Markus Crepaz
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199289172
- eISBN:
- 9780191711084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289172.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter examines two central questions: how widespread is public support for multiculturalism policies? and what is the impact of the adoption of MCPs on public support for the welfare state? ...
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This chapter examines two central questions: how widespread is public support for multiculturalism policies? and what is the impact of the adoption of MCPs on public support for the welfare state? In so doing, it seeks to ask whether countries with stronger MCPs have seen an erosion in public support for redistribution, in comparison with countries with low levels of MCPs. These issues are examined by analysing responses to opinion surveys which attitudes about multiculturalism, interpersonal trust, and support for the welfare state among the publics of Western democracies. The analysis finds no evidence for the view that adopting MCPs erodes trust, solidarity or public support for the welfare state.Less
This chapter examines two central questions: how widespread is public support for multiculturalism policies? and what is the impact of the adoption of MCPs on public support for the welfare state? In so doing, it seeks to ask whether countries with stronger MCPs have seen an erosion in public support for redistribution, in comparison with countries with low levels of MCPs. These issues are examined by analysing responses to opinion surveys which attitudes about multiculturalism, interpersonal trust, and support for the welfare state among the publics of Western democracies. The analysis finds no evidence for the view that adopting MCPs erodes trust, solidarity or public support for the welfare state.
Christopher Hood, Henry Rothstein, and Robert Baldwin
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243631
- eISBN:
- 9780191599507
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243638.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Why does the regulation of risks to human health and safety vary so dramatically from one policy domain to another? Why are some risks regulated aggressively and others responded to only modestly? Is ...
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Why does the regulation of risks to human health and safety vary so dramatically from one policy domain to another? Why are some risks regulated aggressively and others responded to only modestly? Is there any logic to the techniques we use in risk regulation? This book addresses these important questions by systematically examining variety amongst risk regulation regimes across policy domains, analysing the significant driving forces shaping those regimes, and identifying the causes of regulatory failure and success. In order to do so, the book develops a systems‐based concept of a ‘risk regulation regime’, which enables comparative description and analysis of the rules, institutional arrangements, and cultures that are bound up with the handling of risk within and between regimes. Using that framework, the book analyses how regimes and their constituent components are differentially shaped by three major driving forces—namely, the pressures exerted by market failure, by public opinion, and by organized interests inside and outside the state apparatus—and blame‐avoidance responses of regimes in the face of pressures for greater openness. The book applies the method to analyse a range of risk regulation regimes that cross the divide between ‘natural’ and ‘socially created’, state‐created and market‐created, ‘voluntary’ and ‘involuntary’, high‐tech and low‐tech, individually, and corporately produced risks. Those regimes include the release of paedophiles into the community, air pollution, local road safety, radon, pesticides, and dangerous dogs. The analysis reveals both variations and paradoxes that can neither be identified by single case studies, nor be easily explained by macro‐oriented approaches to understanding risk regulation. The Government of Risk shows how such an approach is of high policy relevance as well as of considerable theoretical importance.Less
Why does the regulation of risks to human health and safety vary so dramatically from one policy domain to another? Why are some risks regulated aggressively and others responded to only modestly? Is there any logic to the techniques we use in risk regulation? This book addresses these important questions by systematically examining variety amongst risk regulation regimes across policy domains, analysing the significant driving forces shaping those regimes, and identifying the causes of regulatory failure and success. In order to do so, the book develops a systems‐based concept of a ‘risk regulation regime’, which enables comparative description and analysis of the rules, institutional arrangements, and cultures that are bound up with the handling of risk within and between regimes. Using that framework, the book analyses how regimes and their constituent components are differentially shaped by three major driving forces—namely, the pressures exerted by market failure, by public opinion, and by organized interests inside and outside the state apparatus—and blame‐avoidance responses of regimes in the face of pressures for greater openness. The book applies the method to analyse a range of risk regulation regimes that cross the divide between ‘natural’ and ‘socially created’, state‐created and market‐created, ‘voluntary’ and ‘involuntary’, high‐tech and low‐tech, individually, and corporately produced risks. Those regimes include the release of paedophiles into the community, air pollution, local road safety, radon, pesticides, and dangerous dogs. The analysis reveals both variations and paradoxes that can neither be identified by single case studies, nor be easily explained by macro‐oriented approaches to understanding risk regulation. The Government of Risk shows how such an approach is of high policy relevance as well as of considerable theoretical importance.
