Joseph S. Nye
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195161106
- eISBN:
- 9780199871087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195161106.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The U.S. security policy needs to be based on a proper appreciation of the roots of the nation's superpower status, which recognizes the contribution of “soft” (economic and cultural) power to the ...
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The U.S. security policy needs to be based on a proper appreciation of the roots of the nation's superpower status, which recognizes the contribution of “soft” (economic and cultural) power to the defense of a balanced world system, which would preclude the formation of peer competitors or an anti‐U.S. consensus. This chapter assesses the potential of China, Japan, Russia, India and the European Union to challenge U.S. hegemony, or to contribute to such a challenge.Less
The U.S. security policy needs to be based on a proper appreciation of the roots of the nation's superpower status, which recognizes the contribution of “soft” (economic and cultural) power to the defense of a balanced world system, which would preclude the formation of peer competitors or an anti‐U.S. consensus. This chapter assesses the potential of China, Japan, Russia, India and the European Union to challenge U.S. hegemony, or to contribute to such a challenge.
Joseph S. Nye
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195161106
- eISBN:
- 9780199871087
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195161106.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The U.S. “war on terror” response to the attacks of September 11, 2001 has exposed the extent, already apparent on various other fronts, to which U.S. foreign policy has become unilateralist, ...
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The U.S. “war on terror” response to the attacks of September 11, 2001 has exposed the extent, already apparent on various other fronts, to which U.S. foreign policy has become unilateralist, arrogant, and parochial. It is pursuing a limited conception of the U.S. national interest with a limited focus on the utility of “hard” (military) power. Instead, it should be aiming to defend American pluralist values by means of an inclusive, multilateralist foreign policy, based on a judicious mix of “hard” and “soft” power.Less
The U.S. “war on terror” response to the attacks of September 11, 2001 has exposed the extent, already apparent on various other fronts, to which U.S. foreign policy has become unilateralist, arrogant, and parochial. It is pursuing a limited conception of the U.S. national interest with a limited focus on the utility of “hard” (military) power. Instead, it should be aiming to defend American pluralist values by means of an inclusive, multilateralist foreign policy, based on a judicious mix of “hard” and “soft” power.
Joseph S. Nye
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195161106
- eISBN:
- 9780199871087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195161106.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The information revolution, which is now transforming societies around the world, is also changing the nature of governments and sovereignty, increasing the role of non‐state actors, and enhancing ...
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The information revolution, which is now transforming societies around the world, is also changing the nature of governments and sovereignty, increasing the role of non‐state actors, and enhancing the importance of “soft” power in foreign policy. The U.S. foreign policy needs to anticipate its effects in shaping interstate relations at three levels that affect the utility of “soft” power: first, in terms of the distribution of information management skills; second, in terms of competitive economic advantage; third, in terms of strategic intelligence‐gathering. These levels do not lie in the narrow domain of government action, but reflect broad arenas of societal capability in which “hard” power is merely tangential.Less
The information revolution, which is now transforming societies around the world, is also changing the nature of governments and sovereignty, increasing the role of non‐state actors, and enhancing the importance of “soft” power in foreign policy. The U.S. foreign policy needs to anticipate its effects in shaping interstate relations at three levels that affect the utility of “soft” power: first, in terms of the distribution of information management skills; second, in terms of competitive economic advantage; third, in terms of strategic intelligence‐gathering. These levels do not lie in the narrow domain of government action, but reflect broad arenas of societal capability in which “hard” power is merely tangential.
John O. Voll
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195323405
- eISBN:
- 9780199869237
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195323405.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Sikhism
In a globalizing world, members of the same religious community, anchored in different parts of the world, have greater capacity to increase their cultural, social, and economic links with one ...
