John S. Dryzek
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250431
- eISBN:
- 9780191717253
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925043X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Deliberative Democracy and Beyond takes a critical tour through recent democratic theory, beginning with the deliberative turn that occurred around 1990. The essence of this turn is that ...
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Deliberative Democracy and Beyond takes a critical tour through recent democratic theory, beginning with the deliberative turn that occurred around 1990. The essence of this turn is that democratic legitimacy is to be found in authentic deliberation among those affected by a collective decision. While the deliberative turn was initially a challenge to established institutions and models of democracy, it was soon assimilated by these same institutions and models. Drawing a distinction between liberal constitutionalism and discursive democracy, the author criticizes the former and advocates the latter. He argues that a defensible theory of democracy should be critical of established power, pluralistic, reflexive in questioning established traditions, transnational in its capacity to extend across state boundaries, ecological, and dynamic in its openness to changing constraints upon, and opportunities for, democratization.Less
Deliberative Democracy and Beyond takes a critical tour through recent democratic theory, beginning with the deliberative turn that occurred around 1990. The essence of this turn is that democratic legitimacy is to be found in authentic deliberation among those affected by a collective decision. While the deliberative turn was initially a challenge to established institutions and models of democracy, it was soon assimilated by these same institutions and models. Drawing a distinction between liberal constitutionalism and discursive democracy, the author criticizes the former and advocates the latter. He argues that a defensible theory of democracy should be critical of established power, pluralistic, reflexive in questioning established traditions, transnational in its capacity to extend across state boundaries, ecological, and dynamic in its openness to changing constraints upon, and opportunities for, democratization.
Michael D. McDonald and Ian Budge
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286720
- eISBN:
- 9780191603327
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286728.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The book proposes a unifying conception which shows that the differences between ‘majoritarian’, ‘consensus’ and other forms of representative democracy are superficial compared to what unites them. ...
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The book proposes a unifying conception which shows that the differences between ‘majoritarian’, ‘consensus’ and other forms of representative democracy are superficial compared to what unites them. The common element is the empowerment of the median voter by making the party (s)he votes for the median party in the legislature. Comparative evidene covering 21 democracies from 1950-1995 is assembled to check out the descriptive credentials of this idea, in contrast to the government mandate which forms the normal description and justification of democracy as providing ‘a necessary link between popular preferences and public policy’. Although, spontaneous majorities rarely emerge, median voter - median party correspondences do (72% of all governments, 82% under PR). Policy correspondence, distortion, long term bias, and responsiveness are examined in both static and dynamic terms. They reveal that underneath short-term fluctuations, the long-term equilibrium positions of governments and median voters map each other closely. Many other questions about democracy are also raised and investigated — economic and retrospective voting (‘ kicking the rascals out’): policy incrementalism, etc. — giving the book an appeal to different groups of specialists in political science. The comparative data on voting, on electoral party and government preferences, and on actual policy outputs are unsurpassed with regards to comprehensiveness over nations and time.Less
The book proposes a unifying conception which shows that the differences between ‘majoritarian’, ‘consensus’ and other forms of representative democracy are superficial compared to what unites them. The common element is the empowerment of the median voter by making the party (s)he votes for the median party in the legislature. Comparative evidene covering 21 democracies from 1950-1995 is assembled to check out the descriptive credentials of this idea, in contrast to the government mandate which forms the normal description and justification of democracy as providing ‘a necessary link between popular preferences and public policy’. Although, spontaneous majorities rarely emerge, median voter - median party correspondences do (72% of all governments, 82% under PR). Policy correspondence, distortion, long term bias, and responsiveness are examined in both static and dynamic terms. They reveal that underneath short-term fluctuations, the long-term equilibrium positions of governments and median voters map each other closely. Many other questions about democracy are also raised and investigated — economic and retrospective voting (‘ kicking the rascals out’): policy incrementalism, etc. — giving the book an appeal to different groups of specialists in political science. The comparative data on voting, on electoral party and government preferences, and on actual policy outputs are unsurpassed with regards to comprehensiveness over nations and time.
Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines the principles that liberal democrats, including liberal nationalists, should use when choosing between the constitutional and federal options discussed in the preceding ...
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This chapter examines the principles that liberal democrats, including liberal nationalists, should use when choosing between the constitutional and federal options discussed in the preceding chapter. Instead of envisaging a completely novel set of principles for multinational federal constitutionalism, it explores the normative resources available in some of the major theories typically used in uni-national states, including ‘classical’, ‘deliberative’, and ‘consequentialist’ theories of democracy; and ‘classical’ and ‘contractualist’ theories of constitutionalism. It argues for seven principles of recognition that would be appropriate for justifying certain design features in a multinational federal constitution.Less
This chapter examines the principles that liberal democrats, including liberal nationalists, should use when choosing between the constitutional and federal options discussed in the preceding chapter. Instead of envisaging a completely novel set of principles for multinational federal constitutionalism, it explores the normative resources available in some of the major theories typically used in uni-national states, including ‘classical’, ‘deliberative’, and ‘consequentialist’ theories of democracy; and ‘classical’ and ‘contractualist’ theories of constitutionalism. It argues for seven principles of recognition that would be appropriate for justifying certain design features in a multinational federal constitution.
Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
It is not possible for every community that considers itself to be a nation to have a state of its own. This is not even the preferred option for most national minorities themselves. Rather, most ...
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It is not possible for every community that considers itself to be a nation to have a state of its own. This is not even the preferred option for most national minorities themselves. Rather, most seek autonomy and freedom to carry out nation-building projects within a federal state. This chapter introduces the potential federalist solution to the problems of multinational states. It considers the history of political philosophizing about federalism, particularly whether the neglect and even rejection of federalism by liberal theorists throughout much of the 20th century was justified.Less
It is not possible for every community that considers itself to be a nation to have a state of its own. This is not even the preferred option for most national minorities themselves. Rather, most seek autonomy and freedom to carry out nation-building projects within a federal state. This chapter introduces the potential federalist solution to the problems of multinational states. It considers the history of political philosophizing about federalism, particularly whether the neglect and even rejection of federalism by liberal theorists throughout much of the 20th century was justified.
John S. Dryzek
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562947
- eISBN:
- 9780191595042
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562947.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
Deliberative democracy now dominates the theory, reform, and study of democracy. Working at its cutting edges, this book reaches from conceptual underpinnings to the key challenges faced in ...
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Deliberative democracy now dominates the theory, reform, and study of democracy. Working at its cutting edges, this book reaches from conceptual underpinnings to the key challenges faced in applications to ever-increasing ranges of problems and issues. Following a survey of the life and times of deliberative democracy, the turns it has taken, and the logic of deliberative systems, contentious foundational issues receive attention. How can deliberative legitimacy be achieved in large-scale societies where face-to-face deliberation is implausible? What can and should representation mean in such systems? What kinds of communication should be valued, and why? How can competing appeals of pluralism and consensus in democratic politics be reconciled? New concepts are developed along the way: discursive legitimacy, discursive representation, systemic tests for rhetoric in democratic communication, and several forms of meta-consensus. Particular forums (be they legislative assemblies or designed mini-publics) have an important place in deliberative democracy, but more important are macro-level deliberative systems that encompass the engagement of discourses in the public sphere, as well as formal and informal institutions of governance. Deliberative democracy can be applied fruitfully in areas previously off-limits to democratic theory: networked governance, the democratization of authoritarian states, and global democracy, as well as in new ways to invigorate citizen participation. In these areas and more, deliberative democracy outperforms its competitors.Less
Deliberative democracy now dominates the theory, reform, and study of democracy. Working at its cutting edges, this book reaches from conceptual underpinnings to the key challenges faced in applications to ever-increasing ranges of problems and issues. Following a survey of the life and times of deliberative democracy, the turns it has taken, and the logic of deliberative systems, contentious foundational issues receive attention. How can deliberative legitimacy be achieved in large-scale societies where face-to-face deliberation is implausible? What can and should representation mean in such systems? What kinds of communication should be valued, and why? How can competing appeals of pluralism and consensus in democratic politics be reconciled? New concepts are developed along the way: discursive legitimacy, discursive representation, systemic tests for rhetoric in democratic communication, and several forms of meta-consensus. Particular forums (be they legislative assemblies or designed mini-publics) have an important place in deliberative democracy, but more important are macro-level deliberative systems that encompass the engagement of discourses in the public sphere, as well as formal and informal institutions of governance. Deliberative democracy can be applied fruitfully in areas previously off-limits to democratic theory: networked governance, the democratization of authoritarian states, and global democracy, as well as in new ways to invigorate citizen participation. In these areas and more, deliberative democracy outperforms its competitors.
Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter considers the basic options for the design of a democratic federation. These include how to determine the boundaries of federal provinces, how to divide legislative and administrative ...
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This chapter considers the basic options for the design of a democratic federation. These include how to determine the boundaries of federal provinces, how to divide legislative and administrative powers, how to represent provinces and minority groups in central institutions, and how to amend the constitution. It looks at the importance of recognizing both majority and minority identities in the constitutions of both classic nation-states and multinational states. An appendix is included on the history of Canadian attempts to solve these design and recognition problems, especially concerning the place of the French-speaking province of Quebec.Less
This chapter considers the basic options for the design of a democratic federation. These include how to determine the boundaries of federal provinces, how to divide legislative and administrative powers, how to represent provinces and minority groups in central institutions, and how to amend the constitution. It looks at the importance of recognizing both majority and minority identities in the constitutions of both classic nation-states and multinational states. An appendix is included on the history of Canadian attempts to solve these design and recognition problems, especially concerning the place of the French-speaking province of Quebec.
Iris Marion Young
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294719
- eISBN:
- 9780191599361
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294719.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement ...
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Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement about the relationship between equality and liberty. Recent democratic theory deals with the question of citizen participation. Feminists have challenged the traditional public–private distinction as well as the universality they regard as male gendered. Post‐modernism reflects on the relationship between political institutions and social power, and conceptualizes political actors as shaped by political processes. New social movements bring previously private issues into the political sphere. Finally, communitarians aim to understand political values from within their specific social and cultural contexts.Less
Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement about the relationship between equality and liberty. Recent democratic theory deals with the question of citizen participation. Feminists have challenged the traditional public–private distinction as well as the universality they regard as male gendered. Post‐modernism reflects on the relationship between political institutions and social power, and conceptualizes political actors as shaped by political processes. New social movements bring previously private issues into the political sphere. Finally, communitarians aim to understand political values from within their specific social and cultural contexts.
Berthold Rittberger
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273423
- eISBN:
- 9780191602764
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273421.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Reviews the new institutionalist literature on institution-building and derives expectations based on rational choice and sociological institutionalism for explaining the empowerment of the European ...
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Reviews the new institutionalist literature on institution-building and derives expectations based on rational choice and sociological institutionalism for explaining the empowerment of the European Parliament. Since concerns about ‘democratic legitimacy’ are cited frequently in the literature on European integration as ad hoc-explanations for the empowerment of the European Parliament, this chapter will also turn to work on the ‘democratic deficit’ and inquire whether this literature offers any cues to improve our understanding of the existence and empowerment of the European Parliament.Less
Reviews the new institutionalist literature on institution-building and derives expectations based on rational choice and sociological institutionalism for explaining the empowerment of the European Parliament. Since concerns about ‘democratic legitimacy’ are cited frequently in the literature on European integration as ad hoc-explanations for the empowerment of the European Parliament, this chapter will also turn to work on the ‘democratic deficit’ and inquire whether this literature offers any cues to improve our understanding of the existence and empowerment of the European Parliament.
Jeffrey Green
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195372649
- eISBN:
- 9780199871711
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195372649.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter elaborates the ocular model of popular power implicit in Weber's neglected and overly maligned account of democracy. Sections 5.2 to 5.5 reconstruct Weber's democratic theory. It is ...
