Stephen Small
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257799
- eISBN:
- 9780191717833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257799.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In the late 1770s, the American Revolution encouraged the combination of an array of political languages into a powerful Irish patriotism focused on the unsatisfactory connection with Britain. ...
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In the late 1770s, the American Revolution encouraged the combination of an array of political languages into a powerful Irish patriotism focused on the unsatisfactory connection with Britain. Patriots used ancient constitutional arguments to attack the British government’s denial of the traditional ‘English’ birthrights of Irishmen. While Irish patriotism was focused on Britain during the agitation for free trade and legislative independence, these languages formed a loose consensus. But they were full of contradictions, containing the seeds of radical reform, Catholic emancipation, and republican separatism, as well as justifications for elitist politics and Protestant Ascendancy. The desire to make Ireland a rich, commercial country continued to be highly influential in all forms of patriot, radical, and republican thought throughout the decade.Less
In the late 1770s, the American Revolution encouraged the combination of an array of political languages into a powerful Irish patriotism focused on the unsatisfactory connection with Britain. Patriots used ancient constitutional arguments to attack the British government’s denial of the traditional ‘English’ birthrights of Irishmen. While Irish patriotism was focused on Britain during the agitation for free trade and legislative independence, these languages formed a loose consensus. But they were full of contradictions, containing the seeds of radical reform, Catholic emancipation, and republican separatism, as well as justifications for elitist politics and Protestant Ascendancy. The desire to make Ireland a rich, commercial country continued to be highly influential in all forms of patriot, radical, and republican thought throughout the decade.
Jon Mee
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198183297
- eISBN:
- 9780191674013
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198183297.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism, 18th-century Literature
This book considers William Blake's prophetic books written during the 1790s in the light of the French Revolution controversy raging at the time. His works are shown to be less the expressions of ...
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This book considers William Blake's prophetic books written during the 1790s in the light of the French Revolution controversy raging at the time. His works are shown to be less the expressions of isolated genius than the products of a complex response to the cultural politics of his contemporaries. Blake's work presents a stern challenge to historical criticism. This study aims to meet the challenge by investigating contexts outside the domains of standard literary histories. It traces the distinctive rhetoric of the illuminated books to the French Revolution controversy of the 1790s and Blake's fusion of the diverse currents of radicalism abroad in that decade. The study is supported by original research. Blake emerges from these pages as a ‘bricoleur’ who fused the language of London's popular dissenting culture with the more sceptical radicalism of the Enlightenment. This book presents a more comprehensively politicized picture of Blake than any previous study.Less
This book considers William Blake's prophetic books written during the 1790s in the light of the French Revolution controversy raging at the time. His works are shown to be less the expressions of isolated genius than the products of a complex response to the cultural politics of his contemporaries. Blake's work presents a stern challenge to historical criticism. This study aims to meet the challenge by investigating contexts outside the domains of standard literary histories. It traces the distinctive rhetoric of the illuminated books to the French Revolution controversy of the 1790s and Blake's fusion of the diverse currents of radicalism abroad in that decade. The study is supported by original research. Blake emerges from these pages as a ‘bricoleur’ who fused the language of London's popular dissenting culture with the more sceptical radicalism of the Enlightenment. This book presents a more comprehensively politicized picture of Blake than any previous study.
Ann Pettifor
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195168006
- eISBN:
- 9780199783458
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195168003.003.0015
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter describes what is perhaps the most powerful innovation for achieving debt relief for the poor since the mid-1990s: the mobilization of civil societies. The Jubilee 2000 movement was ...
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This chapter describes what is perhaps the most powerful innovation for achieving debt relief for the poor since the mid-1990s: the mobilization of civil societies. The Jubilee 2000 movement was extraordinary — uniting tens of millions of people and spanning nations and continents — all in the name of reducing the burden of developing-country debt. The movement's history and analysis of its successes and failures underscores the importance of civil society groups in the debate over debt and their potential role in promoting and implementing solutions.Less
This chapter describes what is perhaps the most powerful innovation for achieving debt relief for the poor since the mid-1990s: the mobilization of civil societies. The Jubilee 2000 movement was extraordinary — uniting tens of millions of people and spanning nations and continents — all in the name of reducing the burden of developing-country debt. The movement's history and analysis of its successes and failures underscores the importance of civil society groups in the debate over debt and their potential role in promoting and implementing solutions.
L. G. Mitchell
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201045
- eISBN:
- 9780191674815
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201045.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
Charles James Fox was one of the most colourful figures in 18th-century politics. Notorious for the excesses of his private life, he was at the same time one of the leading politicians of his ...
