exercised both voice and exit. The voice came in the form of collective action either through the formation of labor unions or labor strikes. The United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) enhanced the welfare of their members in several ways. Within the coal industry, miners obtained higher wages by joining the union and striking. The union did not necessarily lead to a better situation in all phases of the job, however. Accident rates were no lower in union than in non-union mines, nor was the quality of sanitation better, holding other factors constant. Blacks were welcomed into the union in the mining areas where they had long been located, but a number of union locals in the North treated blacks as pariahs. The UMWA was crushed along with the coal operators by the deterioration of the industry in the late 1920s and early 1930s.Less
Coal mining offered the opportunity to earn money quickly during booms, but it was a dirty, dangerous job often located in isolated little towns. To protect themselves against exploitation by employers, coal miners exercised both voice and exit. The voice came in the form of collective action either through the formation of labor unions or labor strikes. The United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) enhanced the welfare of their members in several ways. Within the coal industry, miners obtained higher wages by joining the union and striking. The union did not necessarily lead to a better situation in all phases of the job, however. Accident rates were no lower in union than in non-union mines, nor was the quality of sanitation better, holding other factors constant. Blacks were welcomed into the union in the mining areas where they had long been located, but a number of union locals in the North treated blacks as pariahs. The UMWA was crushed along with the coal operators by the deterioration of the industry in the late 1920s and early 1930s.
