Iris Marion Young
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195392388
- eISBN:
- 9780199866625
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392388.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Political Philosophy
When the noted political philosopher Iris Marion Young died in 2006, her death was mourned as the passing of “one of the most important political philosophers of the past quarter-century” (Cass ...
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When the noted political philosopher Iris Marion Young died in 2006, her death was mourned as the passing of “one of the most important political philosophers of the past quarter-century” (Cass Sunstein) and as an important and innovative thinker working at the conjunction of a number of important topics: global justice; democracy and difference; continental political theory; ethics and international affairs; and gender, race and public policy. This book discusses our responsibilities to address “structural” injustices in which we among many are implicated (but for which we are not to blame), often by virtue of participating in a market, such as buying goods produced in sweatshops, or participating in booming housing markets that leave many homeless. The book argues that addressing these structural injustices requires a new model of responsibility, which it calls the “social connection” model. The book develops this idea by clarifying the nature of structural injustice; developing the notion of political responsibility for injustice and how it differs from older ideas of blame and guilt; and finally how we can then use this model to describe our responsibilities to others no matter who we are and where we live.Less
When the noted political philosopher Iris Marion Young died in 2006, her death was mourned as the passing of “one of the most important political philosophers of the past quarter-century” (Cass Sunstein) and as an important and innovative thinker working at the conjunction of a number of important topics: global justice; democracy and difference; continental political theory; ethics and international affairs; and gender, race and public policy. This book discusses our responsibilities to address “structural” injustices in which we among many are implicated (but for which we are not to blame), often by virtue of participating in a market, such as buying goods produced in sweatshops, or participating in booming housing markets that leave many homeless. The book argues that addressing these structural injustices requires a new model of responsibility, which it calls the “social connection” model. The book develops this idea by clarifying the nature of structural injustice; developing the notion of political responsibility for injustice and how it differs from older ideas of blame and guilt; and finally how we can then use this model to describe our responsibilities to others no matter who we are and where we live.
Christopher Lake
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199241743
- eISBN:
- 9780191599743
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241740.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Ch. 3 moves on from the question of why responsibility matters to that of what we are responsible for. It asks what a political, rather than a metaphysical, account of responsibility demands in terms ...
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Ch. 3 moves on from the question of why responsibility matters to that of what we are responsible for. It asks what a political, rather than a metaphysical, account of responsibility demands in terms of its preconditions and assesses attributions of responsibility on the basis of claims about volition and affirmation. From there, it moves on to examine claims about responsibility, as these are made in the context of principles of equal opportunity.Less
Ch. 3 moves on from the question of why responsibility matters to that of what we are responsible for. It asks what a political, rather than a metaphysical, account of responsibility demands in terms of its preconditions and assesses attributions of responsibility on the basis of claims about volition and affirmation. From there, it moves on to examine claims about responsibility, as these are made in the context of principles of equal opportunity.
Iris Marion Young
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195392388
- eISBN:
- 9780199866625
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392388.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter explicates the distinction between guilt and responsibility as it appears in Hannah Arendt's essays, “Organized Guilt and Universal Responsibility” and “Collective Responsibility.” It ...
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This chapter explicates the distinction between guilt and responsibility as it appears in Hannah Arendt's essays, “Organized Guilt and Universal Responsibility” and “Collective Responsibility.” It then supplements this interpretation with a reading of her book Eichmann in Jerusalem, specifically from the point of view of the distinction between guilt and responsibility. It argues that the detailed analysis that Arendt makes of the actions of many individuals and groups during the time of the Nazi mass murder of Jews belies the simplicity of that idea. Out of a reading of Eichmann, the chapter distinguishes four ways that agents related to these state-perpetrated crimes. Out of these distinctions a notion of political responsibility is derived as a duty for individuals to take public stands about actions and events that affect broad masses of people, and to try to organize collective action to prevent massive harm or foster institutional change for the better. The distinction between responsibility in this sense, and concepts associated with guilt, blame, and fault is important for political theory and practice.Less
This chapter explicates the distinction between guilt and responsibility as it appears in Hannah Arendt's essays, “Organized Guilt and Universal Responsibility” and “Collective Responsibility.” It then supplements this interpretation with a reading of her book Eichmann in Jerusalem, specifically from the point of view of the distinction between guilt and responsibility. It argues that the detailed analysis that Arendt makes of the actions of many individuals and groups during the time of the Nazi mass murder of Jews belies the simplicity of that idea. Out of a reading of Eichmann, the chapter distinguishes four ways that agents related to these state-perpetrated crimes. Out of these distinctions a notion of political responsibility is derived as a duty for individuals to take public stands about actions and events that affect broad masses of people, and to try to organize collective action to prevent massive harm or foster institutional change for the better. The distinction between responsibility in this sense, and concepts associated with guilt, blame, and fault is important for political theory and practice.