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Charles James Fox was one of the most colourful figures in 18th-century politics. Notorious for the excesses of his private life, he was at the same time one of the leading politicians of his generation, dominating the Whig party and polite society. As the political rival of Pitt the Younger and the intellectual rival of Edmund Burke, his views on the major issues of the day — the American War of Independence, the French Revolution, parliamentary reform — formed the character of Whiggery in his own time and for years to come. Fox's historical reputation has been hotly disputed. Some have hailed him as one of the founding fathers of Radicalism, others have dismissed him as an irritating and irresponsible impediment to the statesmanship of Pitt. This book shows that in many ways Fox was a politician through circumstance, not inclination. The book analyses the ties of kinship and friendship which to an astonishing degree dictated Fox's politics, and offers striking new assessments of Whiggery and its most potent personality.Less
Charles James Fox was one of the most colourful figures in 18th-century politics. Notorious for the excesses of his private life, he was at the same time one of the leading politicians of his generation, dominating the Whig party and polite society. As the political rival of Pitt the Younger and the intellectual rival of Edmund Burke, his views on the major issues of the day — the American War of Independence, the French Revolution, parliamentary reform — formed the character of Whiggery in his own time and for years to come. Fox's historical reputation has been hotly disputed. Some have hailed him as one of the founding fathers of Radicalism, others have dismissed him as an irritating and irresponsible impediment to the statesmanship of Pitt. This book shows that in many ways Fox was a politician through circumstance, not inclination. The book analyses the ties of kinship and friendship which to an astonishing degree dictated Fox's politics, and offers striking new assessments of Whiggery and its most potent personality.
Stephen Bardle
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199660858
- eISBN:
- 9780191749001
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199660858.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 17th-century and Restoration Literature
The Restoration of the monarchy in 1660 has commonly been understood as representing a return to political stability and religious consensus following the tumultuous civil wars and Commonwealth ...
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The Restoration of the monarchy in 1660 has commonly been understood as representing a return to political stability and religious consensus following the tumultuous civil wars and Commonwealth period. By analysing oppositional, underground texts from 1660–1670 this new study contributes to an ongoing historical re-evaluation of the Restoration period. Stephen Bardle provides a new literary historical narrative of what was in fact one of the most tumultuous periods in English history, when terrible plague, the Great Fire of London, and a brutal war against the Dutch quickly undermined the popularity of the new government. At the heart of the nation’s troubles was a highly divisive religious settlement, enforced through the notorious ‘Clarendon Code’, and which unleashed wave upon wave of religious and political persecution. This book tells the story of three writers who fuelled the flames of opposition by contributing illicit texts to a small yet intense public sphere via the literary underground. Key texts by Andrew Marvell including ‘The Garden’ are set in the context of under-explored works by the poet and pamphleteer George Wither and the indomitable satirist Ralph Wallis. The book draws upon extensive archival research and features neglected manuscript and print sources. As an original study of the Literary Underground which sheds light on the vibrancy of political opposition in the 1660s, this book should be of interest to students of radicalism as well as seventeenth-century historians and literary scholars.Less
The Restoration of the monarchy in 1660 has commonly been understood as representing a return to political stability and religious consensus following the tumultuous civil wars and Commonwealth period. By analysing oppositional, underground texts from 1660–1670 this new study contributes to an ongoing historical re-evaluation of the Restoration period. Stephen Bardle provides a new literary historical narrative of what was in fact one of the most tumultuous periods in English history, when terrible plague, the Great Fire of London, and a brutal war against the Dutch quickly undermined the popularity of the new government. At the heart of the nation’s troubles was a highly divisive religious settlement, enforced through the notorious ‘Clarendon Code’, and which unleashed wave upon wave of religious and political persecution. This book tells the story of three writers who fuelled the flames of opposition by contributing illicit texts to a small yet intense public sphere via the literary underground. Key texts by Andrew Marvell including ‘The Garden’ are set in the context of under-explored works by the poet and pamphleteer George Wither and the indomitable satirist Ralph Wallis. The book draws upon extensive archival research and features neglected manuscript and print sources. As an original study of the Literary Underground which sheds light on the vibrancy of political opposition in the 1660s, this book should be of interest to students of radicalism as well as seventeenth-century historians and literary scholars.
GerShun Avilez
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040122
- eISBN:
- 9780252098321
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040122.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This book explores the long-overlooked links between Black Nationalist activism and the renaissance of artistic experimentation emerging from recent African American literature, visual art, and film. ...
