Joseph S. Nye
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195161106
- eISBN:
- 9780199871087
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195161106.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The U.S. “war on terror” response to the attacks of September 11, 2001 has exposed the extent, already apparent on various other fronts, to which U.S. foreign policy has become unilateralist, ...
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The U.S. “war on terror” response to the attacks of September 11, 2001 has exposed the extent, already apparent on various other fronts, to which U.S. foreign policy has become unilateralist, arrogant, and parochial. It is pursuing a limited conception of the U.S. national interest with a limited focus on the utility of “hard” (military) power. Instead, it should be aiming to defend American pluralist values by means of an inclusive, multilateralist foreign policy, based on a judicious mix of “hard” and “soft” power.Less
The U.S. “war on terror” response to the attacks of September 11, 2001 has exposed the extent, already apparent on various other fronts, to which U.S. foreign policy has become unilateralist, arrogant, and parochial. It is pursuing a limited conception of the U.S. national interest with a limited focus on the utility of “hard” (military) power. Instead, it should be aiming to defend American pluralist values by means of an inclusive, multilateralist foreign policy, based on a judicious mix of “hard” and “soft” power.
Joseph S. Nye
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195161106
- eISBN:
- 9780199871087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195161106.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The U.S. security policy needs to be based on a proper appreciation of the roots of the nation's superpower status, which recognizes the contribution of “soft” (economic and cultural) power to the ...
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The U.S. security policy needs to be based on a proper appreciation of the roots of the nation's superpower status, which recognizes the contribution of “soft” (economic and cultural) power to the defense of a balanced world system, which would preclude the formation of peer competitors or an anti‐U.S. consensus. This chapter assesses the potential of China, Japan, Russia, India and the European Union to challenge U.S. hegemony, or to contribute to such a challenge.Less
The U.S. security policy needs to be based on a proper appreciation of the roots of the nation's superpower status, which recognizes the contribution of “soft” (economic and cultural) power to the defense of a balanced world system, which would preclude the formation of peer competitors or an anti‐U.S. consensus. This chapter assesses the potential of China, Japan, Russia, India and the European Union to challenge U.S. hegemony, or to contribute to such a challenge.
Joseph S. Nye
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195161106
- eISBN:
- 9780199871087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195161106.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The information revolution, which is now transforming societies around the world, is also changing the nature of governments and sovereignty, increasing the role of non‐state actors, and enhancing ...
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The information revolution, which is now transforming societies around the world, is also changing the nature of governments and sovereignty, increasing the role of non‐state actors, and enhancing the importance of “soft” power in foreign policy. The U.S. foreign policy needs to anticipate its effects in shaping interstate relations at three levels that affect the utility of “soft” power: first, in terms of the distribution of information management skills; second, in terms of competitive economic advantage; third, in terms of strategic intelligence‐gathering. These levels do not lie in the narrow domain of government action, but reflect broad arenas of societal capability in which “hard” power is merely tangential.Less
The information revolution, which is now transforming societies around the world, is also changing the nature of governments and sovereignty, increasing the role of non‐state actors, and enhancing the importance of “soft” power in foreign policy. The U.S. foreign policy needs to anticipate its effects in shaping interstate relations at three levels that affect the utility of “soft” power: first, in terms of the distribution of information management skills; second, in terms of competitive economic advantage; third, in terms of strategic intelligence‐gathering. These levels do not lie in the narrow domain of government action, but reflect broad arenas of societal capability in which “hard” power is merely tangential.
John O. Voll
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195323405
- eISBN:
- 9780199869237
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195323405.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Sikhism
In a globalizing world, members of the same religious community, anchored in different parts of the world, have greater capacity to increase their cultural, social, and economic links with one ...
