Josep M. Colomer
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199241835
- eISBN:
- 9780191598975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924183X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Small, homogeneous communities in medieval and early modern times were able to make consensual social choices by voting with relatively broad voting rights. In complex societies in modern times, the ...
More
Small, homogeneous communities in medieval and early modern times were able to make consensual social choices by voting with relatively broad voting rights. In complex societies in modern times, the enlargement of the electorate until introducing universal suffrage rights was developed with different enfranchisement paces, electoral rules, and party systems, producing different degrees of political instability.Less
Small, homogeneous communities in medieval and early modern times were able to make consensual social choices by voting with relatively broad voting rights. In complex societies in modern times, the enlargement of the electorate until introducing universal suffrage rights was developed with different enfranchisement paces, electoral rules, and party systems, producing different degrees of political instability.
Dieter Nohlen, Bernard Thibaut, and Michael Krennerich (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296454
- eISBN:
- 9780191600036
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296452.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Elections in Africa is the first volume of a series of election data handbooks published by OUP; it covers all the 53 states in Africa. Elections have always been an integral part of ...
More
Elections in Africa is the first volume of a series of election data handbooks published by OUP; it covers all the 53 states in Africa. Elections have always been an integral part of post‐independence African politics and have assumed the utmost importance in the course of recent democratization processes. However, comparative research on political development in Africa lacks reliable electoral data. Elections in Africa fills this gap. Following the overall structure of the series, an initial comparative introduction on elections and electoral systems is followed by chapters on each state of the region. These contributions examine the evolution of institutional and electoral arrangements from independence to the present (1999), and provide systematic surveys of the up‐to‐date electoral provisions and their historical development. Exhaustive statistics on national elections (presidential, parliamentary, and constitutional assembly), referendums and coups d’état are included within each chapter; these cover electoral bodies and voting, electoral participation of parties and alliances, vote distribution, parliamentary composition, and power holders. The data are presented in the same systematic manner for all countries in order to provide electoral statistics in line with internationally established standards of documentation, so that the data can be easily compared. The book, therefore, provides a definitive and comprehensive set of data on elections in order to facilitate comparative research. Together with the other books of this series, Elections in Africa is a highly reliable resource for historical and cross‐national comparisons of elections and electoral systems worldwide.Less
Elections in Africa is the first volume of a series of election data handbooks published by OUP; it covers all the 53 states in Africa. Elections have always been an integral part of post‐independence African politics and have assumed the utmost importance in the course of recent democratization processes. However, comparative research on political development in Africa lacks reliable electoral data. Elections in Africa fills this gap. Following the overall structure of the series, an initial comparative introduction on elections and electoral systems is followed by chapters on each state of the region. These contributions examine the evolution of institutional and electoral arrangements from independence to the present (1999), and provide systematic surveys of the up‐to‐date electoral provisions and their historical development. Exhaustive statistics on national elections (presidential, parliamentary, and constitutional assembly), referendums and coups d’état are included within each chapter; these cover electoral bodies and voting, electoral participation of parties and alliances, vote distribution, parliamentary composition, and power holders. The data are presented in the same systematic manner for all countries in order to provide electoral statistics in line with internationally established standards of documentation, so that the data can be easily compared. The book, therefore, provides a definitive and comprehensive set of data on elections in order to facilitate comparative research. Together with the other books of this series, Elections in Africa is a highly reliable resource for historical and cross‐national comparisons of elections and electoral systems worldwide.
Anne Phillips
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294153
- eISBN:
- 9780191600098
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294158.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Civil rights litigation in the USA successfully interpreted the 1965 Voting Rights Act as implying the right of minority voters to elect the candidates of their choice. This gave the impetus to ...
More
Civil rights litigation in the USA successfully interpreted the 1965 Voting Rights Act as implying the right of minority voters to elect the candidates of their choice. This gave the impetus to ‘race‐conscious districting’, which created voting districts in which minority citizens (primarily Black and Latino) formed a voting majority. This chapter explores the success of this in raising the proportion of black representatives but also the problems this mechanism has generated. It uses this case study to argue the importance of combining a politics of ideas with a politics of presence.Less
Civil rights litigation in the USA successfully interpreted the 1965 Voting Rights Act as implying the right of minority voters to elect the candidates of their choice. This gave the impetus to ‘race‐conscious districting’, which created voting districts in which minority citizens (primarily Black and Latino) formed a voting majority. This chapter explores the success of this in raising the proportion of black representatives but also the problems this mechanism has generated. It uses this case study to argue the importance of combining a politics of ideas with a politics of presence.