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This book explores the long-overlooked links between Black Nationalist activism and the renaissance of artistic experimentation emerging from recent African American literature, visual art, and film. The book charts a new genealogy of contemporary African American artistic production that illuminates how questions of gender and sexuality guided artistic experimentation in the Black Arts Movement from the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s. As the book shows, the artistic production of the Black Arts era provides a set of critical methodologies and paradigms rooted in the disidentification with Black Nationalist discourses. The book studies how this emerging subjectivity, termed aesthetic radicalism, critiqued nationalist rhetoric in the past. It also continues to offer novel means for expressing black intimacy and embodiment via experimental works of art and innovative artistic methods. A bold addition to an advancing field, this book rewrites recent black cultural production even as it uncovers unexpected ways of locating black radicalism.Less
This book explores the long-overlooked links between Black Nationalist activism and the renaissance of artistic experimentation emerging from recent African American literature, visual art, and film. The book charts a new genealogy of contemporary African American artistic production that illuminates how questions of gender and sexuality guided artistic experimentation in the Black Arts Movement from the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s. As the book shows, the artistic production of the Black Arts era provides a set of critical methodologies and paradigms rooted in the disidentification with Black Nationalist discourses. The book studies how this emerging subjectivity, termed aesthetic radicalism, critiqued nationalist rhetoric in the past. It also continues to offer novel means for expressing black intimacy and embodiment via experimental works of art and innovative artistic methods. A bold addition to an advancing field, this book rewrites recent black cultural production even as it uncovers unexpected ways of locating black radicalism.
D. D. Raphael
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199213337
- eISBN:
- 9780191707544
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199213337.003.0013
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy
The 19th‐century controversy about ‘the Adam Smith problem’ concerned an alleged inconsistency between the Moral Sentiments and The Wealth of Nations about the motivation of actions. Interesting ...
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The 19th‐century controversy about ‘the Adam Smith problem’ concerned an alleged inconsistency between the Moral Sentiments and The Wealth of Nations about the motivation of actions. Interesting comparisons of a different character continue to be drawn in recent scholarship.Less
The 19th‐century controversy about ‘the Adam Smith problem’ concerned an alleged inconsistency between the Moral Sentiments and The Wealth of Nations about the motivation of actions. Interesting comparisons of a different character continue to be drawn in recent scholarship.
Mark Bevir
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150833
- eISBN:
- 9781400840281
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150833.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Webb was the single most important thinker and actor in the development of Fabian socialism. This chapter looks in detail at his political thought, rejecting the often repeated claim that he was a ...
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Webb was the single most important thinker and actor in the development of Fabian socialism. This chapter looks in detail at his political thought, rejecting the often repeated claim that he was a descendant of the utilitarians and a representative of a new managerial class. Webb's intellectual background lay in the liberal radicalism of the 1870s, which combined ethical positivism with evolutionary sociology. Webb first became a socialist because of his positivist ethic. He soon defined his socialism in terms of an evolutionary philosophy. He later adopted collectivism when he turned away from neoclassical economics to positivist sociology. And his collectivism always remained an ethical ideal embedded in an evolutionary sociology.Less
Webb was the single most important thinker and actor in the development of Fabian socialism. This chapter looks in detail at his political thought, rejecting the often repeated claim that he was a descendant of the utilitarians and a representative of a new managerial class. Webb's intellectual background lay in the liberal radicalism of the 1870s, which combined ethical positivism with evolutionary sociology. Webb first became a socialist because of his positivist ethic. He soon defined his socialism in terms of an evolutionary philosophy. He later adopted collectivism when he turned away from neoclassical economics to positivist sociology. And his collectivism always remained an ethical ideal embedded in an evolutionary sociology.
Asef Bayat and Linda Herrera
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195369212
- eISBN:
- 9780199871179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369212.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Islam
Muslim youth have assumed a central, if complex, place in the politics and cultures and politics of the global South and North. Their cultural behavior can be understood as representing a new arena ...
