Janet L. Abu-Lughod
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195328752
- eISBN:
- 9780199944057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195328752.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
Racial tensions have been recurring phenomena deeply embedded in New York City's past, as they have been in American history in general. Among others, there were significant protests in Harlem in ...
More
Racial tensions have been recurring phenomena deeply embedded in New York City's past, as they have been in American history in general. Among others, there were significant protests in Harlem in 1935 and again in 1943 that prefigured the types of ghetto revolts that would come to be characteristic in other cities in the late 1960s. These culminated in the 1964 Harlem riot that spread almost instantaneously to the city's “Second Ghetto” in Brooklyn, Bedford-Stuyvesant. The immediate casus belli of the 1935 Harlem riot was when a sixteen-year-old boy was apprehended and accused of stealing a penknife from Kress's variety store on the busy commercial thoroughfare of 125th Street in Harlem. The immediate casus belli of the 1943 Harlem revolt was an altercation between a white policeman and a female black client at a local hotel.Less
Racial tensions have been recurring phenomena deeply embedded in New York City's past, as they have been in American history in general. Among others, there were significant protests in Harlem in 1935 and again in 1943 that prefigured the types of ghetto revolts that would come to be characteristic in other cities in the late 1960s. These culminated in the 1964 Harlem riot that spread almost instantaneously to the city's “Second Ghetto” in Brooklyn, Bedford-Stuyvesant. The immediate casus belli of the 1935 Harlem riot was when a sixteen-year-old boy was apprehended and accused of stealing a penknife from Kress's variety store on the busy commercial thoroughfare of 125th Street in Harlem. The immediate casus belli of the 1943 Harlem revolt was an altercation between a white policeman and a female black client at a local hotel.
Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195144260
- eISBN:
- 9780199833931
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195144260.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
In the 1980s, Malaysia adopted the policy of state‐led Islamization. The ruling UMNO party co‐opted ABIM, fashioned itself as an Islamically oriented party, and adopted many Islamist ideas. The state ...
More
In the 1980s, Malaysia adopted the policy of state‐led Islamization. The ruling UMNO party co‐opted ABIM, fashioned itself as an Islamically oriented party, and adopted many Islamist ideas. The state created Islamic institutions, and supported Islamic cultural, political, and economic activities. It used Islamization to expand its power and to penetrate the Malay society. The state also embarked on rapid economic growth to address racial tensions. It used its control of Islam to manage Islamic politics and define Islamic values with a view of economic growth and accommodating globalization.Less
In the 1980s, Malaysia adopted the policy of state‐led Islamization. The ruling UMNO party co‐opted ABIM, fashioned itself as an Islamically oriented party, and adopted many Islamist ideas. The state created Islamic institutions, and supported Islamic cultural, political, and economic activities. It used Islamization to expand its power and to penetrate the Malay society. The state also embarked on rapid economic growth to address racial tensions. It used its control of Islam to manage Islamic politics and define Islamic values with a view of economic growth and accommodating globalization.
Gregory A. Daddis
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199746873
- eISBN:
- 9780199897179
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199746873.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 8 concentrates on how MACV assessed the organizational effectiveness of U.S. Army units serving in Vietnam in 1970. Did officers sense there had been a deterioration of combat effectiveness ...
More
Chapter 8 concentrates on how MACV assessed the organizational effectiveness of U.S. Army units serving in Vietnam in 1970. Did officers sense there had been a deterioration of combat effectiveness over time? Much of the Vietnam War historiography comments on the supposed deterioration of troop performance due to drug use, racial tension, and a breakdown in discipline. This chapter investigates how MACV measured such performance. It further asks if it was even feasible for the U.S. Army to withdraw from Vietnam while simultaneously maintaining its overall combat effectiveness.Less
Chapter 8 concentrates on how MACV assessed the organizational effectiveness of U.S. Army units serving in Vietnam in 1970. Did officers sense there had been a deterioration of combat effectiveness over time? Much of the Vietnam War historiography comments on the supposed deterioration of troop performance due to drug use, racial tension, and a breakdown in discipline. This chapter investigates how MACV measured such performance. It further asks if it was even feasible for the U.S. Army to withdraw from Vietnam while simultaneously maintaining its overall combat effectiveness.
Black Hawk Hancock
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226043074
- eISBN:
- 9780226043241
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226043241.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
“Perhaps,” wrote Ralph Ellison more than seventy years ago, “the zoot suit contains profound political meaning; perhaps the symmetrical frenzy of the Lindy-hop conceals clues to great potential ...