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In a globalizing world, members of the same religious community, anchored in different parts of the world, have greater capacity to increase their cultural, social, and economic links with one another. Ironically, this chapter points out how the rise of religious pluralism amid globalization has also strengthened the hand of Muslim leaders such as Osama Bin Laden, intent on destroying pluralism altogether. Al-Qaeda preaches peace but glorifies violence. Bin Laden’s view that violent jihad is an obligation on individual believers isolates him from leading Muslim scholars and jurists. Still, he has been able to gather and hold a sizable following, through dramatic actions, but also through the very same communications technologies that drive religious pluralism and create soft power in world affairs.Less
In a globalizing world, members of the same religious community, anchored in different parts of the world, have greater capacity to increase their cultural, social, and economic links with one another. Ironically, this chapter points out how the rise of religious pluralism amid globalization has also strengthened the hand of Muslim leaders such as Osama Bin Laden, intent on destroying pluralism altogether. Al-Qaeda preaches peace but glorifies violence. Bin Laden’s view that violent jihad is an obligation on individual believers isolates him from leading Muslim scholars and jurists. Still, he has been able to gather and hold a sizable following, through dramatic actions, but also through the very same communications technologies that drive religious pluralism and create soft power in world affairs.
SEBASTIAN BERSICK
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264089
- eISBN:
- 9780191734809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264089.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter returns to issues raised by other authors in this section: the contrast between European, Chinese, and US perceptions of hard and soft power in the contexts of regional and global ...
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This chapter returns to issues raised by other authors in this section: the contrast between European, Chinese, and US perceptions of hard and soft power in the contexts of regional and global governance. Taking the ASEM process as a case, it shows how Europeans and Asians have approached the interaction from different institutional perspectives. Despite this, it sees ASEM as a process that reflects, and promotes, the advance of regional institutionalism in East Asia, adding an important dimension to the Europe–China relationship. This is then contrasted with the US strategy of dual divergence: a divergent internal strategy that rejects institutionalism for managing regional security; and an external divergent strategy that rejects the building of shared and reciprocal institutions between the USA and Asia. The chapter concludes that Europe's ‘balancing by convergence’ strategy has advantages over the USA's ‘balancing by divergence’ strategy.Less
This chapter returns to issues raised by other authors in this section: the contrast between European, Chinese, and US perceptions of hard and soft power in the contexts of regional and global governance. Taking the ASEM process as a case, it shows how Europeans and Asians have approached the interaction from different institutional perspectives. Despite this, it sees ASEM as a process that reflects, and promotes, the advance of regional institutionalism in East Asia, adding an important dimension to the Europe–China relationship. This is then contrasted with the US strategy of dual divergence: a divergent internal strategy that rejects institutionalism for managing regional security; and an external divergent strategy that rejects the building of shared and reciprocal institutions between the USA and Asia. The chapter concludes that Europe's ‘balancing by convergence’ strategy has advantages over the USA's ‘balancing by divergence’ strategy.
David Ellwood
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198228790
- eISBN:
- 9780191741739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198228790.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, American History: 20th Century
The chapter provides an overview of European responses to the surging economy, cultural inventiveness, and self-confidence of post Cold War America. It suggests that from this perspective, strong ...
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The chapter provides an overview of European responses to the surging economy, cultural inventiveness, and self-confidence of post Cold War America. It suggests that from this perspective, strong parallels can be seen between the 1920s and the 1990s: the prevalence of markets over states, the shift from interdependence to globalisation, swelling consumerism and hedonism — and critical responses of intellectuals on both sides of the Atlantic to these trends — the onward march of US economic progress while Europe floundered. The chapter describes the anxiety of European élites to emulate the latest American models of growth, including their neo-liberalism and technological inventiveness (the era of Internet starts here, paralleling Hollywood's surge in the 1920s), and their difficulty in doing so. It also recounts the rise of polls on attitudes to America in Europe and elsewhere, and what these polls could and could not do for America's image in the world.Less
The chapter provides an overview of European responses to the surging economy, cultural inventiveness, and self-confidence of post Cold War America. It suggests that from this perspective, strong parallels can be seen between the 1920s and the 1990s: the prevalence of markets over states, the shift from interdependence to globalisation, swelling consumerism and hedonism — and critical responses of intellectuals on both sides of the Atlantic to these trends — the onward march of US economic progress while Europe floundered. The chapter describes the anxiety of European élites to emulate the latest American models of growth, including their neo-liberalism and technological inventiveness (the era of Internet starts here, paralleling Hollywood's surge in the 1920s), and their difficulty in doing so. It also recounts the rise of polls on attitudes to America in Europe and elsewhere, and what these polls could and could not do for America's image in the world.