Scott B. Blinder
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199217977
- eISBN:
- 9780191711541
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217977.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
President Bush and administration officials sought to persuade the domestic public, lawmakers in Washington, and the international community of the need to take military action against Saddam ...
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President Bush and administration officials sought to persuade the domestic public, lawmakers in Washington, and the international community of the need to take military action against Saddam Hussein's regime, even after the decision to go to war had apparently been made. Using the power of the presidential bully pulpit and sending high-ranking officials to the airwaves and speech circuits, the administration spared no effort to make the case for ‘disarming’ Saddam, by force if necessary. But was ‘going public’ — appealing to the American public to try to increase support for the president's preferred policy — a necessary or even useful step on the president's road to Baghdad? This chapter argues that ‘going public’ was useful in at least one sense: improving the president's chances of success in the Congress.Less
President Bush and administration officials sought to persuade the domestic public, lawmakers in Washington, and the international community of the need to take military action against Saddam Hussein's regime, even after the decision to go to war had apparently been made. Using the power of the presidential bully pulpit and sending high-ranking officials to the airwaves and speech circuits, the administration spared no effort to make the case for ‘disarming’ Saddam, by force if necessary. But was ‘going public’ — appealing to the American public to try to increase support for the president's preferred policy — a necessary or even useful step on the president's road to Baghdad? This chapter argues that ‘going public’ was useful in at least one sense: improving the president's chances of success in the Congress.
Christopher Hood, Henry Rothstein, and Robert Baldwin
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243631
- eISBN:
- 9780191599507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243638.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Explores the logic of basing risk regulation on mass popular opinion and explores the extent and conditions in which state regulation of risk reflects general public opinion. The chapter draws ...
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Explores the logic of basing risk regulation on mass popular opinion and explores the extent and conditions in which state regulation of risk reflects general public opinion. The chapter draws together existing empirical evidence about public attitudes towards the nine case‐study risks and presents a substantial and original analysis of the salience of those risks in UK newspapers over 12 years to 1998. Analysis suggests that public opinion is certainly a shaper of risk regulation regimes, most obviously in relation to some standard‐setting activities, but it appears to be a constraint or support rather than the key driver. Regulatory activity appears to be better explained by the contingent alignment and relative strengths of other forces shaping regimes. Moreover, the chapter also identifies four important strategies employed by regulators for managing misalignments between public preferences and the preferences of policy experts or other organized interests.Less
Explores the logic of basing risk regulation on mass popular opinion and explores the extent and conditions in which state regulation of risk reflects general public opinion. The chapter draws together existing empirical evidence about public attitudes towards the nine case‐study risks and presents a substantial and original analysis of the salience of those risks in UK newspapers over 12 years to 1998. Analysis suggests that public opinion is certainly a shaper of risk regulation regimes, most obviously in relation to some standard‐setting activities, but it appears to be a constraint or support rather than the key driver. Regulatory activity appears to be better explained by the contingent alignment and relative strengths of other forces shaping regimes. Moreover, the chapter also identifies four important strategies employed by regulators for managing misalignments between public preferences and the preferences of policy experts or other organized interests.
Michael Keating
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240760
- eISBN:
- 9780191599644
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240760.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Nationality claims are often seen as zero‐sum politics involving incompatible conceptions of the polity. Nationalism and self‐determination are seen as equivalent to separatism. Rethinking the ...
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Nationality claims are often seen as zero‐sum politics involving incompatible conceptions of the polity. Nationalism and self‐determination are seen as equivalent to separatism. Rethinking the concepts of nationality, self‐determination, and sovereignty and placing them in a historic context allows us to treat them as more tractable and as a form of politics. This is done through a study of the UK, Spain, Belgium, and Canada. Traditions of shared sovereignty are rediscovered. Analysis of the demands of minority nationalisms shows that these do not always entail separate statehood. Public opinion is more open than often assumed. Asymmetrical constitutional arrangements provide a means of accommodating plural national claims. The emerging European polity is a model for a post‐sovereign order in which legal pluralism and constitutional diversity can accommodate multiple nationality claims.Less
Nationality claims are often seen as zero‐sum politics involving incompatible conceptions of the polity. Nationalism and self‐determination are seen as equivalent to separatism. Rethinking the concepts of nationality, self‐determination, and sovereignty and placing them in a historic context allows us to treat them as more tractable and as a form of politics. This is done through a study of the UK, Spain, Belgium, and Canada. Traditions of shared sovereignty are rediscovered. Analysis of the demands of minority nationalisms shows that these do not always entail separate statehood. Public opinion is more open than often assumed. Asymmetrical constitutional arrangements provide a means of accommodating plural national claims. The emerging European polity is a model for a post‐sovereign order in which legal pluralism and constitutional diversity can accommodate multiple nationality claims.
