John S. Dryzek
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250431
- eISBN:
- 9780191717253
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925043X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Deliberative Democracy and Beyond takes a critical tour through recent democratic theory, beginning with the deliberative turn that occurred around 1990. The essence of this turn is that ...
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Deliberative Democracy and Beyond takes a critical tour through recent democratic theory, beginning with the deliberative turn that occurred around 1990. The essence of this turn is that democratic legitimacy is to be found in authentic deliberation among those affected by a collective decision. While the deliberative turn was initially a challenge to established institutions and models of democracy, it was soon assimilated by these same institutions and models. Drawing a distinction between liberal constitutionalism and discursive democracy, the author criticizes the former and advocates the latter. He argues that a defensible theory of democracy should be critical of established power, pluralistic, reflexive in questioning established traditions, transnational in its capacity to extend across state boundaries, ecological, and dynamic in its openness to changing constraints upon, and opportunities for, democratization.Less
Deliberative Democracy and Beyond takes a critical tour through recent democratic theory, beginning with the deliberative turn that occurred around 1990. The essence of this turn is that democratic legitimacy is to be found in authentic deliberation among those affected by a collective decision. While the deliberative turn was initially a challenge to established institutions and models of democracy, it was soon assimilated by these same institutions and models. Drawing a distinction between liberal constitutionalism and discursive democracy, the author criticizes the former and advocates the latter. He argues that a defensible theory of democracy should be critical of established power, pluralistic, reflexive in questioning established traditions, transnational in its capacity to extend across state boundaries, ecological, and dynamic in its openness to changing constraints upon, and opportunities for, democratization.
Michael D. McDonald and Ian Budge
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199286720
- eISBN:
- 9780191603327
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199286728.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The book proposes a unifying conception which shows that the differences between ‘majoritarian’, ‘consensus’ and other forms of representative democracy are superficial compared to what unites them. ...
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The book proposes a unifying conception which shows that the differences between ‘majoritarian’, ‘consensus’ and other forms of representative democracy are superficial compared to what unites them. The common element is the empowerment of the median voter by making the party (s)he votes for the median party in the legislature. Comparative evidene covering 21 democracies from 1950-1995 is assembled to check out the descriptive credentials of this idea, in contrast to the government mandate which forms the normal description and justification of democracy as providing ‘a necessary link between popular preferences and public policy’. Although, spontaneous majorities rarely emerge, median voter - median party correspondences do (72% of all governments, 82% under PR). Policy correspondence, distortion, long term bias, and responsiveness are examined in both static and dynamic terms. They reveal that underneath short-term fluctuations, the long-term equilibrium positions of governments and median voters map each other closely. Many other questions about democracy are also raised and investigated — economic and retrospective voting (‘ kicking the rascals out’): policy incrementalism, etc. — giving the book an appeal to different groups of specialists in political science. The comparative data on voting, on electoral party and government preferences, and on actual policy outputs are unsurpassed with regards to comprehensiveness over nations and time.Less
The book proposes a unifying conception which shows that the differences between ‘majoritarian’, ‘consensus’ and other forms of representative democracy are superficial compared to what unites them. The common element is the empowerment of the median voter by making the party (s)he votes for the median party in the legislature. Comparative evidene covering 21 democracies from 1950-1995 is assembled to check out the descriptive credentials of this idea, in contrast to the government mandate which forms the normal description and justification of democracy as providing ‘a necessary link between popular preferences and public policy’. Although, spontaneous majorities rarely emerge, median voter - median party correspondences do (72% of all governments, 82% under PR). Policy correspondence, distortion, long term bias, and responsiveness are examined in both static and dynamic terms. They reveal that underneath short-term fluctuations, the long-term equilibrium positions of governments and median voters map each other closely. Many other questions about democracy are also raised and investigated — economic and retrospective voting (‘ kicking the rascals out’): policy incrementalism, etc. — giving the book an appeal to different groups of specialists in political science. The comparative data on voting, on electoral party and government preferences, and on actual policy outputs are unsurpassed with regards to comprehensiveness over nations and time.
Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines the principles that liberal democrats, including liberal nationalists, should use when choosing between the constitutional and federal options discussed in the preceding ...