Kenneth Dyson and Klaus H. Goetz
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197262955
- eISBN:
- 9780191734465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262955.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the concept of Europeanization and uses it to explore the changing relationship between Germany and the EU. It argues in favour of understanding ‘Europeanization’ as a complex, ...
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This chapter examines the concept of Europeanization and uses it to explore the changing relationship between Germany and the EU. It argues in favour of understanding ‘Europeanization’ as a complex, interactive ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ process in which domestic polities, politics, and public policies are shaped by European integration and in which domestic actors use this integration to shape the domestic arena. Europeanization may produce either continuity or change and potentially variable and contingent outcomes. Previous work has stressed the capacity of Germany to shape European integration through the use of ‘soft’ power; the coincidence of enabling and restrictive effects arising from progressive integration; and harmonious co-existence and co-evolution between the German political system and the EU level. However, a focus on Europeanization provides grounds for re-examining the conventional wisdom about the domestic conditioning and effects of integration. The chapter highlights how momentous changes in the European integration process are combining with domestic changes, summarized as the transition from the ‘Bonn Republic’ to the ‘Berlin Republic’, to situate Germany as part of a shrinking core and as marked by declining ‘soft’ power.Less
This chapter examines the concept of Europeanization and uses it to explore the changing relationship between Germany and the EU. It argues in favour of understanding ‘Europeanization’ as a complex, interactive ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ process in which domestic polities, politics, and public policies are shaped by European integration and in which domestic actors use this integration to shape the domestic arena. Europeanization may produce either continuity or change and potentially variable and contingent outcomes. Previous work has stressed the capacity of Germany to shape European integration through the use of ‘soft’ power; the coincidence of enabling and restrictive effects arising from progressive integration; and harmonious co-existence and co-evolution between the German political system and the EU level. However, a focus on Europeanization provides grounds for re-examining the conventional wisdom about the domestic conditioning and effects of integration. The chapter highlights how momentous changes in the European integration process are combining with domestic changes, summarized as the transition from the ‘Bonn Republic’ to the ‘Berlin Republic’, to situate Germany as part of a shrinking core and as marked by declining ‘soft’ power.
Rosemary Foot
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292920
- eISBN:
- 9780191599286
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292929.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the last of four chapters focusing on America’s perceptions of China’s capabilities, and dwelling on the correspondence between those perceptions and the projected consequences. It focuses on ...
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This is the last of four chapters focusing on America’s perceptions of China’s capabilities, and dwelling on the correspondence between those perceptions and the projected consequences. It focuses on US perceptions of the political economy of China from the 1950s to 1978 and its perceived consequences for China’s capabilities both internally and as a political and economic model for other developing countries. Although the decline in Beijing’s hard and soft power resources did not follow a linear trajectory, the apparent overall weaknesses of its economy eased America’s fears about the Third World impact of its politico-economic model, and also reduced concerns that any contact between Washington and Beijing would raise the prestige of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to the point where its path to development would be revived as a serious source of inspiration in large parts of the developing world. The chapter dwells primarily on China’s perceived soft power attributes. The different sections look at domestic order and advancement in China in the 1950s, the Chinese model under stress from 1959 to 1965, the impact of the early Cultural Revolution in the second half of the 1960s, and restabilization and re-emergence in 1969–78.Less
This is the last of four chapters focusing on America’s perceptions of China’s capabilities, and dwelling on the correspondence between those perceptions and the projected consequences. It focuses on US perceptions of the political economy of China from the 1950s to 1978 and its perceived consequences for China’s capabilities both internally and as a political and economic model for other developing countries. Although the decline in Beijing’s hard and soft power resources did not follow a linear trajectory, the apparent overall weaknesses of its economy eased America’s fears about the Third World impact of its politico-economic model, and also reduced concerns that any contact between Washington and Beijing would raise the prestige of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to the point where its path to development would be revived as a serious source of inspiration in large parts of the developing world. The chapter dwells primarily on China’s perceived soft power attributes. The different sections look at domestic order and advancement in China in the 1950s, the Chinese model under stress from 1959 to 1965, the impact of the early Cultural Revolution in the second half of the 1960s, and restabilization and re-emergence in 1969–78.