JULIUS RUIZ
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199281831
- eISBN:
- 9780191712999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281831.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter analyses the implementation of the Law of Political Responsibilities (LPR), the repressive jurisdiction that attempted to wrest economic compensation from those considered guilty of ...
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This chapter analyses the implementation of the Law of Political Responsibilities (LPR), the repressive jurisdiction that attempted to wrest economic compensation from those considered guilty of causing the prolonged civil war. After discussing its civil war antecedents, it examines the LPR's ill-defined political responsibility clauses that laid primary responsibility for the civil war on the Popular Front, and its complex bureaucratic structure. It suggests that as a means to extract compensation from individuals, the LPR was inherently flawed. This was demonstrated by the crisis that faced the LPR authorities in Madrid by 1941, as little money had been collected because thousands of investigations remained unopened or unfinished. This crisis prompted the regime to undertake a sweeping reform of the LPR in 1942. The chapter discusses both the reasons why the 1942 reform was a failure in Madrid and elsewhere, and the eventual derogation of the LPR in April 1945.Less
This chapter analyses the implementation of the Law of Political Responsibilities (LPR), the repressive jurisdiction that attempted to wrest economic compensation from those considered guilty of causing the prolonged civil war. After discussing its civil war antecedents, it examines the LPR's ill-defined political responsibility clauses that laid primary responsibility for the civil war on the Popular Front, and its complex bureaucratic structure. It suggests that as a means to extract compensation from individuals, the LPR was inherently flawed. This was demonstrated by the crisis that faced the LPR authorities in Madrid by 1941, as little money had been collected because thousands of investigations remained unopened or unfinished. This crisis prompted the regime to undertake a sweeping reform of the LPR in 1942. The chapter discusses both the reasons why the 1942 reform was a failure in Madrid and elsewhere, and the eventual derogation of the LPR in April 1945.
Iris Marion Young
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195392388
- eISBN:
- 9780199866625
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392388.003.0005
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter first discusses the inference that political responsibility is sometimes global in its implications. It takes the theoretical steps toward making the social connection model of ...
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This chapter first discusses the inference that political responsibility is sometimes global in its implications. It takes the theoretical steps toward making the social connection model of responsibility practically manageable. It then carries the social connection model across borders. It agrees with theorists who argue against the still widely held position that the scope of obligations of justice must be restricted to members of the same nation-state. Some structural social processes are global in scope and condition the lives of many people within diverse nation-state jurisdictions. The chapter introduces an extended example of structural injustice that involves relationships across the world in the global apparel industry. This is a useful example for thinking about what it means to take responsibility for transnational injustice, because in recent years a transborder anti-sweatshop movement has involved a great many people and achieved some success in creating public discussion about the injustice of working conditions, as well as some changes in institutions and practices.Less
This chapter first discusses the inference that political responsibility is sometimes global in its implications. It takes the theoretical steps toward making the social connection model of responsibility practically manageable. It then carries the social connection model across borders. It agrees with theorists who argue against the still widely held position that the scope of obligations of justice must be restricted to members of the same nation-state. Some structural social processes are global in scope and condition the lives of many people within diverse nation-state jurisdictions. The chapter introduces an extended example of structural injustice that involves relationships across the world in the global apparel industry. This is a useful example for thinking about what it means to take responsibility for transnational injustice, because in recent years a transborder anti-sweatshop movement has involved a great many people and achieved some success in creating public discussion about the injustice of working conditions, as well as some changes in institutions and practices.