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This chapter examines the principles that liberal democrats, including liberal nationalists, should use when choosing between the constitutional and federal options discussed in the preceding chapter. Instead of envisaging a completely novel set of principles for multinational federal constitutionalism, it explores the normative resources available in some of the major theories typically used in uni-national states, including ‘classical’, ‘deliberative’, and ‘consequentialist’ theories of democracy; and ‘classical’ and ‘contractualist’ theories of constitutionalism. It argues for seven principles of recognition that would be appropriate for justifying certain design features in a multinational federal constitution.Less
This chapter examines the principles that liberal democrats, including liberal nationalists, should use when choosing between the constitutional and federal options discussed in the preceding chapter. Instead of envisaging a completely novel set of principles for multinational federal constitutionalism, it explores the normative resources available in some of the major theories typically used in uni-national states, including ‘classical’, ‘deliberative’, and ‘consequentialist’ theories of democracy; and ‘classical’ and ‘contractualist’ theories of constitutionalism. It argues for seven principles of recognition that would be appropriate for justifying certain design features in a multinational federal constitution.
Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
It is not possible for every community that considers itself to be a nation to have a state of its own. This is not even the preferred option for most national minorities themselves. Rather, most ...
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It is not possible for every community that considers itself to be a nation to have a state of its own. This is not even the preferred option for most national minorities themselves. Rather, most seek autonomy and freedom to carry out nation-building projects within a federal state. This chapter introduces the potential federalist solution to the problems of multinational states. It considers the history of political philosophizing about federalism, particularly whether the neglect and even rejection of federalism by liberal theorists throughout much of the 20th century was justified.Less
It is not possible for every community that considers itself to be a nation to have a state of its own. This is not even the preferred option for most national minorities themselves. Rather, most seek autonomy and freedom to carry out nation-building projects within a federal state. This chapter introduces the potential federalist solution to the problems of multinational states. It considers the history of political philosophizing about federalism, particularly whether the neglect and even rejection of federalism by liberal theorists throughout much of the 20th century was justified.
John S. Dryzek
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562947
- eISBN:
- 9780191595042
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562947.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
Deliberative democracy now dominates the theory, reform, and study of democracy. Working at its cutting edges, this book reaches from conceptual underpinnings to the key challenges faced in ...
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Deliberative democracy now dominates the theory, reform, and study of democracy. Working at its cutting edges, this book reaches from conceptual underpinnings to the key challenges faced in applications to ever-increasing ranges of problems and issues. Following a survey of the life and times of deliberative democracy, the turns it has taken, and the logic of deliberative systems, contentious foundational issues receive attention. How can deliberative legitimacy be achieved in large-scale societies where face-to-face deliberation is implausible? What can and should representation mean in such systems? What kinds of communication should be valued, and why? How can competing appeals of pluralism and consensus in democratic politics be reconciled? New concepts are developed along the way: discursive legitimacy, discursive representation, systemic tests for rhetoric in democratic communication, and several forms of meta-consensus. Particular forums (be they legislative assemblies or designed mini-publics) have an important place in deliberative democracy, but more important are macro-level deliberative systems that encompass the engagement of discourses in the public sphere, as well as formal and informal institutions of governance. Deliberative democracy can be applied fruitfully in areas previously off-limits to democratic theory: networked governance, the democratization of authoritarian states, and global democracy, as well as in new ways to invigorate citizen participation. In these areas and more, deliberative democracy outperforms its competitors.Less
Deliberative democracy now dominates the theory, reform, and study of democracy. Working at its cutting edges, this book reaches from conceptual underpinnings to the key challenges faced in applications to ever-increasing ranges of problems and issues. Following a survey of the life and times of deliberative democracy, the turns it has taken, and the logic of deliberative systems, contentious foundational issues receive attention. How can deliberative legitimacy be achieved in large-scale societies where face-to-face deliberation is implausible? What can and should representation mean in such systems? What kinds of communication should be valued, and why? How can competing appeals of pluralism and consensus in democratic politics be reconciled? New concepts are developed along the way: discursive legitimacy, discursive representation, systemic tests for rhetoric in democratic communication, and several forms of meta-consensus. Particular forums (be they legislative assemblies or designed mini-publics) have an important place in deliberative democracy, but more important are macro-level deliberative systems that encompass the engagement of discourses in the public sphere, as well as formal and informal institutions of governance. Deliberative democracy can be applied fruitfully in areas previously off-limits to democratic theory: networked governance, the democratization of authoritarian states, and global democracy, as well as in new ways to invigorate citizen participation. In these areas and more, deliberative democracy outperforms its competitors.