Josep M. Colomer
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199241835
- eISBN:
- 9780191598975
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924183X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The more complex the political institutions, the more stable and socially efficient the outcomes will be. This book develops an extensive analysis of this relationship. The discussion is theoretical, ...
More
The more complex the political institutions, the more stable and socially efficient the outcomes will be. This book develops an extensive analysis of this relationship. The discussion is theoretical, historical, and comparative. Concepts, questions, and insights are based on social choice theory, while an empirical focus is cast on about 40 countries and a few international organizations from late medieval times to the present. Political institutions are conceived here as the formal rules of the game, especially with respect to the following issues: who can vote, how votes are counted, and what is voted for. Complexity signifies that multiple winners exist, as in plural electorates created by broad voting rights, in multi‐party systems based upon electoral systems of proportional representation, and in frameworks of division of powers between the executive and the legislative or between the central government and noncentral units. The efficiency of outcomes is evaluated for its social utility, which is to say, the aggregation of individuals’ utility that is obtained with the satisfaction of their preferences. This is a book that emphasizes the advantages of median voter's cabinets and presidents, divided government, and federalism. Pluralistic democratic institutions are judged to be better than alternative formulas for their higher capacity of producing socially satisfactory results.Less
The more complex the political institutions, the more stable and socially efficient the outcomes will be. This book develops an extensive analysis of this relationship. The discussion is theoretical, historical, and comparative. Concepts, questions, and insights are based on social choice theory, while an empirical focus is cast on about 40 countries and a few international organizations from late medieval times to the present. Political institutions are conceived here as the formal rules of the game, especially with respect to the following issues: who can vote, how votes are counted, and what is voted for. Complexity signifies that multiple winners exist, as in plural electorates created by broad voting rights, in multi‐party systems based upon electoral systems of proportional representation, and in frameworks of division of powers between the executive and the legislative or between the central government and noncentral units. The efficiency of outcomes is evaluated for its social utility, which is to say, the aggregation of individuals’ utility that is obtained with the satisfaction of their preferences. This is a book that emphasizes the advantages of median voter's cabinets and presidents, divided government, and federalism. Pluralistic democratic institutions are judged to be better than alternative formulas for their higher capacity of producing socially satisfactory results.
George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195156287
- eISBN:
- 9780199872169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195156285.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter discusses the paradoxical ways that the Civil War served to strengthen states’ rights. Abolition was countered in many states by the enactment of “the Black Codes”, undermining the ...
More
This chapter discusses the paradoxical ways that the Civil War served to strengthen states’ rights. Abolition was countered in many states by the enactment of “the Black Codes”, undermining the voting rights and equal protection that had ostensibly been granted to newly freed slaves. The author argues that these developments affect American life to this day, in the forms of felon disenfranchisement and discrimination, and in instances of denial of equal justice under law, such as the 1973 Rodriguez case.Less
This chapter discusses the paradoxical ways that the Civil War served to strengthen states’ rights. Abolition was countered in many states by the enactment of “the Black Codes”, undermining the voting rights and equal protection that had ostensibly been granted to newly freed slaves. The author argues that these developments affect American life to this day, in the forms of felon disenfranchisement and discrimination, and in instances of denial of equal justice under law, such as the 1973 Rodriguez case.
Jeff Manza and Christopher Uggen
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195149326
- eISBN:
- 9780199943975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195149326.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter begins by reviewing arguments that supporters of felon disenfranchisement have used to frame the public debate. But the contemporary arguments in support of felon disenfranchisement do ...