More
“Perhaps,” wrote Ralph Ellison more than seventy years ago, “the zoot suit contains profound political meaning; perhaps the symmetrical frenzy of the Lindy-hop conceals clues to great potential power.” As Ellison noted then, many of our most mundane cultural forms are larger and more important than they appear, taking on great significance and an unexpected depth of meaning. What he saw in the power of the Lindy Hop—the dance that Life magazine once billed as “America's True National Folk Dance”—would spread from black America to make a lasting impression on white America and offer us a truly compelling means of understanding our culture. But with what hidden implications? This book offers an embedded and embodied ethnography that situates dance within a larger Chicago landscape of segregated social practices. Delving into two Chicago dance worlds—the Lindy and Steppin'—it uses a combination of participant-observation and interviews to bring to the surface the racial tension that surrounds white use of black cultural forms. Focusing on new forms of appropriation in an era of multiculturalism, the author underscores the institutionalization of racial disparities and offers insights into the intersection of race and culture in America.Less
“Perhaps,” wrote Ralph Ellison more than seventy years ago, “the zoot suit contains profound political meaning; perhaps the symmetrical frenzy of the Lindy-hop conceals clues to great potential power.” As Ellison noted then, many of our most mundane cultural forms are larger and more important than they appear, taking on great significance and an unexpected depth of meaning. What he saw in the power of the Lindy Hop—the dance that Life magazine once billed as “America's True National Folk Dance”—would spread from black America to make a lasting impression on white America and offer us a truly compelling means of understanding our culture. But with what hidden implications? This book offers an embedded and embodied ethnography that situates dance within a larger Chicago landscape of segregated social practices. Delving into two Chicago dance worlds—the Lindy and Steppin'—it uses a combination of participant-observation and interviews to bring to the surface the racial tension that surrounds white use of black cultural forms. Focusing on new forms of appropriation in an era of multiculturalism, the author underscores the institutionalization of racial disparities and offers insights into the intersection of race and culture in America.
Leah N. Gordon
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226238449
- eISBN:
- 9780226238586
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226238586.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Historiography
Chapter Three examines the University of Chicago’s Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations (CETRRR), which sociologist Louis Wirth established in 1947 to produce and ...
More
Chapter Three examines the University of Chicago’s Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations (CETRRR), which sociologist Louis Wirth established in 1947 to produce and disseminate research on race relations. Although the university’s sociology department had been the institutional home of Robert Park’s social ecology, the leading systemic approach to race relations in the 1920s and 1930s, concern with prejudice and the interpersonal sources of racial tensions received considerable attention at CETRRR between 1947 and 1952. Nonetheless, arguments over the relationship between white attitudes and the “general situation” in which race relations developed divided CETRRR researchers. These debates emerged forcefully in both discussions of a “tension barometer,” a survey research instrument intended to predict urban racial violence before it occurred, and in CETRRR affiliates’ efforts to promote better race relations in the Chicago Public Schools. However, both methodological considerations associated with the refining of individualistic survey research techniques and reformist concerns related to preventing wartime racial violence discouraged critics of racial individualism from elaborating alternative approaches.Less
Chapter Three examines the University of Chicago’s Committee on Education, Training, and Research in Race Relations (CETRRR), which sociologist Louis Wirth established in 1947 to produce and disseminate research on race relations. Although the university’s sociology department had been the institutional home of Robert Park’s social ecology, the leading systemic approach to race relations in the 1920s and 1930s, concern with prejudice and the interpersonal sources of racial tensions received considerable attention at CETRRR between 1947 and 1952. Nonetheless, arguments over the relationship between white attitudes and the “general situation” in which race relations developed divided CETRRR researchers. These debates emerged forcefully in both discussions of a “tension barometer,” a survey research instrument intended to predict urban racial violence before it occurred, and in CETRRR affiliates’ efforts to promote better race relations in the Chicago Public Schools. However, both methodological considerations associated with the refining of individualistic survey research techniques and reformist concerns related to preventing wartime racial violence discouraged critics of racial individualism from elaborating alternative approaches.
Darrell M. Newton
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719081675
- eISBN:
- 9781781702840
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719081675.003.0026
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Television
This chapter begins with an examination of the 1960s, and looks at heightened concerns about urban unrest following the riots at Notting Hill and in Nottingham. Each event created further concerns ...