Myrto Tsakatika
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719075155
- eISBN:
- 9781781701621
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719075155.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book addresses the question of political legitimacy in the European Union from the much-neglected angle of political responsibility. It develops an original communitarian approach to legitimacy ...
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This book addresses the question of political legitimacy in the European Union from the much-neglected angle of political responsibility. It develops an original communitarian approach to legitimacy based on Alasdair MacIntyre's ethics of virtues and practices, that can be contrasted with prevalent liberal-egalitarian and neo-republican approaches. The book argues that a ‘responsibility deficit’, quite distinct from the often discussed ‘democratic deficit’, can be diagnosed in the EU. This is documented in chapters that provide in-depth analysis of accountability, transparency and the difficulties associated with identifying responsibility in European governance. Closing this gap requires going beyond institutional engineering. It calls for gradual convergence towards certain core social and political practices and for the flourishing of the virtues of political responsibility in Europe's nascent political community. Throughout the book, normative political theory is brought to bear on concrete dilemmas of institutional choice faced by the EU during the recent constitutional debates.Less
This book addresses the question of political legitimacy in the European Union from the much-neglected angle of political responsibility. It develops an original communitarian approach to legitimacy based on Alasdair MacIntyre's ethics of virtues and practices, that can be contrasted with prevalent liberal-egalitarian and neo-republican approaches. The book argues that a ‘responsibility deficit’, quite distinct from the often discussed ‘democratic deficit’, can be diagnosed in the EU. This is documented in chapters that provide in-depth analysis of accountability, transparency and the difficulties associated with identifying responsibility in European governance. Closing this gap requires going beyond institutional engineering. It calls for gradual convergence towards certain core social and political practices and for the flourishing of the virtues of political responsibility in Europe's nascent political community. Throughout the book, normative political theory is brought to bear on concrete dilemmas of institutional choice faced by the EU during the recent constitutional debates.
JULIUS RUIZ
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199281831
- eISBN:
- 9780191712999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281831.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter discusses the implementation of the meticulously planned occupational purges in Madrid after 28 March 1939. The influence of the LPR in this ‘cleansing’ process is evident as commissions ...
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This chapter discusses the implementation of the meticulously planned occupational purges in Madrid after 28 March 1939. The influence of the LPR in this ‘cleansing’ process is evident as commissions established in such diverse sectors as public transport and sport adopted the same definitions of political responsibility to purge the workforce. Such purges were central to the regime's conceptions of ‘security’ and ‘reconstruction’. Nevertheless, their role was specific: they determined whether an individual could continue in his pre-war profession or employment.Less
This chapter discusses the implementation of the meticulously planned occupational purges in Madrid after 28 March 1939. The influence of the LPR in this ‘cleansing’ process is evident as commissions established in such diverse sectors as public transport and sport adopted the same definitions of political responsibility to purge the workforce. Such purges were central to the regime's conceptions of ‘security’ and ‘reconstruction’. Nevertheless, their role was specific: they determined whether an individual could continue in his pre-war profession or employment.
Myrto Tsakatika
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719075155
- eISBN:
- 9781781701621
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719075155.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter provides an account of why the EU system of governance presents such serious shortcomings in terms of political responsibility. It starts by going through the principal theories of ...
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This chapter provides an account of why the EU system of governance presents such serious shortcomings in terms of political responsibility. It starts by going through the principal theories of European integration, in an effort to see what kinds of explanation could be derived from them with regard to the EU's alleged failures of political responsibility. Neo-functionalist, liberal intergovernmentalis and new institutionalist approaches are shown to yield different accounts. By adopting a historical-sociological institutionalist framework, the chapter goes on to show, more specifically, why the problems of political responsibility in the EU emerged: it looks at the legacy of Jean Monnet, whose ideas and methods for European integration exerted a strong influence upon the building of Europe. The main question that is addressed is whether there was something in Monnet's system of thought and action that could have caused problems for the development of political responsibility in the EU, insofar as the rationale behind his approach was influential in the building of the Union.Less
This chapter provides an account of why the EU system of governance presents such serious shortcomings in terms of political responsibility. It starts by going through the principal theories of European integration, in an effort to see what kinds of explanation could be derived from them with regard to the EU's alleged failures of political responsibility. Neo-functionalist, liberal intergovernmentalis and new institutionalist approaches are shown to yield different accounts. By adopting a historical-sociological institutionalist framework, the chapter goes on to show, more specifically, why the problems of political responsibility in the EU emerged: it looks at the legacy of Jean Monnet, whose ideas and methods for European integration exerted a strong influence upon the building of Europe. The main question that is addressed is whether there was something in Monnet's system of thought and action that could have caused problems for the development of political responsibility in the EU, insofar as the rationale behind his approach was influential in the building of the Union.