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Muslim youth have assumed a central, if complex, place in the politics and cultures and politics of the global South and North. Their cultural behavior can be understood as representing a new arena of contestation for power in a global era. In conventional wisdom, a combination of youth bulge, unemployment, marginality, and a general sentiment of deprivation has given Muslim youth an exceptional status. This chapter shows that although the majority of young Muslims share many common social, political, and economic misfortunes, they respond to their situations and express their youthfulness through remarkably diverse ways. Although groups of them have been drawn into radical Islam, others have embraced their religion more as an identity marker or lifestyle choice, whereas still others opt for secularism. Far from being “exceptional,” young Muslims in reality have as much in common with their non-Muslim global generational counterparts as they share among themselves. They are simultaneously objects, agents and victims on a world stage and are engaged in constant negotiation between being Muslim, modern, and young.Less
Muslim youth have assumed a central, if complex, place in the politics and cultures and politics of the global South and North. Their cultural behavior can be understood as representing a new arena of contestation for power in a global era. In conventional wisdom, a combination of youth bulge, unemployment, marginality, and a general sentiment of deprivation has given Muslim youth an exceptional status. This chapter shows that although the majority of young Muslims share many common social, political, and economic misfortunes, they respond to their situations and express their youthfulness through remarkably diverse ways. Although groups of them have been drawn into radical Islam, others have embraced their religion more as an identity marker or lifestyle choice, whereas still others opt for secularism. Far from being “exceptional,” young Muslims in reality have as much in common with their non-Muslim global generational counterparts as they share among themselves. They are simultaneously objects, agents and victims on a world stage and are engaged in constant negotiation between being Muslim, modern, and young.
Nader Hashemi
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195321241
- eISBN:
- 9780199869831
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195321241.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
This chapter provides a historical context through which to examine the struggle for democracy in Muslim societies. It re‐examines the relationship between religion and political development through ...
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This chapter provides a historical context through which to examine the struggle for democracy in Muslim societies. It re‐examines the relationship between religion and political development through the long view of history. After reviewing the place of religion in liberal‐democratic and modernization theory, an alternative reading of on the rise of Islamic fundamentalism is provided. Drawing on key developments in the early modern European history and the scholarship of Fernand Braudel and Michael Walzer, parallels are discovered between the emergence of radical religious protest movements in the 16th/17th century Europe and similar events in the late 20th/early 21st century in the Middle East. The emphasis is on a sociological interpretation of religious fundamentalism. It is argued that historical depth is required to understand the relationship between religion and political development and that some forms of radical religious protest movements have a proto‐modern character to them.Less
This chapter provides a historical context through which to examine the struggle for democracy in Muslim societies. It re‐examines the relationship between religion and political development through the long view of history. After reviewing the place of religion in liberal‐democratic and modernization theory, an alternative reading of on the rise of Islamic fundamentalism is provided. Drawing on key developments in the early modern European history and the scholarship of Fernand Braudel and Michael Walzer, parallels are discovered between the emergence of radical religious protest movements in the 16th/17th century Europe and similar events in the late 20th/early 21st century in the Middle East. The emphasis is on a sociological interpretation of religious fundamentalism. It is argued that historical depth is required to understand the relationship between religion and political development and that some forms of radical religious protest movements have a proto‐modern character to them.
Allan Boesak
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628462005
- eISBN:
- 9781626745094
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628462005.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
Focusing mainly on the South African context, this chapter discusses “church activism” while drawing distinctions between institutional churches and what Martin Luther King Jr. called “the church ...
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Focusing mainly on the South African context, this chapter discusses “church activism” while drawing distinctions between institutional churches and what Martin Luther King Jr. called “the church within the church” that is driven by a radical gospel of justice, hope and liberation. Examined here is the role of the church and of Christians in public affairs, as underpinned on the one hand by a theology of conquest, appropriation and justification, and on the other by a theology of prophetic challenge and resistance. This distinction has persisted throughout South Africa’s history and it has found expression in every era, sometimes in movements and sometimes in courageous, faithful individuals who carried the torch for prophetic Christian witness in South Africa. The chapter argues that the activist church will have to learn to see social realities “through the eyes of those who suffer” and in response to the urgent call of interreligious solidarity in the ongoing struggles against oppression. In this way radical, activist Christianity can continue to make its valuable contribution to a worldwide activism for the sake of the people of the world and the Earth, remaining a restless presence in the church and in the world.Less
Focusing mainly on the South African context, this chapter discusses “church activism” while drawing distinctions between institutional churches and what Martin Luther King Jr. called “the church within the church” that is driven by a radical gospel of justice, hope and liberation. Examined here is the role of the church and of Christians in public affairs, as underpinned on the one hand by a theology of conquest, appropriation and justification, and on the other by a theology of prophetic challenge and resistance. This distinction has persisted throughout South Africa’s history and it has found expression in every era, sometimes in movements and sometimes in courageous, faithful individuals who carried the torch for prophetic Christian witness in South Africa. The chapter argues that the activist church will have to learn to see social realities “through the eyes of those who suffer” and in response to the urgent call of interreligious solidarity in the ongoing struggles against oppression. In this way radical, activist Christianity can continue to make its valuable contribution to a worldwide activism for the sake of the people of the world and the Earth, remaining a restless presence in the church and in the world.