Hugh Berrington and Rod Hague
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244034
- eISBN:
- 9780191599897
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244030.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
There has been a lack of analytical rigour in evaluating the historical pattern of British public opinion regarding association with Europe. An excellent framework for such evaluation was provided by ...
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There has been a lack of analytical rigour in evaluating the historical pattern of British public opinion regarding association with Europe. An excellent framework for such evaluation was provided by the American political scientist V.O. Key, in his book, Public opinion and American democracy (1961), which focused on five issues: first, the patterns of distribution of public opinion, as between consensus and discord; second, the structural distribution, in terms of social and geographical cleavages; third, the properties of opinions, or the intensity with they are held; fourth, the manner in which the formation of opinions takes place; fifth, their linkages with government policy. The chapter attempts a preliminary application of Key's schematic to the British case.Less
There has been a lack of analytical rigour in evaluating the historical pattern of British public opinion regarding association with Europe. An excellent framework for such evaluation was provided by the American political scientist V.O. Key, in his book, Public opinion and American democracy (1961), which focused on five issues: first, the patterns of distribution of public opinion, as between consensus and discord; second, the structural distribution, in terms of social and geographical cleavages; third, the properties of opinions, or the intensity with they are held; fourth, the manner in which the formation of opinions takes place; fifth, their linkages with government policy. The chapter attempts a preliminary application of Key's schematic to the British case.
Max Kaase and Kenneth Newton
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294726
- eISBN:
- 9780191599590
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294727.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter reviews the finding of the ‘Beliefs in government’ project regarding the comparative development of public attitudes towards the welfare state in the countries of Western Europe: whether ...
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This chapter reviews the finding of the ‘Beliefs in government’ project regarding the comparative development of public attitudes towards the welfare state in the countries of Western Europe: whether the scope of government should contract, who are the main opinion‐formers, and how far their views are shared by the general public. The key question at issue is whether a new era of restricted or minimal government is on the horizon.Less
This chapter reviews the finding of the ‘Beliefs in government’ project regarding the comparative development of public attitudes towards the welfare state in the countries of Western Europe: whether the scope of government should contract, who are the main opinion‐formers, and how far their views are shared by the general public. The key question at issue is whether a new era of restricted or minimal government is on the horizon.
Richard Sinnott
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294764
- eISBN:
- 9780191600005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829476X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Theories about European Community integration have passed through three phases. The first consisted of two ambitious initial formulations (transactionalism and neo‐functionalism) during the late ...
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Theories about European Community integration have passed through three phases. The first consisted of two ambitious initial formulations (transactionalism and neo‐functionalism) during the late 1950s and early 1960s. A short‐lived second phase, characterized by an intense revisionism, can be identified in the late 1960s. However, despite the theoretical progress made during this second phase, in which the importance of public opinion received a much greater recognition, integration theory suffered near‐fatal asphyxiation during the Euro‐stagnation of the 1970s. The current third phase is a revival of the first. This chapter considers these three phases, with brief digressions to deal with the related theories of disintegration and diversity. It then broadens the discussion to incorporate insights from the theory of international regimes and to review theoretical constructs used in previous empirical work on attitudes towards integration.Less
Theories about European Community integration have passed through three phases. The first consisted of two ambitious initial formulations (transactionalism and neo‐functionalism) during the late 1950s and early 1960s. A short‐lived second phase, characterized by an intense revisionism, can be identified in the late 1960s. However, despite the theoretical progress made during this second phase, in which the importance of public opinion received a much greater recognition, integration theory suffered near‐fatal asphyxiation during the Euro‐stagnation of the 1970s. The current third phase is a revival of the first. This chapter considers these three phases, with brief digressions to deal with the related theories of disintegration and diversity. It then broadens the discussion to incorporate insights from the theory of international regimes and to review theoretical constructs used in previous empirical work on attitudes towards integration.