Wayne Norman
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198293354
- eISBN:
- 9780191604126
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293356.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter considers the basic options for the design of a democratic federation. These include how to determine the boundaries of federal provinces, how to divide legislative and administrative ...
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This chapter considers the basic options for the design of a democratic federation. These include how to determine the boundaries of federal provinces, how to divide legislative and administrative powers, how to represent provinces and minority groups in central institutions, and how to amend the constitution. It looks at the importance of recognizing both majority and minority identities in the constitutions of both classic nation-states and multinational states. An appendix is included on the history of Canadian attempts to solve these design and recognition problems, especially concerning the place of the French-speaking province of Quebec.Less
This chapter considers the basic options for the design of a democratic federation. These include how to determine the boundaries of federal provinces, how to divide legislative and administrative powers, how to represent provinces and minority groups in central institutions, and how to amend the constitution. It looks at the importance of recognizing both majority and minority identities in the constitutions of both classic nation-states and multinational states. An appendix is included on the history of Canadian attempts to solve these design and recognition problems, especially concerning the place of the French-speaking province of Quebec.
Iris Marion Young
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294719
- eISBN:
- 9780191599361
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294719.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement ...
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Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement about the relationship between equality and liberty. Recent democratic theory deals with the question of citizen participation. Feminists have challenged the traditional public–private distinction as well as the universality they regard as male gendered. Post‐modernism reflects on the relationship between political institutions and social power, and conceptualizes political actors as shaped by political processes. New social movements bring previously private issues into the political sphere. Finally, communitarians aim to understand political values from within their specific social and cultural contexts.Less
Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement about the relationship between equality and liberty. Recent democratic theory deals with the question of citizen participation. Feminists have challenged the traditional public–private distinction as well as the universality they regard as male gendered. Post‐modernism reflects on the relationship between political institutions and social power, and conceptualizes political actors as shaped by political processes. New social movements bring previously private issues into the political sphere. Finally, communitarians aim to understand political values from within their specific social and cultural contexts.
Berthold Rittberger
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273423
- eISBN:
- 9780191602764
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273421.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Reviews the new institutionalist literature on institution-building and derives expectations based on rational choice and sociological institutionalism for explaining the empowerment of the European ...
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Reviews the new institutionalist literature on institution-building and derives expectations based on rational choice and sociological institutionalism for explaining the empowerment of the European Parliament. Since concerns about ‘democratic legitimacy’ are cited frequently in the literature on European integration as ad hoc-explanations for the empowerment of the European Parliament, this chapter will also turn to work on the ‘democratic deficit’ and inquire whether this literature offers any cues to improve our understanding of the existence and empowerment of the European Parliament.Less
Reviews the new institutionalist literature on institution-building and derives expectations based on rational choice and sociological institutionalism for explaining the empowerment of the European Parliament. Since concerns about ‘democratic legitimacy’ are cited frequently in the literature on European integration as ad hoc-explanations for the empowerment of the European Parliament, this chapter will also turn to work on the ‘democratic deficit’ and inquire whether this literature offers any cues to improve our understanding of the existence and empowerment of the European Parliament.
Jeffrey Green
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195372649
- eISBN:
- 9780199871711
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195372649.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter elaborates the ocular model of popular power implicit in Weber's neglected and overly maligned account of democracy. Sections 5.2 to 5.5 reconstruct Weber's democratic theory. It is ...