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In a globalizing world, members of the same religious community, anchored in different parts of the world, have greater capacity to increase their cultural, social, and economic links with one another. Ironically, this chapter points out how the rise of religious pluralism amid globalization has also strengthened the hand of Muslim leaders such as Osama Bin Laden, intent on destroying pluralism altogether. Al-Qaeda preaches peace but glorifies violence. Bin Laden’s view that violent jihad is an obligation on individual believers isolates him from leading Muslim scholars and jurists. Still, he has been able to gather and hold a sizable following, through dramatic actions, but also through the very same communications technologies that drive religious pluralism and create soft power in world affairs.Less
In a globalizing world, members of the same religious community, anchored in different parts of the world, have greater capacity to increase their cultural, social, and economic links with one another. Ironically, this chapter points out how the rise of religious pluralism amid globalization has also strengthened the hand of Muslim leaders such as Osama Bin Laden, intent on destroying pluralism altogether. Al-Qaeda preaches peace but glorifies violence. Bin Laden’s view that violent jihad is an obligation on individual believers isolates him from leading Muslim scholars and jurists. Still, he has been able to gather and hold a sizable following, through dramatic actions, but also through the very same communications technologies that drive religious pluralism and create soft power in world affairs.
SEBASTIAN BERSICK
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264089
- eISBN:
- 9780191734809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264089.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter returns to issues raised by other authors in this section: the contrast between European, Chinese, and US perceptions of hard and soft power in the contexts of regional and global ...
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This chapter returns to issues raised by other authors in this section: the contrast between European, Chinese, and US perceptions of hard and soft power in the contexts of regional and global governance. Taking the ASEM process as a case, it shows how Europeans and Asians have approached the interaction from different institutional perspectives. Despite this, it sees ASEM as a process that reflects, and promotes, the advance of regional institutionalism in East Asia, adding an important dimension to the Europe–China relationship. This is then contrasted with the US strategy of dual divergence: a divergent internal strategy that rejects institutionalism for managing regional security; and an external divergent strategy that rejects the building of shared and reciprocal institutions between the USA and Asia. The chapter concludes that Europe's ‘balancing by convergence’ strategy has advantages over the USA's ‘balancing by divergence’ strategy.Less
This chapter returns to issues raised by other authors in this section: the contrast between European, Chinese, and US perceptions of hard and soft power in the contexts of regional and global governance. Taking the ASEM process as a case, it shows how Europeans and Asians have approached the interaction from different institutional perspectives. Despite this, it sees ASEM as a process that reflects, and promotes, the advance of regional institutionalism in East Asia, adding an important dimension to the Europe–China relationship. This is then contrasted with the US strategy of dual divergence: a divergent internal strategy that rejects institutionalism for managing regional security; and an external divergent strategy that rejects the building of shared and reciprocal institutions between the USA and Asia. The chapter concludes that Europe's ‘balancing by convergence’ strategy has advantages over the USA's ‘balancing by divergence’ strategy.
David Ellwood
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198228790
- eISBN:
- 9780191741739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198228790.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, American History: 20th Century
The chapter provides an overview of European responses to the surging economy, cultural inventiveness, and self-confidence of post Cold War America. It suggests that from this perspective, strong ...
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The chapter provides an overview of European responses to the surging economy, cultural inventiveness, and self-confidence of post Cold War America. It suggests that from this perspective, strong parallels can be seen between the 1920s and the 1990s: the prevalence of markets over states, the shift from interdependence to globalisation, swelling consumerism and hedonism — and critical responses of intellectuals on both sides of the Atlantic to these trends — the onward march of US economic progress while Europe floundered. The chapter describes the anxiety of European élites to emulate the latest American models of growth, including their neo-liberalism and technological inventiveness (the era of Internet starts here, paralleling Hollywood's surge in the 1920s), and their difficulty in doing so. It also recounts the rise of polls on attitudes to America in Europe and elsewhere, and what these polls could and could not do for America's image in the world.Less
The chapter provides an overview of European responses to the surging economy, cultural inventiveness, and self-confidence of post Cold War America. It suggests that from this perspective, strong parallels can be seen between the 1920s and the 1990s: the prevalence of markets over states, the shift from interdependence to globalisation, swelling consumerism and hedonism — and critical responses of intellectuals on both sides of the Atlantic to these trends — the onward march of US economic progress while Europe floundered. The chapter describes the anxiety of European élites to emulate the latest American models of growth, including their neo-liberalism and technological inventiveness (the era of Internet starts here, paralleling Hollywood's surge in the 1920s), and their difficulty in doing so. It also recounts the rise of polls on attitudes to America in Europe and elsewhere, and what these polls could and could not do for America's image in the world.