Max Kaase and Kenneth Newton
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294726
- eISBN:
- 9780191599590
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294727.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter is divided into four sections. First, it examines attitudes of support or opposition to three agencies of international government which have the most importance for Western Europeans – ...
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This chapter is divided into four sections. First, it examines attitudes of support or opposition to three agencies of international government which have the most importance for Western Europeans – the UN, NATO and the EU – and how these attitudes have changed since the early 1950s. Second, it examines the problems of mass ignorance about international affairs, and how this affects the reliability of survey data. Third, it considers the structure of public opinion: whether it is inchoate, or organized coherently around distinct themes. Fourth, it considers the extent to which public is original or derivative, simply echoing elite views.Less
This chapter is divided into four sections. First, it examines attitudes of support or opposition to three agencies of international government which have the most importance for Western Europeans – the UN, NATO and the EU – and how these attitudes have changed since the early 1950s. Second, it examines the problems of mass ignorance about international affairs, and how this affects the reliability of survey data. Third, it considers the structure of public opinion: whether it is inchoate, or organized coherently around distinct themes. Fourth, it considers the extent to which public is original or derivative, simply echoing elite views.
Bernhard Wessels
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294764
- eISBN:
- 9780191600005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829476X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The general question addressed in this chapter is whether or not support for the European Community among the mass public is generated by elite action. More precisely, it asks whether opinion flow ...
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The general question addressed in this chapter is whether or not support for the European Community among the mass public is generated by elite action. More precisely, it asks whether opinion flow and opinion formation concerning the EC function according to the cascade model proposed by Deutsch. Its empirical findings provide evidence for a cascade model by showing that the development of support is more congruent between opinion leaders and the highly attentive publics than between opinion leaders and the less attentive strata of society. In the second stage of the analysis, the chapter employs a dynamic model to show that generating support for the EC follows the logic of the normal political process, with stages of articulation, aggregation, and output.Less
The general question addressed in this chapter is whether or not support for the European Community among the mass public is generated by elite action. More precisely, it asks whether opinion flow and opinion formation concerning the EC function according to the cascade model proposed by Deutsch. Its empirical findings provide evidence for a cascade model by showing that the development of support is more congruent between opinion leaders and the highly attentive publics than between opinion leaders and the less attentive strata of society. In the second stage of the analysis, the chapter employs a dynamic model to show that generating support for the EC follows the logic of the normal political process, with stages of articulation, aggregation, and output.
Russell J. Dalton and Richard C. Eichenberg
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198294641
- eISBN:
- 9780191601071
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294646.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Examines the role of public opinion as a societal actor in the European integration process, analysing its evolution from comparative insignificance only a decade ago, when the research focus was ...
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Examines the role of public opinion as a societal actor in the European integration process, analysing its evolution from comparative insignificance only a decade ago, when the research focus was largely on intergovernmental mechanisms and drivers, to its current salience. The change is partly due to heightened recognition by analysts of the role of public opinion in shaping government policy preferences, and partly because the process of European integration has reached down more searchingly into ordinary citizens’ concerns. The research presented in this chapter therefore examines the patterns of citizen support for the integration process, focusing on specific issue areas such as health, environment, and defence, and on the extent to which European public opinion feels that responsibility in these sectors should be transferred from national governments to the European Union.Less
Examines the role of public opinion as a societal actor in the European integration process, analysing its evolution from comparative insignificance only a decade ago, when the research focus was largely on intergovernmental mechanisms and drivers, to its current salience. The change is partly due to heightened recognition by analysts of the role of public opinion in shaping government policy preferences, and partly because the process of European integration has reached down more searchingly into ordinary citizens’ concerns. The research presented in this chapter therefore examines the patterns of citizen support for the integration process, focusing on specific issue areas such as health, environment, and defence, and on the extent to which European public opinion feels that responsibility in these sectors should be transferred from national governments to the European Union.
Jean Charlot
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280354
- eISBN:
- 9780191599422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280351.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Despite the rise in electoral abstention, decline in party identification, and lack of trust in political elites, representative democracy is not in crisis, although the economic policies of ...