Anchrit Wille
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199665693
- eISBN:
- 9780191755989
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199665693.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter links reforms in the legal and political framework of the EU Commission to a transformation that has turned the college of commissioners into a genuinely political rather than a ...
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This chapter links reforms in the legal and political framework of the EU Commission to a transformation that has turned the college of commissioners into a genuinely political rather than a technocratic body. It first explores how new formal powers for the EP and an increase in parliamentary activism have provided a new context for the EU executive. It then describes how this has changed the recruiting of commissioners, and how the commissioner’s role has been redefined. The college of commissioners has turned into a genuinely political rather than a technocratic body, something that is reflected in its composition and its role expectations. Presidentialism and political professionalism are increasingly shaping the executive role of the Commission.The chapter concludes that a top–down process of politicization has increasingly shaped the executive role of the Commission.Less
This chapter links reforms in the legal and political framework of the EU Commission to a transformation that has turned the college of commissioners into a genuinely political rather than a technocratic body. It first explores how new formal powers for the EP and an increase in parliamentary activism have provided a new context for the EU executive. It then describes how this has changed the recruiting of commissioners, and how the commissioner’s role has been redefined. The college of commissioners has turned into a genuinely political rather than a technocratic body, something that is reflected in its composition and its role expectations. Presidentialism and political professionalism are increasingly shaping the executive role of the Commission.The chapter concludes that a top–down process of politicization has increasingly shaped the executive role of the Commission.
Paul Bowman
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748617623
- eISBN:
- 9780748652785
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748617623.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Given Stuart Hall’s influential status in cultural studies, this chapter clarifies Hall’s important and influential conception of cultural studies’ purpose and methods of operation. It clarifies that ...
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Given Stuart Hall’s influential status in cultural studies, this chapter clarifies Hall’s important and influential conception of cultural studies’ purpose and methods of operation. It clarifies that the foundations of his views relate fundamentally both to deconstruction and, crucially, to the deconstructive post-Marxist political theory of Laclau and Mouffe (1985). The chapter points out that Laclau and Mouffe’s theory that culture and politics are contingent and hegemonic has become strongly influential within cultural studies, and also considers the Derridean deconstructive complication or complexification of the idea of the political. Derrida extends the consideration and conception of the political in such a way as to make it inextricable from the institutional and ultimately even the textual. In light of this contribution, the ‘problem’ of post-Marxism and cultural studies that this discussion engages relates to the question of academico-political responsibilities.Less
Given Stuart Hall’s influential status in cultural studies, this chapter clarifies Hall’s important and influential conception of cultural studies’ purpose and methods of operation. It clarifies that the foundations of his views relate fundamentally both to deconstruction and, crucially, to the deconstructive post-Marxist political theory of Laclau and Mouffe (1985). The chapter points out that Laclau and Mouffe’s theory that culture and politics are contingent and hegemonic has become strongly influential within cultural studies, and also considers the Derridean deconstructive complication or complexification of the idea of the political. Derrida extends the consideration and conception of the political in such a way as to make it inextricable from the institutional and ultimately even the textual. In light of this contribution, the ‘problem’ of post-Marxism and cultural studies that this discussion engages relates to the question of academico-political responsibilities.
Myrto Tsakatika
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719075155
- eISBN:
- 9781781701621
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719075155.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter shows what political responsibility refers to and why political responsibility is desirable in all systems of governance, including the EU. The two main ways in which political ...