More
This chapter begins by reviewing arguments that supporters of felon disenfranchisement have used to frame the public debate. But the contemporary arguments in support of felon disenfranchisement do not help us understand how these laws came into existence in the first place. We must instead look to the legal, political, and historical record to understand how we got to this point. The denial of political rights to criminal offenders can be found under very different types of democratic (and protodemocratic) regimes, and the practice has been a hot topic of philosophical debates since at least Aristotle. Understanding this history requires exploration of premodern political regimes and legal systems, classical philosophical writings, and their enduring traces in contemporary legal and political discourses. That is the goal of this chapter. But before exploring how and why societies disenfranchise, we must first ask why the right to vote became—and has remained—a bedrock of democratic governance.Less
This chapter begins by reviewing arguments that supporters of felon disenfranchisement have used to frame the public debate. But the contemporary arguments in support of felon disenfranchisement do not help us understand how these laws came into existence in the first place. We must instead look to the legal, political, and historical record to understand how we got to this point. The denial of political rights to criminal offenders can be found under very different types of democratic (and protodemocratic) regimes, and the practice has been a hot topic of philosophical debates since at least Aristotle. Understanding this history requires exploration of premodern political regimes and legal systems, classical philosophical writings, and their enduring traces in contemporary legal and political discourses. That is the goal of this chapter. But before exploring how and why societies disenfranchise, we must first ask why the right to vote became—and has remained—a bedrock of democratic governance.
Jeff Manza and Christopher Uggen
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195149326
- eISBN:
- 9780199943975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195149326.003.0015
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
Chapters 1 and 2 endeavored to describe and analyze the origins of modern felon disenfranchisement laws, as well as highlight the peculiarities of the American case. This chapter now asks who these ...
More
Chapters 1 and 2 endeavored to describe and analyze the origins of modern felon disenfranchisement laws, as well as highlight the peculiarities of the American case. This chapter now asks who these disenfranchised citizens are. How many are there? How and when are their rights restricted? When are they restored? And do the laws have a disproportionate racial impact today?Less
Chapters 1 and 2 endeavored to describe and analyze the origins of modern felon disenfranchisement laws, as well as highlight the peculiarities of the American case. This chapter now asks who these disenfranchised citizens are. How many are there? How and when are their rights restricted? When are they restored? And do the laws have a disproportionate racial impact today?
Robert Mickey
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691133386
- eISBN:
- 9781400838783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691133386.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines how the federal government and black protest organizations intervened in southern authoritarian enclaves, with a particular focus on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting ...
More
This chapter examines how the federal government and black protest organizations intervened in southern authoritarian enclaves, with a particular focus on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 as well as the reform of the National Democratic Party during the period 1964–1972. It first considers state authorities' consensus preference for effecting a “harnessed revolution” before discussing the challenges posed by the Civil and Voting rights acts to southern enclaves. It then describes the degree to which outsiders interfered in enclaves' responses to these landmark statutes, including federal oversight of voting rights in the Deep South and deployments by black protest organizations. It concludes by analyzing the McGovern–Fraser national Democratic party reforms of 1968–1972.Less
This chapter examines how the federal government and black protest organizations intervened in southern authoritarian enclaves, with a particular focus on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 as well as the reform of the National Democratic Party during the period 1964–1972. It first considers state authorities' consensus preference for effecting a “harnessed revolution” before discussing the challenges posed by the Civil and Voting rights acts to southern enclaves. It then describes the degree to which outsiders interfered in enclaves' responses to these landmark statutes, including federal oversight of voting rights in the Deep South and deployments by black protest organizations. It concludes by analyzing the McGovern–Fraser national Democratic party reforms of 1968–1972.
Jeff Manza and Christopher Uggen
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195149326
- eISBN:
- 9780199943975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195149326.003.0055
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter considers a range of policy and political proposals for reenfranchisement. It suggests that the key long-term reforms require reconsideration of all voting restrictions on ...
More
This chapter considers a range of policy and political proposals for reenfranchisement. It suggests that the key long-term reforms require reconsideration of all voting restrictions on disenfranchised felons. The issue can be broken down into three separate questions: restoring voting rights for people who have completed their entire sentence (ex-felons); restoring voting rights for people who remain under supervision of the criminal justice system on probation or parole, but live in their communities (nonincarcerated felons); and restoring voting rights for currently incarcerated felons.Less
This chapter considers a range of policy and political proposals for reenfranchisement. It suggests that the key long-term reforms require reconsideration of all voting restrictions on disenfranchised felons. The issue can be broken down into three separate questions: restoring voting rights for people who have completed their entire sentence (ex-felons); restoring voting rights for people who remain under supervision of the criminal justice system on probation or parole, but live in their communities (nonincarcerated felons); and restoring voting rights for currently incarcerated felons.