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This chapter elaborates the ocular model of popular power implicit in Weber's neglected and overly maligned account of democracy. Sections 5.2 to 5.5 reconstruct Weber's democratic theory. It is shown that underlying Weber's concern for charismatic leadership lies an ocular understanding of popular power and, with it, the threefold shift repeatedly invoked to characterize the plebiscitary model of popular power: the shift in the object of popular power (from law to leader), in the organ of popular power (from decision to gaze), and in the critical ideal of popular power (from autonomy to candor). Having rehabilitated Weber's novel contribution to the study of democracy, the final two sections, 5.6 and 5.7, discuss why this contribution went largely unrecognized throughout the remainder of the 20th century. While there are numerous causes for this, it is argued that the plebiscitary theories of Weber's two most influential successors — Schmitt and Schumpeter — lent the nascent plebiscitary tradition, unnecessarily, an air of unpalatability.Less
This chapter elaborates the ocular model of popular power implicit in Weber's neglected and overly maligned account of democracy. Sections 5.2 to 5.5 reconstruct Weber's democratic theory. It is shown that underlying Weber's concern for charismatic leadership lies an ocular understanding of popular power and, with it, the threefold shift repeatedly invoked to characterize the plebiscitary model of popular power: the shift in the object of popular power (from law to leader), in the organ of popular power (from decision to gaze), and in the critical ideal of popular power (from autonomy to candor). Having rehabilitated Weber's novel contribution to the study of democracy, the final two sections, 5.6 and 5.7, discuss why this contribution went largely unrecognized throughout the remainder of the 20th century. While there are numerous causes for this, it is argued that the plebiscitary theories of Weber's two most influential successors — Schmitt and Schumpeter — lent the nascent plebiscitary tradition, unnecessarily, an air of unpalatability.
Jeffrey Green
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195372649
- eISBN:
- 9780199871711
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195372649.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter defends the claim that there is such a thing as traditional democratic theory. To this end, it argues that the vocal model of popular power — which considers the People as a decisional ...
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This chapter defends the claim that there is such a thing as traditional democratic theory. To this end, it argues that the vocal model of popular power — which considers the People as a decisional entity that expresses opinions, values, and interests — has defined democratic orthodoxy from the rebirth of democracy at the end of the 18th century, down to the present day. It demonstrates the pervasiveness of the vocal model among classical theorists of democracy: Rousseau, Publius, Bentham and James Mill, J. S. Mill, Tocqueville, and others. It shows that notwithstanding that 20th-century political science began to challenge the underpinnings of the vocal model, this model perversely continued to exert its dominance even among those most aware of its shortcomings. The chapter also draws attention to the central weaknesses of the vocal model: specifically, its lack of realism (its overstated estimation of the capacity for voice on the mass scale); its inaccuracy (since it is only majorities or well-organized minorities that speak in mass democracy, not the collective People itself); and its hegemonic function (the vocal model conceals the exclusion from government that is fundamental to the phenomenology of everyday political life).Less
This chapter defends the claim that there is such a thing as traditional democratic theory. To this end, it argues that the vocal model of popular power — which considers the People as a decisional entity that expresses opinions, values, and interests — has defined democratic orthodoxy from the rebirth of democracy at the end of the 18th century, down to the present day. It demonstrates the pervasiveness of the vocal model among classical theorists of democracy: Rousseau, Publius, Bentham and James Mill, J. S. Mill, Tocqueville, and others. It shows that notwithstanding that 20th-century political science began to challenge the underpinnings of the vocal model, this model perversely continued to exert its dominance even among those most aware of its shortcomings. The chapter also draws attention to the central weaknesses of the vocal model: specifically, its lack of realism (its overstated estimation of the capacity for voice on the mass scale); its inaccuracy (since it is only majorities or well-organized minorities that speak in mass democracy, not the collective People itself); and its hegemonic function (the vocal model conceals the exclusion from government that is fundamental to the phenomenology of everyday political life).
Jeffrey Green
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195372649
- eISBN:
- 9780199871711
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195372649.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter defends the claim that being-ruled — that is, the spectatorial engagement with politics characterized by involvement without participation — is a form of citizenship that is extremely ...