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This chapter shows what political responsibility refers to and why political responsibility is desirable in all systems of governance, including the EU. The two main ways in which political responsibility is understood—that is, as a set of qualities (or virtues) and as a feature or an organising principle of a system of governance are examined and the relationship that binds them is explored. It is shown that these are only two different aspects of the same phenomenon: political responsibility is a principle that calls for certain requirements to be met in an ongoing practice of governance and these requirements are placed upon both political agents and political institutions. In other words, political responsibility is a principle of legitimate governance that refers both to how political agents should act and to how political institutions should be set up. Political responsibility is a desirable feature for every practice of governance because it enables the achievement of predictability, order and stability. Before discussing political responsibility as a requirement upon agency as well as upon institutions of governance, the chapter first provides an account of the relationship between institutions and agency.Less
This chapter shows what political responsibility refers to and why political responsibility is desirable in all systems of governance, including the EU. The two main ways in which political responsibility is understood—that is, as a set of qualities (or virtues) and as a feature or an organising principle of a system of governance are examined and the relationship that binds them is explored. It is shown that these are only two different aspects of the same phenomenon: political responsibility is a principle that calls for certain requirements to be met in an ongoing practice of governance and these requirements are placed upon both political agents and political institutions. In other words, political responsibility is a principle of legitimate governance that refers both to how political agents should act and to how political institutions should be set up. Political responsibility is a desirable feature for every practice of governance because it enables the achievement of predictability, order and stability. Before discussing political responsibility as a requirement upon agency as well as upon institutions of governance, the chapter first provides an account of the relationship between institutions and agency.
Antonio Y. Vázquez-Arroyo
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780231174848
- eISBN:
- 9780231541466
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231174848.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Scholars in the humanities and social sciences have turned to ethics to theorize politics in what seems to be an increasingly depoliticized age. Yet the move toward ethics has obscured the ongoing ...
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Scholars in the humanities and social sciences have turned to ethics to theorize politics in what seems to be an increasingly depoliticized age. Yet the move toward ethics has obscured the ongoing value of political responsibility and the vibrant life it represents as an effective response to power. Sounding the alarm for those who care about robust forms of civic engagement, this book fights for a new conception of political responsibility that meets the challenges of today’s democratic practice. Antonio Y. Vázquez-Arroyo forcefully argues against the notion that modern predicaments of power can only be addressed ethically or philosophically through pristine concepts that operate outside of the political realm. By returning to the political, the individual is reintroduced to the binding principles of participatory democracy and the burdens of acting and thinking as a member of a collective. Vázquez-Arroyo historicizes the ethical turn to better understand its ascendence and reworks Adorno’s dialectic of responsibility to reassert the political in contemporary thought and theory.Less
Scholars in the humanities and social sciences have turned to ethics to theorize politics in what seems to be an increasingly depoliticized age. Yet the move toward ethics has obscured the ongoing value of political responsibility and the vibrant life it represents as an effective response to power. Sounding the alarm for those who care about robust forms of civic engagement, this book fights for a new conception of political responsibility that meets the challenges of today’s democratic practice. Antonio Y. Vázquez-Arroyo forcefully argues against the notion that modern predicaments of power can only be addressed ethically or philosophically through pristine concepts that operate outside of the political realm. By returning to the political, the individual is reintroduced to the binding principles of participatory democracy and the burdens of acting and thinking as a member of a collective. Vázquez-Arroyo historicizes the ethical turn to better understand its ascendence and reworks Adorno’s dialectic of responsibility to reassert the political in contemporary thought and theory.
Allen Thompson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262017534
- eISBN:
- 9780262301541
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262017534.003.0011
- Subject:
- Environmental Science, Climate
This chapter focuses on the moral responsibility for the changing condition of the global climate and reviews shortcomings that standard conceptions of responsibility suffer from in their application ...
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This chapter focuses on the moral responsibility for the changing condition of the global climate and reviews shortcomings that standard conceptions of responsibility suffer from in their application to global climate change. It also examines the virtue of radical hope as a novel form of human goodness and the conception of political responsibility, which is well suited for modelling human moral responsibility for global climate change.Less
This chapter focuses on the moral responsibility for the changing condition of the global climate and reviews shortcomings that standard conceptions of responsibility suffer from in their application to global climate change. It also examines the virtue of radical hope as a novel form of human goodness and the conception of political responsibility, which is well suited for modelling human moral responsibility for global climate change.