More
This chapter begins with an examination of the 1960s, and looks at heightened concerns about urban unrest following the riots at Notting Hill and in Nottingham. Each event created further concerns for White Britons, who nervously studied the increasing racial tensions on city streets, yet these events encouraged West Indians to speak out even more about programming issues and hiring practices within the BBC. Soon after, the Second Coloured Conference at Broadcasting House allowed management to meet with African-Caribbean community leaders about planned television programmes and their potential impact. Critical analyses of racially themed BBC television programming in the 1960s and 1970s includes Till Death Us Do Part (BBC, 1965–68, 1972–75), Rainbow City (BBC, 1967) and the iconic Empire Road (BBC, 1978–79), one of the first BBC ‘soaps’ to feature a first- and second-generation Black British family attempting to navigate life in an English urban setting. The Community Relations Commission was important in providing a voice for West Indians, included recruitment efforts at the BBC for African-Caribbean employees, much to the dismay of the dominant press.Less
This chapter begins with an examination of the 1960s, and looks at heightened concerns about urban unrest following the riots at Notting Hill and in Nottingham. Each event created further concerns for White Britons, who nervously studied the increasing racial tensions on city streets, yet these events encouraged West Indians to speak out even more about programming issues and hiring practices within the BBC. Soon after, the Second Coloured Conference at Broadcasting House allowed management to meet with African-Caribbean community leaders about planned television programmes and their potential impact. Critical analyses of racially themed BBC television programming in the 1960s and 1970s includes Till Death Us Do Part (BBC, 1965–68, 1972–75), Rainbow City (BBC, 1967) and the iconic Empire Road (BBC, 1978–79), one of the first BBC ‘soaps’ to feature a first- and second-generation Black British family attempting to navigate life in an English urban setting. The Community Relations Commission was important in providing a voice for West Indians, included recruitment efforts at the BBC for African-Caribbean employees, much to the dismay of the dominant press.
Carl E. Prince
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195115789
- eISBN:
- 9780199854066
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195115789.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This book captures the intensity of the Brooklyn Dodgers' relationship to its community in the 1950s. Ethnic and racial tensions were part and parcel of a working-class borough; the Dodgers' presence ...
More
This book captures the intensity of the Brooklyn Dodgers' relationship to its community in the 1950s. Ethnic and racial tensions were part and parcel of a working-class borough; the Dodgers' presence smoothed the rough edges of ghetto conflict always present in Brooklyn. The Dodger-inspired baseball program provided a path for boys that occasionally led to the prestigious Dodger Rookie Team, and sometimes, via minor-league contracts, to Ebbets Field itself. Women were tied to the Dodgers no less than their husbands, fathers, brothers, and sons, but they were less visible. A few, such as Pulitzer Prize-winning poet Marianne Moore and working-class super-fan Hilda Chester, were regulars at Ebbets Field and far from invisible. The author explores the underside of the Dodgers—the “baseball Annies,” and the paternity suits that went with the territory. The Dodgers' male culture was played out in the team's politics, in the owners' manipulation of Dodger male egos, opponents' race-baiting, and the macho bravado of the team (how Jackie Robinson, for instance, would prod Giants' catcher Sal Yvars to impotent rage by signaling him when he was going to steal second base, then taunting him from second after the steal). The day in 1957 when Walter OʼMalley, the owner of the Brooklyn Dodgers, announced that the team would be leaving for Los Angeles was one of the worst moments in baseball history, and a sad day in Brooklyn's history as well.Less
This book captures the intensity of the Brooklyn Dodgers' relationship to its community in the 1950s. Ethnic and racial tensions were part and parcel of a working-class borough; the Dodgers' presence smoothed the rough edges of ghetto conflict always present in Brooklyn. The Dodger-inspired baseball program provided a path for boys that occasionally led to the prestigious Dodger Rookie Team, and sometimes, via minor-league contracts, to Ebbets Field itself. Women were tied to the Dodgers no less than their husbands, fathers, brothers, and sons, but they were less visible. A few, such as Pulitzer Prize-winning poet Marianne Moore and working-class super-fan Hilda Chester, were regulars at Ebbets Field and far from invisible. The author explores the underside of the Dodgers—the “baseball Annies,” and the paternity suits that went with the territory. The Dodgers' male culture was played out in the team's politics, in the owners' manipulation of Dodger male egos, opponents' race-baiting, and the macho bravado of the team (how Jackie Robinson, for instance, would prod Giants' catcher Sal Yvars to impotent rage by signaling him when he was going to steal second base, then taunting him from second after the steal). The day in 1957 when Walter OʼMalley, the owner of the Brooklyn Dodgers, announced that the team would be leaving for Los Angeles was one of the worst moments in baseball history, and a sad day in Brooklyn's history as well.
Glenn C. Altschuler and Isaac Kramnick
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801444258
- eISBN:
- 9780801471896
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801444258.003.0005
- Subject:
- Education, Higher Education
This chapter examines the civil rights era at Cornell University, with particular emphasis on the issue of race. The civil rights era at Cornell began in April 1961, when Martin Luther King Jr. urged ...