J. M. Wallace‐Hadrill
- Published in print:
- 1983
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198269069
- eISBN:
- 9780191600777
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198269064.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Church History
Looks at the Gallo–Roman religious experience as a heritage for the Frankish (Germanic) Church. In the 5th century, the Gallo–Roman churches (rather than a Church) were separate Christian communities ...
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Looks at the Gallo–Roman religious experience as a heritage for the Frankish (Germanic) Church. In the 5th century, the Gallo–Roman churches (rather than a Church) were separate Christian communities in cities, each under a bishop, and closely related to the structure of the late‐imperial administration; some had ancient origins from the days of persecution. This century was also an age of barbarian invasion and settlement in Gaul, in which the bishops, by and large, stood firm as protectors in the Roman tradition, although not as secular administrators (as their Merovingian successors would become). The various aspects of the period discussed in the chapter include, the radical bishops (who were mostly ascetics), saints, the cults of asceticism (monks) and relics, miracles as proof of sanctity, Rogation days (devised as a city's confession of guilt, probably in the 460s a.d.), and roles of the bishops in administration (in the diocesan sense) and as controllers of an impressive literary tradition. The last part of the chapter examines the role of Caesarius (bishop and metropolitan of Arles from 503 to 543) in the identification of a secular with a Christian community.Less
Looks at the Gallo–Roman religious experience as a heritage for the Frankish (Germanic) Church. In the 5th century, the Gallo–Roman churches (rather than a Church) were separate Christian communities in cities, each under a bishop, and closely related to the structure of the late‐imperial administration; some had ancient origins from the days of persecution. This century was also an age of barbarian invasion and settlement in Gaul, in which the bishops, by and large, stood firm as protectors in the Roman tradition, although not as secular administrators (as their Merovingian successors would become). The various aspects of the period discussed in the chapter include, the radical bishops (who were mostly ascetics), saints, the cults of asceticism (monks) and relics, miracles as proof of sanctity, Rogation days (devised as a city's confession of guilt, probably in the 460s a.d.), and roles of the bishops in administration (in the diocesan sense) and as controllers of an impressive literary tradition. The last part of the chapter examines the role of Caesarius (bishop and metropolitan of Arles from 503 to 543) in the identification of a secular with a Christian community.
Keith Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263204
- eISBN:
- 9780191734205
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263204.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Historiography
The large oeuvre of Gerald Aylmer, a historian of 17th-century England, can be divided into five main categories. First, there are the occasional studies which were stimulated by the institutions, ...
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The large oeuvre of Gerald Aylmer, a historian of 17th-century England, can be divided into five main categories. First, there are the occasional studies which were stimulated by the institutions, people and places he encountered. The second category of Gerald's writings stems from his interest in 17th-century radicalism, the aspect of the period with which, like Christopher Hill, he was most warmly in sympathy. Thirdly, there are his general interpretative writings on the 17th century, notably the two text-books, The Struggle for the Constitution and Rebellion or Revolution? Fourthly, there are his essays in comparative history. Although never claiming any expertise outside the history of England, Ireland and colonial America, Gerald was always keen to set his findings into a larger picture. Finally, there is the work for which Gerald Aylmer will be longest remembered, namely his trilogy on 17th-century office-holders.Less
The large oeuvre of Gerald Aylmer, a historian of 17th-century England, can be divided into five main categories. First, there are the occasional studies which were stimulated by the institutions, people and places he encountered. The second category of Gerald's writings stems from his interest in 17th-century radicalism, the aspect of the period with which, like Christopher Hill, he was most warmly in sympathy. Thirdly, there are his general interpretative writings on the 17th century, notably the two text-books, The Struggle for the Constitution and Rebellion or Revolution? Fourthly, there are his essays in comparative history. Although never claiming any expertise outside the history of England, Ireland and colonial America, Gerald was always keen to set his findings into a larger picture. Finally, there is the work for which Gerald Aylmer will be longest remembered, namely his trilogy on 17th-century office-holders.
Andrew Kahn
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199234745
- eISBN:
- 9780191715747
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199234745.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism, Poetry
This chapter explores the meaning of concepts such as subjectivity, imagination, and mimesis that from the late 1820s provided a counter-current to the classical ideal. Although Pushkin was ...