Brooke A. Ackerly
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- February 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780190662936
- eISBN:
- 9780190662974
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190662936.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
Just responsibility is a transformative human rights politics for taking on the complexities, power inequalities, and social normalization of injustice itself. Just responsibility is a human rights ...
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Just responsibility is a transformative human rights politics for taking on the complexities, power inequalities, and social normalization of injustice itself. Just responsibility is a human rights theory of political responsibility in which we understand human rights as enjoyed and shared throughout political community (and human rights entitlements as a tool toward that end), political community as defined by its web of networks, not its boundaries, accountability as a political process of discernment, not a power relation, and leadership as a quality of political community, not of individuals within it. Found within and supported by the principles-in-practice of women’s human rights activists, this grounded normative theory of responsibility guides us in a human rights enhancing way to be accountable leaders in political transformation, taking responsibility for global injustice in a just way.Less
Just responsibility is a transformative human rights politics for taking on the complexities, power inequalities, and social normalization of injustice itself. Just responsibility is a human rights theory of political responsibility in which we understand human rights as enjoyed and shared throughout political community (and human rights entitlements as a tool toward that end), political community as defined by its web of networks, not its boundaries, accountability as a political process of discernment, not a power relation, and leadership as a quality of political community, not of individuals within it. Found within and supported by the principles-in-practice of women’s human rights activists, this grounded normative theory of responsibility guides us in a human rights enhancing way to be accountable leaders in political transformation, taking responsibility for global injustice in a just way.
Neta C. Crawford
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199981724
- eISBN:
- 9780199369942
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199981724.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, American Politics
Focuses on the role of civilian political institutions’ oversight of the military with respect to protecting non-combatants. Today the responsibility for the conduct of war is still an area of ...
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Focuses on the role of civilian political institutions’ oversight of the military with respect to protecting non-combatants. Today the responsibility for the conduct of war is still an area of contention between civilian institutions and the military. Although civilian leaders in the executive branch can and often do exercise oversight, the other branches, namely Congress and the Judiciary have taken much less interest in civilian protection. The chapter proposes guidelines for the civilian oversight of the military’s preparation for war and its conduct in war.Less
Focuses on the role of civilian political institutions’ oversight of the military with respect to protecting non-combatants. Today the responsibility for the conduct of war is still an area of contention between civilian institutions and the military. Although civilian leaders in the executive branch can and often do exercise oversight, the other branches, namely Congress and the Judiciary have taken much less interest in civilian protection. The chapter proposes guidelines for the civilian oversight of the military’s preparation for war and its conduct in war.
Sally Wheeler
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199204939
- eISBN:
- 9780191695599
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204939.003.0019
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter looks at the impact of multinational enterprises (MNE) on social inequality and human rights. It examines how MNE influence the development human rights in the host economy and ...
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This chapter looks at the impact of multinational enterprises (MNE) on social inequality and human rights. It examines how MNE influence the development human rights in the host economy and identifies measurable social inequalities and the strategies that could be used to re-engineer capitalism to address them. It discusses a model of political responsibility based on social connection and suggests that corporations are merely instruments of the will of the wider public in which they are situated.Less
This chapter looks at the impact of multinational enterprises (MNE) on social inequality and human rights. It examines how MNE influence the development human rights in the host economy and identifies measurable social inequalities and the strategies that could be used to re-engineer capitalism to address them. It discusses a model of political responsibility based on social connection and suggests that corporations are merely instruments of the will of the wider public in which they are situated.
Neta Crawford
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199981724
- eISBN:
- 9780199369942
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199981724.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, American Politics
United States officials argued during America’s post-9-/11 wars that the US took every precaution to prevent unintended civilian death and injury — known as collateral damage — due to US military ...