Kenneth Dyson and Klaus H. Goetz
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197262955
- eISBN:
- 9780191734465
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262955.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the concept of Europeanization and uses it to explore the changing relationship between Germany and the EU. It argues in favour of understanding ‘Europeanization’ as a complex, ...
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This chapter examines the concept of Europeanization and uses it to explore the changing relationship between Germany and the EU. It argues in favour of understanding ‘Europeanization’ as a complex, interactive ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ process in which domestic polities, politics, and public policies are shaped by European integration and in which domestic actors use this integration to shape the domestic arena. Europeanization may produce either continuity or change and potentially variable and contingent outcomes. Previous work has stressed the capacity of Germany to shape European integration through the use of ‘soft’ power; the coincidence of enabling and restrictive effects arising from progressive integration; and harmonious co-existence and co-evolution between the German political system and the EU level. However, a focus on Europeanization provides grounds for re-examining the conventional wisdom about the domestic conditioning and effects of integration. The chapter highlights how momentous changes in the European integration process are combining with domestic changes, summarized as the transition from the ‘Bonn Republic’ to the ‘Berlin Republic’, to situate Germany as part of a shrinking core and as marked by declining ‘soft’ power.Less
This chapter examines the concept of Europeanization and uses it to explore the changing relationship between Germany and the EU. It argues in favour of understanding ‘Europeanization’ as a complex, interactive ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ process in which domestic polities, politics, and public policies are shaped by European integration and in which domestic actors use this integration to shape the domestic arena. Europeanization may produce either continuity or change and potentially variable and contingent outcomes. Previous work has stressed the capacity of Germany to shape European integration through the use of ‘soft’ power; the coincidence of enabling and restrictive effects arising from progressive integration; and harmonious co-existence and co-evolution between the German political system and the EU level. However, a focus on Europeanization provides grounds for re-examining the conventional wisdom about the domestic conditioning and effects of integration. The chapter highlights how momentous changes in the European integration process are combining with domestic changes, summarized as the transition from the ‘Bonn Republic’ to the ‘Berlin Republic’, to situate Germany as part of a shrinking core and as marked by declining ‘soft’ power.
Beng Huat Chua
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9789888139033
- eISBN:
- 9789882209121
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888139033.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
The emergence of East Asian Pop Culture as an integrated regional media cultural economy is a result of the penetration of Japanese and Korean pop cultures into the historically well established ...
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The emergence of East Asian Pop Culture as an integrated regional media cultural economy is a result of the penetration of Japanese and Korean pop cultures into the historically well established distribution and exhibition networks of Chinese languages pop culture in locations where ethnic-Chinese constitutes the majority population; namely, Taiwan, Hong Kong, the People’s Republic of China and Singapore. Regionalization has produced transnational and transcultural audience communities of different scale in different reception locations, from those looking merely to be entertained to conventional fan clubs to sub-fan community who translates and subtitles foreign programs for free distribution on the Internet, bypassing state censorship and circuits of profit for the producers. In regional political economy, pop culture has become both a vehicle of transnational collaboration for co-production and market expansion and an instrument of competition in soft power diplomacy, which aims to produce positive sentiments towards the exporting nation among the target audiences. The exporting nation’s achievement in engendering such positive influence is limited by the fragmented nature of the audiences who respond differently to the same products; by backlash from local mobilization against ‘foreign cultural invasion’ in ‘defence’ of the national culture, among the non-consumers in the target location and, finally, by the government of the PRC, the largest consuming country, to control the flow of import, restrict exhibition time and encourage co-production which enables it to shape the content of the co-produced programs.Less
The emergence of East Asian Pop Culture as an integrated regional media cultural economy is a result of the penetration of Japanese and Korean pop cultures into the historically well established distribution and exhibition networks of Chinese languages pop culture in locations where ethnic-Chinese constitutes the majority population; namely, Taiwan, Hong Kong, the People’s Republic of China and Singapore. Regionalization has produced transnational and transcultural audience communities of different scale in different reception locations, from those looking merely to be entertained to conventional fan clubs to sub-fan community who translates and subtitles foreign programs for free distribution on the Internet, bypassing state censorship and circuits of profit for the producers. In regional political economy, pop culture has become both a vehicle of transnational collaboration for co-production and market expansion and an instrument of competition in soft power diplomacy, which aims to produce positive sentiments towards the exporting nation among the target audiences. The exporting nation’s achievement in engendering such positive influence is limited by the fragmented nature of the audiences who respond differently to the same products; by backlash from local mobilization against ‘foreign cultural invasion’ in ‘defence’ of the national culture, among the non-consumers in the target location and, finally, by the government of the PRC, the largest consuming country, to control the flow of import, restrict exhibition time and encourage co-production which enables it to shape the content of the co-produced programs.