Jason Brennan
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154442
- eISBN:
- 9781400842094
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154442.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter studies and rebuts a variety of objections to the argument that hold that abstention involves a loss of autonomy for the individual. Some might see abstention as a violation of autonomy. ...
More
This chapter studies and rebuts a variety of objections to the argument that hold that abstention involves a loss of autonomy for the individual. Some might see abstention as a violation of autonomy. To abstain means to cede political judgment to others and to give up one's own independent judgment. The chapter argues against this. First, deferring to others does not always involve a troubling loss of autonomy. Second, the idea that voting gives the voter significant autonomy or control is implausible anyway. So long as one has an equal right to vote, choosing not to vote can be an autonomous act, a way of expressing one's will that the best outcome be achieved.Less
This chapter studies and rebuts a variety of objections to the argument that hold that abstention involves a loss of autonomy for the individual. Some might see abstention as a violation of autonomy. To abstain means to cede political judgment to others and to give up one's own independent judgment. The chapter argues against this. First, deferring to others does not always involve a troubling loss of autonomy. Second, the idea that voting gives the voter significant autonomy or control is implausible anyway. So long as one has an equal right to vote, choosing not to vote can be an autonomous act, a way of expressing one's will that the best outcome be achieved.
Oliver Hart
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198288817
- eISBN:
- 9780191596353
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198288816.003.0009
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Financial Economics
In a public company, ownership is dispersed among small shareholders, causing a separation between ownership and control. This chapter discusses the role of takeovers and voting rights in limiting ...
More
In a public company, ownership is dispersed among small shareholders, causing a separation between ownership and control. This chapter discusses the role of takeovers and voting rights in limiting the ability of a management team to pursue its own goals rather than maximizing the company's public value. Using a general model of the effects of security‐voting structure on control transactions, it is shown that, under a reasonable set of assumptions, the optimal structure is a single class of shares with votes attached (‘one share‐one vote’). The author also discusses situations in which departures from ‘one share‐one vote’ may be optimal and relates the results to the empirical evidence.Less
In a public company, ownership is dispersed among small shareholders, causing a separation between ownership and control. This chapter discusses the role of takeovers and voting rights in limiting the ability of a management team to pursue its own goals rather than maximizing the company's public value. Using a general model of the effects of security‐voting structure on control transactions, it is shown that, under a reasonable set of assumptions, the optimal structure is a single class of shares with votes attached (‘one share‐one vote’). The author also discusses situations in which departures from ‘one share‐one vote’ may be optimal and relates the results to the empirical evidence.
Joan Petersilia
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195160864
- eISBN:
- 9780199943395
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195160864.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter discusses the growing number of citizens who have criminal records and the ways in which those records are increasingly being openly shared with the public. It also reviews the evidence ...
More
This chapter discusses the growing number of citizens who have criminal records and the ways in which those records are increasingly being openly shared with the public. It also reviews the evidence on how a criminal record affects an offender's right to vote, qualify for public assistance, find work, or retain his parental rights. The restrictions on employment and housing create formidable obstacles to law-abidingness. One has to question whether we are jeopardizing public safety by making it so difficult for released prisoners to succeed.Less
This chapter discusses the growing number of citizens who have criminal records and the ways in which those records are increasingly being openly shared with the public. It also reviews the evidence on how a criminal record affects an offender's right to vote, qualify for public assistance, find work, or retain his parental rights. The restrictions on employment and housing create formidable obstacles to law-abidingness. One has to question whether we are jeopardizing public safety by making it so difficult for released prisoners to succeed.
Jeffrey C. Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195162509
- eISBN:
- 9780199943364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162509.003.0021
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
All complex societies have states, and they are extraordinarily important, but it is vital not to conflate states and their powers with the institutions of the civil sphere. States are organizations ...