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Despite the rise in electoral abstention, decline in party identification, and lack of trust in political elites, representative democracy is not in crisis, although the economic policies of governments have been frequently ineffective. European leaders have used opinion polls, which are effective in reaching more than the active minorities, to remain in touch with what the electors desire. Between elections, public opinion, as polls reveal it, as the media present, and as the politicians respond to it, exerts increasing pressure on government decision‐making.Less
Despite the rise in electoral abstention, decline in party identification, and lack of trust in political elites, representative democracy is not in crisis, although the economic policies of governments have been frequently ineffective. European leaders have used opinion polls, which are effective in reaching more than the active minorities, to remain in touch with what the electors desire. Between elections, public opinion, as polls reveal it, as the media present, and as the politicians respond to it, exerts increasing pressure on government decision‐making.
Christopher Bail
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159423
- eISBN:
- 9781400852628
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159423.003.0007
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Middle Eastern Studies
This chapter asks whether the influence of anti-Muslim organizations within the media and policy process extends toward the broader public and everyday life. Though public opinion of Muslims became ...
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This chapter asks whether the influence of anti-Muslim organizations within the media and policy process extends toward the broader public and everyday life. Though public opinion of Muslims became more favorable after the September 11 attacks, subsequent years witnessed a marked increase in anti-Muslim attitudes among the American public that mirrored the rise of anti-Muslim organizations within the public sphere. Data from popular social media sites suggest the surge in anti-Muslim civil society organizations was at least partly responsible for the transformation of the American public's understanding of Islam. Finally, the chapter details the growth of mosque controversies within the U.S. inspired by fringe activists—including the high-profile controversy about the construction of an Islamic center near the site of the September 11 attacks and the Qur'an burning controversy that followed.Less
This chapter asks whether the influence of anti-Muslim organizations within the media and policy process extends toward the broader public and everyday life. Though public opinion of Muslims became more favorable after the September 11 attacks, subsequent years witnessed a marked increase in anti-Muslim attitudes among the American public that mirrored the rise of anti-Muslim organizations within the public sphere. Data from popular social media sites suggest the surge in anti-Muslim civil society organizations was at least partly responsible for the transformation of the American public's understanding of Islam. Finally, the chapter details the growth of mosque controversies within the U.S. inspired by fringe activists—including the high-profile controversy about the construction of an Islamic center near the site of the September 11 attacks and the Qur'an burning controversy that followed.
Ole R. Holsti
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240975
- eISBN:
- 9780191598999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240973.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Discusses the impact of public opinion upon American democracy promotion after the Cold War. It seeks to answer the following questions: How strong is public support for promoting democracy abroad? ...
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Discusses the impact of public opinion upon American democracy promotion after the Cold War. It seeks to answer the following questions: How strong is public support for promoting democracy abroad? To what extent do the views of the general public diverge from those of opinion leaders? How has the end of the Cold War affected support for democracy promotion? Has this goal served to bridge the partisan and ideological gap over foreign policy issues within the US political class?Less
Discusses the impact of public opinion upon American democracy promotion after the Cold War. It seeks to answer the following questions: How strong is public support for promoting democracy abroad? To what extent do the views of the general public diverge from those of opinion leaders? How has the end of the Cold War affected support for democracy promotion? Has this goal served to bridge the partisan and ideological gap over foreign policy issues within the US political class?
John H. Evans
David E. Guinn (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195178739
- eISBN:
- 9780199784943
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195178734.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Philosophy of Religion
This chapter discusses the various meanings of the two critical ideas in this book and compares them. These critical ideas are “religion” and “public bioethics”. The chapter focuses most of all not ...
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This chapter discusses the various meanings of the two critical ideas in this book and compares them. These critical ideas are “religion” and “public bioethics”. The chapter focuses most of all not on the different religious roles, but on what we think “public bioethics” is or should be.Less
This chapter discusses the various meanings of the two critical ideas in this book and compares them. These critical ideas are “religion” and “public bioethics”. The chapter focuses most of all not on the different religious roles, but on what we think “public bioethics” is or should be.
Russell J. Dalton
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199268436
- eISBN:
- 9780191708572
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268436.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Most democratic citizens today are distrustful of politicians, political parties, and political institutions. Where once democracies expected an allegiant public, citizens now question the very ...