Chua Beng Huat
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9789888139033
- eISBN:
- 9789882209121
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888139033.003.0008
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Asian Studies
Pop culture has emerged has a vehicle of soft power and an arena for competition in cultural diplomacy between China, Japan and Korea. As a middle-power, Korea is the most self-conscious about ...
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Pop culture has emerged has a vehicle of soft power and an arena for competition in cultural diplomacy between China, Japan and Korea. As a middle-power, Korea is the most self-conscious about turning the popularity of its pop culture into an instrument to influence its consumers in Japan and, especially China. Japan’s ability to exercise cultural influence is limited by the potential push-back from memories its colonization of Korea and war time atrocities in China. With a nascent media industry, China is currently at a disadvantage because it is a net importer of pop culture; however, its massive consumption power has begun to force foreign producers to seek co-production opportunities with Chinese companies in order to avoid being kept out by import restrictions imposed by the Chinese government. Co-production gives the Chinese counterparts the right to control the content of the programs, than an ideological advantage. In view of the soft power competition, the idea of pan-East Asian cinema seems to be a project deferred rather than one that is imminent.Less
Pop culture has emerged has a vehicle of soft power and an arena for competition in cultural diplomacy between China, Japan and Korea. As a middle-power, Korea is the most self-conscious about turning the popularity of its pop culture into an instrument to influence its consumers in Japan and, especially China. Japan’s ability to exercise cultural influence is limited by the potential push-back from memories its colonization of Korea and war time atrocities in China. With a nascent media industry, China is currently at a disadvantage because it is a net importer of pop culture; however, its massive consumption power has begun to force foreign producers to seek co-production opportunities with Chinese companies in order to avoid being kept out by import restrictions imposed by the Chinese government. Co-production gives the Chinese counterparts the right to control the content of the programs, than an ideological advantage. In view of the soft power competition, the idea of pan-East Asian cinema seems to be a project deferred rather than one that is imminent.
Agnia Grigas
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300214505
- eISBN:
- 9780300220766
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300214505.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter sets out the seven phases of the reimperialization policy trajectory that leverages Russian compatriots of the near abroad. This trajectory moves from (1) soft power to (2) humanitarian ...
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This chapter sets out the seven phases of the reimperialization policy trajectory that leverages Russian compatriots of the near abroad. This trajectory moves from (1) soft power to (2) humanitarian policies, (3) compatriot policies, (4) passportization, (5) information warfare, (6) protection, and (7) informal control or formal annexation of the territories where the compatriots reside. The discussion highlights the tight connection between Russia’s softer means of influence and its hard power tactics that may result in territorial annexation.Less
This chapter sets out the seven phases of the reimperialization policy trajectory that leverages Russian compatriots of the near abroad. This trajectory moves from (1) soft power to (2) humanitarian policies, (3) compatriot policies, (4) passportization, (5) information warfare, (6) protection, and (7) informal control or formal annexation of the territories where the compatriots reside. The discussion highlights the tight connection between Russia’s softer means of influence and its hard power tactics that may result in territorial annexation.