More
All complex societies have states, and they are extraordinarily important, but it is vital not to conflate states and their powers with the institutions of the civil sphere. States are organizations that exercise social control in formal and explicit, if sometimes indirect ways, by requests if possible, by commands if necessary, and by force if nothing else will do. The goals of government and its ends, are established by forces outside state organization itself. At the head of state organization sits an authority that is instituted by some nonbureaucratic power, which aims to make the bureaucracy work in its own interests and name. This chapter discusses civil power; the instrumental science of politics; constructing and destructing civil power; the right to vote and disenfranchisement; parties, partisanship, and election campaigns; and civil power in the state.Less
All complex societies have states, and they are extraordinarily important, but it is vital not to conflate states and their powers with the institutions of the civil sphere. States are organizations that exercise social control in formal and explicit, if sometimes indirect ways, by requests if possible, by commands if necessary, and by force if nothing else will do. The goals of government and its ends, are established by forces outside state organization itself. At the head of state organization sits an authority that is instituted by some nonbureaucratic power, which aims to make the bureaucracy work in its own interests and name. This chapter discusses civil power; the instrumental science of politics; constructing and destructing civil power; the right to vote and disenfranchisement; parties, partisanship, and election campaigns; and civil power in the state.
Jeff Manza, Christopher Uggen, and Angela Behrens
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195149326
- eISBN:
- 9780199943975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195149326.003.0042
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
The survey results described in Chapter 5 provide useful information about the political orientations of people who have had contact with the criminal justice system. Yet those results also suggest ...
More
The survey results described in Chapter 5 provide useful information about the political orientations of people who have had contact with the criminal justice system. Yet those results also suggest new questions: why offenders hold the political views they do, and how those views are driven by underlying values or dispositions, how they are not well captured by a survey instrument (however well designed). This chapter begins to address these issues using information from in-depth interviews. These interviews allow felons to articulate their views within their own frames rather than those provided by survey questions. Respondents were asked questions such as the following: What kinds of political experiences have you had? Do you expect to participate in politics in the future? Are any political issues especially salient to you, and if so, why? How did losing the right to vote affect your ideas about being a part of a community, and about your government?Less
The survey results described in Chapter 5 provide useful information about the political orientations of people who have had contact with the criminal justice system. Yet those results also suggest new questions: why offenders hold the political views they do, and how those views are driven by underlying values or dispositions, how they are not well captured by a survey instrument (however well designed). This chapter begins to address these issues using information from in-depth interviews. These interviews allow felons to articulate their views within their own frames rather than those provided by survey questions. Respondents were asked questions such as the following: What kinds of political experiences have you had? Do you expect to participate in politics in the future? Are any political issues especially salient to you, and if so, why? How did losing the right to vote affect your ideas about being a part of a community, and about your government?
Jeff Manza and Christopher Uggen
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195149326
- eISBN:
- 9780199943975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195149326.003.0010
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to analyze and interpret felon disenfranchisement laws in the United States. It examines whether and how large-scale ...
More
This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to analyze and interpret felon disenfranchisement laws in the United States. It examines whether and how large-scale disenfranchisement impacts democratic processes; how racial factors might help to explain the origins and impacts of these laws; and the importance of the right to vote in weaving former offenders back into the social fabric. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the purpose of the book, which is to analyze and interpret felon disenfranchisement laws in the United States. It examines whether and how large-scale disenfranchisement impacts democratic processes; how racial factors might help to explain the origins and impacts of these laws; and the importance of the right to vote in weaving former offenders back into the social fabric. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Jeff Manza, Christopher Uggen, and Clem Brooks
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195149326
- eISBN:
- 9780199943975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195149326.003.0050
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter examines public attitudes toward disenfranchisement. It shows that there is little public support for stripping the right to vote from all people convicted of felonies. Instead, the ...