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Most democratic citizens today are distrustful of politicians, political parties, and political institutions. Where once democracies expected an allegiant public, citizens now question the very pillars of representative democracy. This book documents the erosion of political support in virtually all advanced industrial democracies. Assembling a large array of cross-national public opinion data, this book traces the current challenges to democracy primary to changing citizen values and rising expectations. These dissatisfied democrats are concentrated among the young, the better educated, and the politically sophisticated. At the same time, the evidence debunks claims that such trends are a function of scandals, poor performance, and other government failures. Changing public opinion is born from the successful social modernization of these nations. A creedal passion for democracy is sweeping across the Western democracies, and people now expect more of their governments. This book concludes by examining the consequences of these changing images of government. The book finds that these expectations are making governing more difficult, but also fuelling demands for political reform. The choices that democracies may in response to these challenges lead to a further expansion of the democratic process and a new relationship between citizens and their government.Less
Most democratic citizens today are distrustful of politicians, political parties, and political institutions. Where once democracies expected an allegiant public, citizens now question the very pillars of representative democracy. This book documents the erosion of political support in virtually all advanced industrial democracies. Assembling a large array of cross-national public opinion data, this book traces the current challenges to democracy primary to changing citizen values and rising expectations. These dissatisfied democrats are concentrated among the young, the better educated, and the politically sophisticated. At the same time, the evidence debunks claims that such trends are a function of scandals, poor performance, and other government failures. Changing public opinion is born from the successful social modernization of these nations. A creedal passion for democracy is sweeping across the Western democracies, and people now expect more of their governments. This book concludes by examining the consequences of these changing images of government. The book finds that these expectations are making governing more difficult, but also fuelling demands for political reform. The choices that democracies may in response to these challenges lead to a further expansion of the democratic process and a new relationship between citizens and their government.
George C Edwards III and Desmond King (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199217977
- eISBN:
- 9780191711541
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217977.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This book examines the foreign and domestic policies of President George W. Bush's administration. The analysis begins with an account of how highly polarized — in terms of public opinion and ...
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This book examines the foreign and domestic policies of President George W. Bush's administration. The analysis begins with an account of how highly polarized — in terms of public opinion and electoral patterns — this presidency has proved to be (in a chapter by the editors). This is followed by chapters on the use of unilateral executive powers (by Louis Fisher and William Howell) and prerogative powers (by Richard Pious). Because the policy choices of the Bush presidency have had such fundamental effects both in domestic policy and in US foreign policy, three contributors (Thomas Langston, John Burke, James Pfiffner) then address the processes of decision making especially in respect to the war against Iraq. How the administration governs by a recurring process of campaigning is examined in chapters on public opinion and war (by Gary Jacobson), the promotional presidency (by Larry Jacobs), mobilizing congressional support for war (by Scott Blinder), and the White House communications system (by Martha Kumar). Finally, the way in which the Bush White House relates to congress and the process of building congressional coalitions to enact laws is the subject of chapters on ‘executive style’ of this administration (by Charles O. Jones) and the failure to reform social security (by Fiona Ross).Less
This book examines the foreign and domestic policies of President George W. Bush's administration. The analysis begins with an account of how highly polarized — in terms of public opinion and electoral patterns — this presidency has proved to be (in a chapter by the editors). This is followed by chapters on the use of unilateral executive powers (by Louis Fisher and William Howell) and prerogative powers (by Richard Pious). Because the policy choices of the Bush presidency have had such fundamental effects both in domestic policy and in US foreign policy, three contributors (Thomas Langston, John Burke, James Pfiffner) then address the processes of decision making especially in respect to the war against Iraq. How the administration governs by a recurring process of campaigning is examined in chapters on public opinion and war (by Gary Jacobson), the promotional presidency (by Larry Jacobs), mobilizing congressional support for war (by Scott Blinder), and the White House communications system (by Martha Kumar). Finally, the way in which the Bush White House relates to congress and the process of building congressional coalitions to enact laws is the subject of chapters on ‘executive style’ of this administration (by Charles O. Jones) and the failure to reform social security (by Fiona Ross).
Jeffrey C. Alexander
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195162509
- eISBN:
- 9780199943364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195162509.003.0020
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
Civil society should be understood not merely in terms of contrasting symbolic categories but as structures of feeling, the diffusely sensed obligations and rights that represent, and are at the same ...