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This chapter explores the meaning of concepts such as subjectivity, imagination, and mimesis that from the late 1820s provided a counter-current to the classical ideal. Although Pushkin was inherently conservative as a lyricist, he understood how the classical could become the Romantic. His approach to innovation as a type of creative recycling met the Romantic revolutionary ideal halfway. But from 1826, the path to Romantic subjectivity through imagination also lay open to Pushkin. Issues once given little urgency in his poetry became more critical from 1826. It is shown that the transition to a greater Romantic lyric was tentative, and that Pushkin only intermittently transposed his reading about the imagination and subjectivity into poems that are statements about the creative mind.Less
This chapter explores the meaning of concepts such as subjectivity, imagination, and mimesis that from the late 1820s provided a counter-current to the classical ideal. Although Pushkin was inherently conservative as a lyricist, he understood how the classical could become the Romantic. His approach to innovation as a type of creative recycling met the Romantic revolutionary ideal halfway. But from 1826, the path to Romantic subjectivity through imagination also lay open to Pushkin. Issues once given little urgency in his poetry became more critical from 1826. It is shown that the transition to a greater Romantic lyric was tentative, and that Pushkin only intermittently transposed his reading about the imagination and subjectivity into poems that are statements about the creative mind.
Alexander V. Prusin
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199297535
- eISBN:
- 9780191594328
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297535.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
The chapter explores the policies of the ‘successor‐states’ that emerged on the ruins of the three empires. Its major argument is that the attempts to rule the multiplicity of people, who differed in ...
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The chapter explores the policies of the ‘successor‐states’ that emerged on the ruins of the three empires. Its major argument is that the attempts to rule the multiplicity of people, who differed in political experience ethnicity, and culture proved extremely difficult. The aggression of the two powers — Germany and Soviet Russia — destroyed the peace‐settlement altogetherLess
The chapter explores the policies of the ‘successor‐states’ that emerged on the ruins of the three empires. Its major argument is that the attempts to rule the multiplicity of people, who differed in political experience ethnicity, and culture proved extremely difficult. The aggression of the two powers — Germany and Soviet Russia — destroyed the peace‐settlement altogether
Boitumelo Senokoane
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628462005
- eISBN:
- 9781626745094
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628462005.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
The chapter argues that ‘Christian Activism’ is love in the service of justice and that the Christian Gospel includes proclamation to the nations about obedience to God. When considering the depth ...
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The chapter argues that ‘Christian Activism’ is love in the service of justice and that the Christian Gospel includes proclamation to the nations about obedience to God. When considering the depth and breadth of social injustice and collective evil in the world, the relationship between love and justice must be taken seriously by the Christians. The chapter references the scholarship of Allan Boesak, who is also a Christian Activist, to show the achievements of Christian activism in South Africa.Less
The chapter argues that ‘Christian Activism’ is love in the service of justice and that the Christian Gospel includes proclamation to the nations about obedience to God. When considering the depth and breadth of social injustice and collective evil in the world, the relationship between love and justice must be taken seriously by the Christians. The chapter references the scholarship of Allan Boesak, who is also a Christian Activist, to show the achievements of Christian activism in South Africa.
Stephen Small
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257799
- eISBN:
- 9780191717833
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257799.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This is a analysis of late 18th-century Irish patriot thought and its development into 1790s radical republicanism. Patriots, radicals, and republicans played key roles in the movements for free ...
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This is a analysis of late 18th-century Irish patriot thought and its development into 1790s radical republicanism. Patriots, radicals, and republicans played key roles in the movements for free trade, legislative independence, parliamentary reform, Catholic relief and independence from Britain; and many of their ideas helped precipitate the rebellion in 1798. This book explains the ideological background to these issues, sheds new light on the origins of Irish republicanism, and places late 18th-century Irish political thought in the wider context of British, Atlantic, and European ideas. The book argues that Irish patriotism, radicalism, and republicanism were constructed out of five key political ‘languages’: Protestant superiority, ancient constitutionalism, commercial grievance, classical republicanism, and natural rights. These political languages, which were Irish dialects of languages shared with the English-speaking and European world, combined in the late 1770s to construct the classic expression of Irish patriotism. This patriotism was full of contradictions, containing the seeds of radical reform, Catholic emancipation, and republican separatism — as well as a defence of Protestant Ascendancy. Over the next two decades, the American and French Revolutions, the reform movement, popular politicisation, Ascendancy reaction, and Catholic political revival disrupted and transformed these languages, causing the fragmentation of a broad patriot consensus and the emergence from it of radicalism and republicanism. These developments are explained in terms of tensions and interactions between Protestant assumptions of Catholic inferiority, the increasing popularity of natural rights, and the enduring centrality of classical republican concepts of virtue to all types of patriot thought.Less
This is a analysis of late 18th-century Irish patriot thought and its development into 1790s radical republicanism. Patriots, radicals, and republicans played key roles in the movements for free trade, legislative independence, parliamentary reform, Catholic relief and independence from Britain; and many of their ideas helped precipitate the rebellion in 1798. This book explains the ideological background to these issues, sheds new light on the origins of Irish republicanism, and places late 18th-century Irish political thought in the wider context of British, Atlantic, and European ideas. The book argues that Irish patriotism, radicalism, and republicanism were constructed out of five key political ‘languages’: Protestant superiority, ancient constitutionalism, commercial grievance, classical republicanism, and natural rights. These political languages, which were Irish dialects of languages shared with the English-speaking and European world, combined in the late 1770s to construct the classic expression of Irish patriotism. This patriotism was full of contradictions, containing the seeds of radical reform, Catholic emancipation, and republican separatism — as well as a defence of Protestant Ascendancy. Over the next two decades, the American and French Revolutions, the reform movement, popular politicisation, Ascendancy reaction, and Catholic political revival disrupted and transformed these languages, causing the fragmentation of a broad patriot consensus and the emergence from it of radicalism and republicanism. These developments are explained in terms of tensions and interactions between Protestant assumptions of Catholic inferiority, the increasing popularity of natural rights, and the enduring centrality of classical republican concepts of virtue to all types of patriot thought.