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This chapter elaborates the ocular model of popular power implicit in Weber's neglected and overly maligned account of democracy. Sections 5.2 to 5.5 reconstruct Weber's democratic theory. It is shown that underlying Weber's concern for charismatic leadership lies an ocular understanding of popular power and, with it, the threefold shift repeatedly invoked to characterize the plebiscitary model of popular power: the shift in the object of popular power (from law to leader), in the organ of popular power (from decision to gaze), and in the critical ideal of popular power (from autonomy to candor). Having rehabilitated Weber's novel contribution to the study of democracy, the final two sections, 5.6 and 5.7, discuss why this contribution went largely unrecognized throughout the remainder of the 20th century. While there are numerous causes for this, it is argued that the plebiscitary theories of Weber's two most influential successors — Schmitt and Schumpeter — lent the nascent plebiscitary tradition, unnecessarily, an air of unpalatability.Less
This chapter elaborates the ocular model of popular power implicit in Weber's neglected and overly maligned account of democracy. Sections 5.2 to 5.5 reconstruct Weber's democratic theory. It is shown that underlying Weber's concern for charismatic leadership lies an ocular understanding of popular power and, with it, the threefold shift repeatedly invoked to characterize the plebiscitary model of popular power: the shift in the object of popular power (from law to leader), in the organ of popular power (from decision to gaze), and in the critical ideal of popular power (from autonomy to candor). Having rehabilitated Weber's novel contribution to the study of democracy, the final two sections, 5.6 and 5.7, discuss why this contribution went largely unrecognized throughout the remainder of the 20th century. While there are numerous causes for this, it is argued that the plebiscitary theories of Weber's two most influential successors — Schmitt and Schumpeter — lent the nascent plebiscitary tradition, unnecessarily, an air of unpalatability.
Jeffrey Green
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195372649
- eISBN:
- 9780199871711
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195372649.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter defends the claim that there is such a thing as traditional democratic theory. To this end, it argues that the vocal model of popular power — which considers the People as a decisional ...
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This chapter defends the claim that there is such a thing as traditional democratic theory. To this end, it argues that the vocal model of popular power — which considers the People as a decisional entity that expresses opinions, values, and interests — has defined democratic orthodoxy from the rebirth of democracy at the end of the 18th century, down to the present day. It demonstrates the pervasiveness of the vocal model among classical theorists of democracy: Rousseau, Publius, Bentham and James Mill, J. S. Mill, Tocqueville, and others. It shows that notwithstanding that 20th-century political science began to challenge the underpinnings of the vocal model, this model perversely continued to exert its dominance even among those most aware of its shortcomings. The chapter also draws attention to the central weaknesses of the vocal model: specifically, its lack of realism (its overstated estimation of the capacity for voice on the mass scale); its inaccuracy (since it is only majorities or well-organized minorities that speak in mass democracy, not the collective People itself); and its hegemonic function (the vocal model conceals the exclusion from government that is fundamental to the phenomenology of everyday political life).Less
This chapter defends the claim that there is such a thing as traditional democratic theory. To this end, it argues that the vocal model of popular power — which considers the People as a decisional entity that expresses opinions, values, and interests — has defined democratic orthodoxy from the rebirth of democracy at the end of the 18th century, down to the present day. It demonstrates the pervasiveness of the vocal model among classical theorists of democracy: Rousseau, Publius, Bentham and James Mill, J. S. Mill, Tocqueville, and others. It shows that notwithstanding that 20th-century political science began to challenge the underpinnings of the vocal model, this model perversely continued to exert its dominance even among those most aware of its shortcomings. The chapter also draws attention to the central weaknesses of the vocal model: specifically, its lack of realism (its overstated estimation of the capacity for voice on the mass scale); its inaccuracy (since it is only majorities or well-organized minorities that speak in mass democracy, not the collective People itself); and its hegemonic function (the vocal model conceals the exclusion from government that is fundamental to the phenomenology of everyday political life).