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United States officials argued during America’s post-9-/11 wars that the US took every precaution to prevent unintended civilian death and injury — known as collateral damage — due to US military operations. Yet, during the first years of the wars, officials accepted the inevitability of the harm, and tens of thousands of civilians were killed and injured by the US and its allies. The book explores moral responsibility for three kinds of collateral damage incidents. Accidents were unforeseen and sometimes unforeseeable, and arguably they were comparatively rare. More numerous were systemic collateral damage deaths, the foreseeable consequence of rules of engagement, weapons choices, standard operating procedures and military doctrine. Proportionality/double effect collateral damage is foreseeable, and foreseen, yet anticipated military advantages are said to excuse this unintentional killing. Both systemic collateral damage, and proportionality/double effect collateral damage are produced in part by expansive and permissive conceptions of military necessity. The other causes of systemic collateral damage are found in the organization of warmaking — the institutionalized rules, procedures, training, and stresses of war. Depending on choices that are made at the organizational and command level, the likelihood of causing civilian casualties may rise or fall. When those factors, including beliefs about military necessity, change the incidence of collateral damage also changes. This book offers a new way to think about moral agency and accountability. The dominant paradigm of legal and moral responsibility in war stresses both intention and individual accountability. Yet that framework is inadequate for cases of systemic and proportionality/double effect collateral damage because the causes of those deaths and injuries lie at the organizational level — where doctrine, tactics, and weapons are decided. The author supplements theories of individual agency and accountability with a theory of collective moral responsibility, treating organizations as imperfect moral agents. The US military exercised moral agency when it began, mid-way through the Post-9/11 wars, to change its organizational procedures in order reduce collateral damage deaths. The book offers ways to increase political and public moral responsibility for conduct in war.Less
United States officials argued during America’s post-9-/11 wars that the US took every precaution to prevent unintended civilian death and injury — known as collateral damage — due to US military operations. Yet, during the first years of the wars, officials accepted the inevitability of the harm, and tens of thousands of civilians were killed and injured by the US and its allies. The book explores moral responsibility for three kinds of collateral damage incidents. Accidents were unforeseen and sometimes unforeseeable, and arguably they were comparatively rare. More numerous were systemic collateral damage deaths, the foreseeable consequence of rules of engagement, weapons choices, standard operating procedures and military doctrine. Proportionality/double effect collateral damage is foreseeable, and foreseen, yet anticipated military advantages are said to excuse this unintentional killing. Both systemic collateral damage, and proportionality/double effect collateral damage are produced in part by expansive and permissive conceptions of military necessity. The other causes of systemic collateral damage are found in the organization of warmaking — the institutionalized rules, procedures, training, and stresses of war. Depending on choices that are made at the organizational and command level, the likelihood of causing civilian casualties may rise or fall. When those factors, including beliefs about military necessity, change the incidence of collateral damage also changes. This book offers a new way to think about moral agency and accountability. The dominant paradigm of legal and moral responsibility in war stresses both intention and individual accountability. Yet that framework is inadequate for cases of systemic and proportionality/double effect collateral damage because the causes of those deaths and injuries lie at the organizational level — where doctrine, tactics, and weapons are decided. The author supplements theories of individual agency and accountability with a theory of collective moral responsibility, treating organizations as imperfect moral agents. The US military exercised moral agency when it began, mid-way through the Post-9/11 wars, to change its organizational procedures in order reduce collateral damage deaths. The book offers ways to increase political and public moral responsibility for conduct in war.
Ariel Colonomos
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198796176
- eISBN:
- 9780191837272
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198796176.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter argues in favor of a political version of the norm of proportionality. Proportionality, as embodied in the “orthodox” narrow proportionality test, is widely used in the legal and ethical ...