Gunter Leypoldt
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748635740
- eISBN:
- 9780748651658
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748635740.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
This book deals with narratives of cultural legitimation in nineteenth-century US literature, in a transatlantic context. Exploring how literary professionalism shapes romantic and modern cultural ...
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This book deals with narratives of cultural legitimation in nineteenth-century US literature, in a transatlantic context. Exploring how literary professionalism shapes romantic and modern cultural space, the author traces the nineteenth-century fusion of poetic radicalism with cultural nationalism from its beginnings in transatlantic early romanticism, to the poetry and poetics of Walt Whitman, and Whitman's modernist reinvention as an icon of a native avant-garde. Whitman made cultural nationalism compatible with the rhetorical needs of professional authorship by trying to hold national authenticity and literary authority in a single poetic vision. Yet the notion that his ‘language experiment’ transformed essential democratic experience into a genuine American aesthetics also owes much to Whitman's retrospective canonization. What the author calls Whitmanian authority is thus a transatlantic and transhistorical discursive construct that can be approached from four angles. The book begins with an overview of transatlantic contexts such as the nineteenth-century literary field (Bourdieu) and the romantic turn to expressivism (Taylor). The author gives a detailed analysis of how Whitman's positions develop from the intellectual habitus, a cultural criticism of Ralph Waldo Emerson, and locates Whitmanian authority within three conceptual fields that function as contact zones for European and American theories of culture – romantic notions of national style as a kind of music. The book provides place-centred concepts of national aesthetics and traditional ideas about the aesthetic effects of democratic institutions. The final section, on Whitman's reinvention between the 1870s and the 1940s, discusses how the heterogeneous nineteenth-century perceptions of Whitman's work were streamlined into a modernist version of Whitman's nationalist program.Less
This book deals with narratives of cultural legitimation in nineteenth-century US literature, in a transatlantic context. Exploring how literary professionalism shapes romantic and modern cultural space, the author traces the nineteenth-century fusion of poetic radicalism with cultural nationalism from its beginnings in transatlantic early romanticism, to the poetry and poetics of Walt Whitman, and Whitman's modernist reinvention as an icon of a native avant-garde. Whitman made cultural nationalism compatible with the rhetorical needs of professional authorship by trying to hold national authenticity and literary authority in a single poetic vision. Yet the notion that his ‘language experiment’ transformed essential democratic experience into a genuine American aesthetics also owes much to Whitman's retrospective canonization. What the author calls Whitmanian authority is thus a transatlantic and transhistorical discursive construct that can be approached from four angles. The book begins with an overview of transatlantic contexts such as the nineteenth-century literary field (Bourdieu) and the romantic turn to expressivism (Taylor). The author gives a detailed analysis of how Whitman's positions develop from the intellectual habitus, a cultural criticism of Ralph Waldo Emerson, and locates Whitmanian authority within three conceptual fields that function as contact zones for European and American theories of culture – romantic notions of national style as a kind of music. The book provides place-centred concepts of national aesthetics and traditional ideas about the aesthetic effects of democratic institutions. The final section, on Whitman's reinvention between the 1870s and the 1940s, discusses how the heterogeneous nineteenth-century perceptions of Whitman's work were streamlined into a modernist version of Whitman's nationalist program.
Azar Gat
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207153
- eISBN:
- 9780191677519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207153.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Military History, History of Ideas
German fascism is inevitably marked by Nazism which had created a great impact across the modern German, Western, and the world history. However the Nationalist Socialist party and its leader, Adolf ...