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Civil society should be understood not merely in terms of contrasting symbolic categories but as structures of feeling, the diffusely sensed obligations and rights that represent, and are at the same time evoked by, contrasting solidary ties. Collective representations of such social relationships are broadcast by civil society institutions specializing in communicative, not regulative tasks—by the mass media, public opinion polls, and voluntary organizations. The structures of feeling that such institutions produce must be conceptualized as influence rather than authoritative control, or power in a more structural sense. They institutionalize civil society by creating messages that translate general codes into situationally specific evaluations and descriptions. This chapter analyzes these organizations of influence. It begins by discussing the lifeworld of public opinion which anchors communicative and regulative institutions alike.Less
Civil society should be understood not merely in terms of contrasting symbolic categories but as structures of feeling, the diffusely sensed obligations and rights that represent, and are at the same time evoked by, contrasting solidary ties. Collective representations of such social relationships are broadcast by civil society institutions specializing in communicative, not regulative tasks—by the mass media, public opinion polls, and voluntary organizations. The structures of feeling that such institutions produce must be conceptualized as influence rather than authoritative control, or power in a more structural sense. They institutionalize civil society by creating messages that translate general codes into situationally specific evaluations and descriptions. This chapter analyzes these organizations of influence. It begins by discussing the lifeworld of public opinion which anchors communicative and regulative institutions alike.
Steven Kull
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199552030
- eISBN:
- 9780191720291
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199552030.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, European Union
This chapter argues that the prognosis for repairing the Atlantic relationship ought to be good. There may well be a large split between the policies of the Bush administration and the attitudes of ...
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This chapter argues that the prognosis for repairing the Atlantic relationship ought to be good. There may well be a large split between the policies of the Bush administration and the attitudes of the European public, but “the changes in US foreign policy that the Europeans have found objectionable have also made the American public uncomfortable.” Although American opinion may have acquiesced to these changes, particularly in the wake of September 11, public resistance soon increased and the Bush administration is now on its way out. In broad terms, therefore, despite recent policy tensions, American and European public opinion reveal “substantial common ground on numerous policy issues and the preferred character of the relationship between the United States and Europe.” The rumors of the death of the Atlantic alliance may indeed be highly exaggerated.Less
This chapter argues that the prognosis for repairing the Atlantic relationship ought to be good. There may well be a large split between the policies of the Bush administration and the attitudes of the European public, but “the changes in US foreign policy that the Europeans have found objectionable have also made the American public uncomfortable.” Although American opinion may have acquiesced to these changes, particularly in the wake of September 11, public resistance soon increased and the Bush administration is now on its way out. In broad terms, therefore, despite recent policy tensions, American and European public opinion reveal “substantial common ground on numerous policy issues and the preferred character of the relationship between the United States and Europe.” The rumors of the death of the Atlantic alliance may indeed be highly exaggerated.
Philip Everts and Richard Sinnott
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294764
- eISBN:
- 9780191600005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829476X.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter presents a balance sheet regarding the assessments of public support for internationalized governance presented in the preceding chapters. On the credit side, there is widespread and ...
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This chapter presents a balance sheet regarding the assessments of public support for internationalized governance presented in the preceding chapters. On the credit side, there is widespread and high‐level support for European Community integration, some evidence for the emergence of a sense of European identity, and some signs of willingness to transfer responsibilities in certain policy areas to the supranational level. On the debit side, there is evidence that support for EC integration has been declining since 1991, and that concern over a perceived ‘democratic deficit’ has been growing. Moreover, the assessment of public attitudes towards EC integration cannot be aggregated into a simple quotient, but needs to take account of the wide variations within the spectrum of public opinion within member countries, between various policy areas, and between publics of different countries.Less
This chapter presents a balance sheet regarding the assessments of public support for internationalized governance presented in the preceding chapters. On the credit side, there is widespread and high‐level support for European Community integration, some evidence for the emergence of a sense of European identity, and some signs of willingness to transfer responsibilities in certain policy areas to the supranational level. On the debit side, there is evidence that support for EC integration has been declining since 1991, and that concern over a perceived ‘democratic deficit’ has been growing. Moreover, the assessment of public attitudes towards EC integration cannot be aggregated into a simple quotient, but needs to take account of the wide variations within the spectrum of public opinion within member countries, between various policy areas, and between publics of different countries.