Simon Bulmer, David Dolowitz, Peter Humphreys, and Stephen Padgett
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197262955
- eISBN:
- 9780191734465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262955.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the processes and outcomes of Europeanization in the German utilities sectors. Employing an institutionalist perspective, it focuses on interaction between the institutional ...
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This chapter examines the processes and outcomes of Europeanization in the German utilities sectors. Employing an institutionalist perspective, it focuses on interaction between the institutional system of the EU and that of Germany. The chapter argues that adaptation pressures are reduced by Germany's ability to exert ‘soft’ power to ensure that EU policy is congruent with domestic governance. The tempo of EU reform is particularly significant. Incremental legislation in telecommunications permitted Germany to liberalize at its own pace in line with domestic policy style. In electricity, by contrast, the 1996 Directive created more acute adaptation pressures. Thus, in telecommunications Germany was activist in ‘downloading’ EU legislation in line with EU requirements. In electricity, it made considerable use of the zone of discretion in the Directive to minimize the impact on domestic governance. In examining the way in which Germany responds to adaptation pressures, particular attention is given to opportunity structures, veto points, and institutional norms in the domestic policy process. The experience of the electricity reform suggests that adaptation pressures are exacerbated by a highly pluralist institutional regime with numerous veto actors capable of blocking implementation. Moreover, German reluctance to embrace independent, sector-specific regulation suggests the resistance of domestic regulatory norms to the effects of Europeanization.Less
This chapter examines the processes and outcomes of Europeanization in the German utilities sectors. Employing an institutionalist perspective, it focuses on interaction between the institutional system of the EU and that of Germany. The chapter argues that adaptation pressures are reduced by Germany's ability to exert ‘soft’ power to ensure that EU policy is congruent with domestic governance. The tempo of EU reform is particularly significant. Incremental legislation in telecommunications permitted Germany to liberalize at its own pace in line with domestic policy style. In electricity, by contrast, the 1996 Directive created more acute adaptation pressures. Thus, in telecommunications Germany was activist in ‘downloading’ EU legislation in line with EU requirements. In electricity, it made considerable use of the zone of discretion in the Directive to minimize the impact on domestic governance. In examining the way in which Germany responds to adaptation pressures, particular attention is given to opportunity structures, veto points, and institutional norms in the domestic policy process. The experience of the electricity reform suggests that adaptation pressures are exacerbated by a highly pluralist institutional regime with numerous veto actors capable of blocking implementation. Moreover, German reluctance to embrace independent, sector-specific regulation suggests the resistance of domestic regulatory norms to the effects of Europeanization.
Andreas Goldthau and Nick Sitter
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198719595
- eISBN:
- 9780191788673
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198719595.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Chapter 7 links the discussion back to the broader conceptual notions of hard and soft power, policy tools, and policy “targets” in the context of the EU as a foreign policy actor. It discusses how ...
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Chapter 7 links the discussion back to the broader conceptual notions of hard and soft power, policy tools, and policy “targets” in the context of the EU as a foreign policy actor. It discusses how the EU as a regulatory state has come to use power in the energy sector, and suggests that the EU can be best characterized as a “Regulatory Power Europe” in the IPE of energy. The reach of this Regulatory Power Europe is stronger in regional markets than at the global level, but it extends well beyond the borders of the EU, and is more effective when it addresses firms than governments.Less
Chapter 7 links the discussion back to the broader conceptual notions of hard and soft power, policy tools, and policy “targets” in the context of the EU as a foreign policy actor. It discusses how the EU as a regulatory state has come to use power in the energy sector, and suggests that the EU can be best characterized as a “Regulatory Power Europe” in the IPE of energy. The reach of this Regulatory Power Europe is stronger in regional markets than at the global level, but it extends well beyond the borders of the EU, and is more effective when it addresses firms than governments.