More
This chapter examines public attitudes toward disenfranchisement. It shows that there is little public support for stripping the right to vote from all people convicted of felonies. Instead, the public appears to view disenfranchisement as a harsh penalty in a democratic society with universal suffrage. The public endorses disenfranchisement for current prisoners, but “draws the line” at the prison gates. Strong public support for other political rights for criminal offenders is also noteworthy, including the right to speak freely even on controversial topics relating to the criminal justice system. This provides evidence for a degree of real depth in democratic sentiments among the American public.Less
This chapter examines public attitudes toward disenfranchisement. It shows that there is little public support for stripping the right to vote from all people convicted of felonies. Instead, the public appears to view disenfranchisement as a harsh penalty in a democratic society with universal suffrage. The public endorses disenfranchisement for current prisoners, but “draws the line” at the prison gates. Strong public support for other political rights for criminal offenders is also noteworthy, including the right to speak freely even on controversial topics relating to the criminal justice system. This provides evidence for a degree of real depth in democratic sentiments among the American public.
Oliver Rieckers and Gerald Spindler
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199253166
- eISBN:
- 9780191601651
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253161.003.0011
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Financial Economics
Although there are plenty of signs that the German model of corporate governance is indeed forced into a transition to a more capital market-oriented one, the remnants of the old modus operandi ...
More
Although there are plenty of signs that the German model of corporate governance is indeed forced into a transition to a more capital market-oriented one, the remnants of the old modus operandi persist. In portraying the traditional legal foundations of German corporate governance, the present chapter first explores how such archetypal internal structures as the dual board system, mandatory labour codetermination and the specific legal regime for groups of companies are embedded in the fundamental structure of German corporate law.It then outlines some of the issues that define the ongoing transition process. The basic general thrust of this part is that the traditional corporate governance system, which has long been dominated by a focus on the legal rules determining the inner structures of the corporation, is more and more integrating new elements of an emerging body of capital market laws leaving German stock corporations under the governance of a non-uniform set of rules. Recent developments such as the German takeover law and the German Corporate Governance Code will further strengthen capital market orientation, but the final outcome of this process of modernisation cannot be assessed clearly yet.Less
Although there are plenty of signs that the German model of corporate governance is indeed forced into a transition to a more capital market-oriented one, the remnants of the old modus operandi persist. In portraying the traditional legal foundations of German corporate governance, the present chapter first explores how such archetypal internal structures as the dual board system, mandatory labour codetermination and the specific legal regime for groups of companies are embedded in the fundamental structure of German corporate law.
It then outlines some of the issues that define the ongoing transition process. The basic general thrust of this part is that the traditional corporate governance system, which has long been dominated by a focus on the legal rules determining the inner structures of the corporation, is more and more integrating new elements of an emerging body of capital market laws leaving German stock corporations under the governance of a non-uniform set of rules. Recent developments such as the German takeover law and the German Corporate Governance Code will further strengthen capital market orientation, but the final outcome of this process of modernisation cannot be assessed clearly yet.
Allison L. Sneider
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195321166
- eISBN:
- 9780199869725
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195321166.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, American History: 20th Century
In 1899, Carrie Chapman Catt, who succeeded Susan B. Anthony as head of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, argued that it was the “duty” of U.S. women to help lift the inhabitants of ...
More
In 1899, Carrie Chapman Catt, who succeeded Susan B. Anthony as head of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, argued that it was the “duty” of U.S. women to help lift the inhabitants of new island possessions in the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Hawaii up from “barbarism” to “civilization,” a project that would presumably demonstrate the capacity of U.S. women for full citizenship and political rights. Catt, like many suffragists in her day, was well versed in the language of empire and infused the cause of suffrage with imperialist zeal in public debate. Unlike their predecessors, who were working for votes for women within the context of slavery and abolition, the next generation of suffragists argued their case against the backdrop of U.S. expansionism in Indian and Mormon territory at home as well as overseas in the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Hawaii. This book examines these simultaneous political movements—woman suffrage and American imperialism—as inextricably intertwined phenomena, instructively complicating the histories of both.Less
In 1899, Carrie Chapman Catt, who succeeded Susan B. Anthony as head of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, argued that it was the “duty” of U.S. women to help lift the inhabitants of new island possessions in the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Hawaii up from “barbarism” to “civilization,” a project that would presumably demonstrate the capacity of U.S. women for full citizenship and political rights. Catt, like many suffragists in her day, was well versed in the language of empire and infused the cause of suffrage with imperialist zeal in public debate. Unlike their predecessors, who were working for votes for women within the context of slavery and abolition, the next generation of suffragists argued their case against the backdrop of U.S. expansionism in Indian and Mormon territory at home as well as overseas in the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Hawaii. This book examines these simultaneous political movements—woman suffrage and American imperialism—as inextricably intertwined phenomena, instructively complicating the histories of both.