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German fascism is inevitably marked by Nazism which had created a great impact across the modern German, Western, and the world history. However the Nationalist Socialist party and its leader, Adolf Hitler only became significant political forces in the beginning of the 1930s. Their emergence to power only came about when a complex circumstance catapulted them into power hence paving an excuse where they can exhibit their gruesomeness in a grand scale manner. This chapter discusses the emergence of German right-wing radicalism which took shape in the late nineteenth century in the wake of Germany's industrialization. This chapter focuses on Adolf Hitler's regime and its attitude towards modernist fascism. Of all fascist movements, Hitler's regime was the least modern. Hitler suppressed the most radical and avant-garde elements of his movements after assuming power. On the other hand, Hitler and his regime exalted the most spectacular and dynamic products of technology. They associated themselves with and made extensive use of aircraft and fast car. Nazism and the orientation of the right-wing radicals within the armed forces redirected German rearmament towards modern means of war, revolutionary doctrines, and radical operational schemes.Less
German fascism is inevitably marked by Nazism which had created a great impact across the modern German, Western, and the world history. However the Nationalist Socialist party and its leader, Adolf Hitler only became significant political forces in the beginning of the 1930s. Their emergence to power only came about when a complex circumstance catapulted them into power hence paving an excuse where they can exhibit their gruesomeness in a grand scale manner. This chapter discusses the emergence of German right-wing radicalism which took shape in the late nineteenth century in the wake of Germany's industrialization. This chapter focuses on Adolf Hitler's regime and its attitude towards modernist fascism. Of all fascist movements, Hitler's regime was the least modern. Hitler suppressed the most radical and avant-garde elements of his movements after assuming power. On the other hand, Hitler and his regime exalted the most spectacular and dynamic products of technology. They associated themselves with and made extensive use of aircraft and fast car. Nazism and the orientation of the right-wing radicals within the armed forces redirected German rearmament towards modern means of war, revolutionary doctrines, and radical operational schemes.
David Worrall
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199276752
- eISBN:
- 9780191707643
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199276752.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Drama
This book argues that Romantic period drama for the stage is a neglected field of study. Looking beyond the Royal Theatres of Covent Garden and Drury Lane, it traces the link between networks of ...
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This book argues that Romantic period drama for the stage is a neglected field of study. Looking beyond the Royal Theatres of Covent Garden and Drury Lane, it traces the link between networks of plebeian activism linked not only to theatricality, but also to specific ideologies around Freemasonry, radicalism, and attempts to avoid censorship. The role of the Lord Chamberlain and his Examiner of Plays is treated in detail. Drawing mainly on primary sources (including manuscripts) from the National Archives, Huntington Library, Folger and British Library, it documents the popular politicization of theatre, such as attempts to suppress the Royalty Theatre and the parallel growth in urban London private theatres working on the edge of legality. The connections to politics and working class subcultures are stressed throughout, not only by Queen Caroline’s consummate use of ‘illegitimate’ theatres such as the Royal Coburg (present day Old Vic) to forward her claims to the throne, but also contemporary drama’s reflection of issues such as provincial sex crime and the abolition of slavery. Moreover, this study of dramatic Romanticism emphasizes that Georgian theatricality permeated society through its private theatres (sometimes with paedophilic intent), ‘song-and-supper’ clubs, and constant confrontation with the oligarchic powers of the Royal Theatres and the Lord Chamberlain.Less
This book argues that Romantic period drama for the stage is a neglected field of study. Looking beyond the Royal Theatres of Covent Garden and Drury Lane, it traces the link between networks of plebeian activism linked not only to theatricality, but also to specific ideologies around Freemasonry, radicalism, and attempts to avoid censorship. The role of the Lord Chamberlain and his Examiner of Plays is treated in detail. Drawing mainly on primary sources (including manuscripts) from the National Archives, Huntington Library, Folger and British Library, it documents the popular politicization of theatre, such as attempts to suppress the Royalty Theatre and the parallel growth in urban London private theatres working on the edge of legality. The connections to politics and working class subcultures are stressed throughout, not only by Queen Caroline’s consummate use of ‘illegitimate’ theatres such as the Royal Coburg (present day Old Vic) to forward her claims to the throne, but also contemporary drama’s reflection of issues such as provincial sex crime and the abolition of slavery. Moreover, this study of dramatic Romanticism emphasizes that Georgian theatricality permeated society through its private theatres (sometimes with paedophilic intent), ‘song-and-supper’ clubs, and constant confrontation with the oligarchic powers of the Royal Theatres and the Lord Chamberlain.