More
This chapter examines the civil rights era at Cornell University, with particular emphasis on the issue of race. The civil rights era at Cornell began in April 1961, when Martin Luther King Jr. urged white Cornell students to join the “freedom riders” that summer at sit-ins at segregated facilities in Mississippi. A month after King's visit, a substantial number of Cornell students joined forces with students from Ithaca College and Ithaca High School to picket the Greyhound Bus terminal, demanding that the company desegregate its facilities in the South. Cornell's new president, James Perkins, believed that the school should involve itself in the civil rights struggle. This chapter discusses the ways Cornell showed its concern with race and addressed the issue of racism, such as increasing the number of Afro-American graduate students. It considers the racial tension at Cornell and how James Turner, director of the Afro-American Studies Center and an associate professor of Afro-American studies, helped usher in a new era of racial politics at the university.Less
This chapter examines the civil rights era at Cornell University, with particular emphasis on the issue of race. The civil rights era at Cornell began in April 1961, when Martin Luther King Jr. urged white Cornell students to join the “freedom riders” that summer at sit-ins at segregated facilities in Mississippi. A month after King's visit, a substantial number of Cornell students joined forces with students from Ithaca College and Ithaca High School to picket the Greyhound Bus terminal, demanding that the company desegregate its facilities in the South. Cornell's new president, James Perkins, believed that the school should involve itself in the civil rights struggle. This chapter discusses the ways Cornell showed its concern with race and addressed the issue of racism, such as increasing the number of Afro-American graduate students. It considers the racial tension at Cornell and how James Turner, director of the Afro-American Studies Center and an associate professor of Afro-American studies, helped usher in a new era of racial politics at the university.
Touré F. Reed
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807832233
- eISBN:
- 9781469605708
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807888544_reed.10
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter advances the view that Leaguers, although also perceiving unions as vehicles through which Afro-American workers' wages could be improved, conceived of the union movement as a means of ...
More
This chapter advances the view that Leaguers, although also perceiving unions as vehicles through which Afro-American workers' wages could be improved, conceived of the union movement as a means of reorganizing the lives of Afro-American workers while simultaneously promoting racial amity. In particular, many Urban Leaguers believed that Afro-Americans' involvement with unions could enhance job performance, reduce racial tensions, and fortify black workers' commitment to mainstream political institutions. Ultimately, these three principles influenced the League's desire to affiliate with the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and the union movement in general, and are thus essential to understanding both the Urban League's work with unions and its efforts to adjust black workers to urban life.Less
This chapter advances the view that Leaguers, although also perceiving unions as vehicles through which Afro-American workers' wages could be improved, conceived of the union movement as a means of reorganizing the lives of Afro-American workers while simultaneously promoting racial amity. In particular, many Urban Leaguers believed that Afro-Americans' involvement with unions could enhance job performance, reduce racial tensions, and fortify black workers' commitment to mainstream political institutions. Ultimately, these three principles influenced the League's desire to affiliate with the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and the union movement in general, and are thus essential to understanding both the Urban League's work with unions and its efforts to adjust black workers to urban life.
Glenn C. Altschuler and Isaac Kramnick
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801444258
- eISBN:
- 9780801471896
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801444258.003.0008
- Subject:
- Education, Higher Education
This chapter examines how the issue of ethnic studies at Cornell University evolved into a component of what came to be known as “multiculturalism” or “identity politics.” It considers how Cornell ...
More
This chapter examines how the issue of ethnic studies at Cornell University evolved into a component of what came to be known as “multiculturalism” or “identity politics.” It considers how Cornell responded to students' requests for various ethnic studies programs. It shows that identity politics became a fact of life at Cornell during the tenure of Frank H. T. Rhodes; ethnic studies programs proliferated and “black” residence halls and affirmative action were hotly debated. Partisans of identity politics, who viewed themselves as victims of oppression, demanded opportunities to learn about and celebrate their history and heritage, and safe, secure, and separate spaces for members of their group. In time, their numbers included African Americans, Asian Americans, Latinos, Native Americans, women, and gays, as well as some “white ethnics” (including Jewish, Irish, and Italian Americans). This chapter also discusses the attitudes of students toward identity politics, along with the existence of racial tension on campus.Less
This chapter examines how the issue of ethnic studies at Cornell University evolved into a component of what came to be known as “multiculturalism” or “identity politics.” It considers how Cornell responded to students' requests for various ethnic studies programs. It shows that identity politics became a fact of life at Cornell during the tenure of Frank H. T. Rhodes; ethnic studies programs proliferated and “black” residence halls and affirmative action were hotly debated. Partisans of identity politics, who viewed themselves as victims of oppression, demanded opportunities to learn about and celebrate their history and heritage, and safe, secure, and separate spaces for members of their group. In time, their numbers included African Americans, Asian Americans, Latinos, Native Americans, women, and gays, as well as some “white ethnics” (including Jewish, Irish, and Italian Americans). This chapter also discusses the attitudes of students toward identity politics, along with the existence of racial tension on campus.