Julian E. Zelizer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195382419
- eISBN:
- 9780199932641
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195382419.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Despite the role that Congress would play in the eventual passage of legislation like the Civil Rights Act 1964 and the Voting Rights Act 1965, its role during the war has traditionally been ...
More
Despite the role that Congress would play in the eventual passage of legislation like the Civil Rights Act 1964 and the Voting Rights Act 1965, its role during the war has traditionally been overshadowed by a focus on the steps towards racial equality taken by the Supreme Court and the White House. The war years did not pave the way for those later developments but instead represented a period of conservative retrenchment in Congress. Southern Democrats tightened their grip on the reins of power during the war. Inside key committees, they crushed many nascent efforts at reform; in the House and Senate, they worked with conservative Republican allies to stop the rest. In the end, southern Democrats succeeded in stalling meaningful civil rights legislation. As a result, congressional conservatives emerged from the war more confident in their abilities to prevent change and more determined to use them to defend white supremacy in the postwar era. Yet there was one unexpected legacy of conservative defiance. Incoming young liberal Democrats learned the importance of controlling congressional machinery.Less
Despite the role that Congress would play in the eventual passage of legislation like the Civil Rights Act 1964 and the Voting Rights Act 1965, its role during the war has traditionally been overshadowed by a focus on the steps towards racial equality taken by the Supreme Court and the White House. The war years did not pave the way for those later developments but instead represented a period of conservative retrenchment in Congress. Southern Democrats tightened their grip on the reins of power during the war. Inside key committees, they crushed many nascent efforts at reform; in the House and Senate, they worked with conservative Republican allies to stop the rest. In the end, southern Democrats succeeded in stalling meaningful civil rights legislation. As a result, congressional conservatives emerged from the war more confident in their abilities to prevent change and more determined to use them to defend white supremacy in the postwar era. Yet there was one unexpected legacy of conservative defiance. Incoming young liberal Democrats learned the importance of controlling congressional machinery.
Judith N. McArthur and Harold L. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195304862
- eISBN:
- 9780199871537
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304862.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter argues that Minnie Fisher Cunningham's four terms as president of the Texas Equal Suffrage Association were central to its becoming one of the largest and most politically effective in ...
More
This chapter argues that Minnie Fisher Cunningham's four terms as president of the Texas Equal Suffrage Association were central to its becoming one of the largest and most politically effective in the South. Cooperating closely with the leaders of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, she built an effective lobbying “machine” for woman suffrage, and attracted favorable publicity by committing the TESA membership to patriotic work during World War I. In a region implacably opposed to voting rights for women, Cunningham was one of the few Southern suffragists who got results: in 1918 the Texas legislature conceded women the right to vote in primary elections. Although Cunningham astutely portrayed suffragists as “above” politics, the chapter presents evidence that she exploited a rift in the Democratic Party over the prohibition issue and a bitter gubernatorial primary fight between William Hobby and James Ferguson, promising to deliver the female vote to the incumbent, Hobby, in return for a primary suffrage bill.Less
This chapter argues that Minnie Fisher Cunningham's four terms as president of the Texas Equal Suffrage Association were central to its becoming one of the largest and most politically effective in the South. Cooperating closely with the leaders of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, she built an effective lobbying “machine” for woman suffrage, and attracted favorable publicity by committing the TESA membership to patriotic work during World War I. In a region implacably opposed to voting rights for women, Cunningham was one of the few Southern suffragists who got results: in 1918 the Texas legislature conceded women the right to vote in primary elections. Although Cunningham astutely portrayed suffragists as “above” politics, the chapter presents evidence that she exploited a rift in the Democratic Party over the prohibition issue and a bitter gubernatorial primary fight between William Hobby and James Ferguson, promising to deliver the female vote to the incumbent, Hobby, in return for a primary suffrage bill.