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This chapter argues in favor of a political version of the norm of proportionality. Proportionality, as embodied in the “orthodox” narrow proportionality test, is widely used in the legal and ethical debates about the use of force. There are, however, reasons to be dissatisfied with the current norm. This article identifies the reasons for the failure of proportionality—mainly the lack of commensurability between the variables that are aggregated in the calculus of proportionality and the lack of attention paid to the intertemporal dimension of proportionality. Moreover, this chapter challenges the prevailing individualist model we find both in law and ethics. It argues for a reframing of proportionality in political terms which meets the challenges of contemporary warfare. The chapter then establishes five principles that would serve as the groundstone of this new political norm.Less
This chapter argues in favor of a political version of the norm of proportionality. Proportionality, as embodied in the “orthodox” narrow proportionality test, is widely used in the legal and ethical debates about the use of force. There are, however, reasons to be dissatisfied with the current norm. This article identifies the reasons for the failure of proportionality—mainly the lack of commensurability between the variables that are aggregated in the calculus of proportionality and the lack of attention paid to the intertemporal dimension of proportionality. Moreover, this chapter challenges the prevailing individualist model we find both in law and ethics. It argues for a reframing of proportionality in political terms which meets the challenges of contemporary warfare. The chapter then establishes five principles that would serve as the groundstone of this new political norm.
Lynn Dobson
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780719069529
- eISBN:
- 9781781702154
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719069529.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter posits citizenship as necessary to the polity's democratic authority. Authority depends not on the form in which political power is embedded but rather on how it is constituted and ...
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This chapter posits citizenship as necessary to the polity's democratic authority. Authority depends not on the form in which political power is embedded but rather on how it is constituted and exercised, so our thinking should not be driven by nation-state assumptions. In principle a wide array of forms of political organisation, including international, transnational, or supranational institutions, can be morally justified. What matters is how the political institutions conduce to the freedom and well-being of individuals. Further, it is argued that citizenship is not contingent upon but instead is intrinsic to the possibility and the constitution of legitimate democratic political authority. Citizens are the authors as well as the addressees of political rules. They exercise this agency through authorising representatives who are then accountable to citizens for their performance in discharging citizens’ responsibilities. Moreover, citizens’ political responsibilities extend beyond the territory over which the political bodies they authorise have jurisdiction; morality and thus duties are extra-territorial and inter-temporal.Less
This chapter posits citizenship as necessary to the polity's democratic authority. Authority depends not on the form in which political power is embedded but rather on how it is constituted and exercised, so our thinking should not be driven by nation-state assumptions. In principle a wide array of forms of political organisation, including international, transnational, or supranational institutions, can be morally justified. What matters is how the political institutions conduce to the freedom and well-being of individuals. Further, it is argued that citizenship is not contingent upon but instead is intrinsic to the possibility and the constitution of legitimate democratic political authority. Citizens are the authors as well as the addressees of political rules. They exercise this agency through authorising representatives who are then accountable to citizens for their performance in discharging citizens’ responsibilities. Moreover, citizens’ political responsibilities extend beyond the territory over which the political bodies they authorise have jurisdiction; morality and thus duties are extra-territorial and inter-temporal.
Stefan Svallfors (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804754354
- eISBN:
- 9780804768153
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804754354.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Stratification, Inequality, and Mobility
A comparative analysis of the political attitudes, values, aspirations, and identities of citizens in advanced industrial societies, this book focuses on the different ways in which social policies ...
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A comparative analysis of the political attitudes, values, aspirations, and identities of citizens in advanced industrial societies, this book focuses on the different ways in which social policies and national politics affect personal opinions on justice, political responsibility, and the overall trustworthiness of politicians. How have socio-political orientations changed in recent years? How do national institutions impact people's attitudes and values? Is there a correlation between orientations and changing social stratification patterns? How are attitudes translated into action under different institutional arrangements? What impact do new supranational institutions have on the orientations of mass publics? Drawing on the extensive databases created over the last decade stemming from the International Social Survey Program and the European Social Survey, the book contributes to the growing literature of theoretically informed comparative work.Less
A comparative analysis of the political attitudes, values, aspirations, and identities of citizens in advanced industrial societies, this book focuses on the different ways in which social policies and national politics affect personal opinions on justice, political responsibility, and the overall trustworthiness of politicians. How have socio-political orientations changed in recent years? How do national institutions impact people's attitudes and values? Is there a correlation between orientations and changing social stratification patterns? How are attitudes translated into action under different institutional arrangements? What impact do new supranational institutions have on the orientations of mass publics? Drawing on the extensive databases created over the last decade stemming from the International Social Survey Program and the European Social Survey, the book contributes to the growing literature of theoretically informed comparative work.