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This chapter defends the claim that being-ruled — that is, the spectatorial engagement with politics characterized by involvement without participation — is a form of citizenship that is extremely prevalent within 21st-century conditions, yet nonetheless something that has been neglected by the major discourses constituting the contemporary study of democracy. Sections 2.2 through 2.4 discuss Aristotle's theory of being-ruled and argue that whereas Aristotle might have had good reason for giving the citizen-being-ruled only slight attention within his democratic theory, modern institutions and moral commitments ought to elevate the figure of the citizen-being-ruled to a position of primacy. Yet the relevance of being-ruled has not been appreciated by modern democratic theorists. Sections 2.5 through 2.8 review the most influential perspectives within contemporary democratic theory — including civic behavior research, pluralism, and deliberative democracy — and demonstrate the systematic neglect of the citizen-spectator. Finally, Section 2.9 addresses what it would mean to develop a democratic theory oriented around the experience of being-ruled and how the plebiscitary model defended in the subsequent chapters affords respect to the citizen-spectator.Less
This chapter defends the claim that being-ruled — that is, the spectatorial engagement with politics characterized by involvement without participation — is a form of citizenship that is extremely prevalent within 21st-century conditions, yet nonetheless something that has been neglected by the major discourses constituting the contemporary study of democracy. Sections 2.2 through 2.4 discuss Aristotle's theory of being-ruled and argue that whereas Aristotle might have had good reason for giving the citizen-being-ruled only slight attention within his democratic theory, modern institutions and moral commitments ought to elevate the figure of the citizen-being-ruled to a position of primacy. Yet the relevance of being-ruled has not been appreciated by modern democratic theorists. Sections 2.5 through 2.8 review the most influential perspectives within contemporary democratic theory — including civic behavior research, pluralism, and deliberative democracy — and demonstrate the systematic neglect of the citizen-spectator. Finally, Section 2.9 addresses what it would mean to develop a democratic theory oriented around the experience of being-ruled and how the plebiscitary model defended in the subsequent chapters affords respect to the citizen-spectator.
Berthold Rittberger
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273423
- eISBN:
- 9780191602764
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273421.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Why have national governments of EU member states created and, over the past fifty years, successively endowed the European Parliament with supervisory, budgetary, and legislative powers? This book ...
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Why have national governments of EU member states created and, over the past fifty years, successively endowed the European Parliament with supervisory, budgetary, and legislative powers? This book presents a three-staged argument to explain how the European Parliament acquired this power ‘trias’. First, it is argued that the construction of a supranational polity induces political elites in the member states to reflect on the implications posed by transfers of national sovereignty for domestic processes of democratic accountability and interest representation. It is shown empirically that there exists a strong correlation between national governments’ decisions to transfer sovereignty and political elites’ perception of a ‘democratic legitimacy deficit’ that triggers a search for institutional solutions for its remedy. In a second step, it is argued that political elites, first and foremost, domestic political parties, advance different proposals to alleviate the perceived ‘legitimacy deficit’. These proposals are derived from ‘legitimating beliefs’ that vary cross-nationally and across political parties. Consequently, the creation and empowerment of a supranational parliamentary institution plays a prominent but not exclusive role as potential remedy to the ‘democratic legitimacy deficit’. Third, the book illuminates the mechanisms through which ‘legitimating beliefs’ expressed by political elites and the behaviour of national governments who negotiate and decide on the creation and potential empowerment of the European Parliament are linked. What logic of action best captures national governments’ decisions to empower the European Parliament? The explanatory power of the theoretical argument will be explored by looking at three landmark cases in the European Parliament’s history: its creation as ‘Common Assembly’ of the ECSC Treaty and the concomitant acquisition of supervisory powers vis-à-vis the High Authority, the acquisition of budgetary powers (Treaty of Luxembourg of 1970) and of legislative powers (Single European Act signed in 1986). The developments ranging from the Maastricht Treaty to the adoption of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe will also be analysed in the light of the theory.Less
Why have national governments of EU member states created and, over the past fifty years, successively endowed the European Parliament with supervisory, budgetary, and legislative powers? This book presents a three-staged argument to explain how the European Parliament acquired this power ‘trias’. First, it is argued that the construction of a supranational polity induces political elites in the member states to reflect on the implications posed by transfers of national sovereignty for domestic processes of democratic accountability and interest representation. It is shown empirically that there exists a strong correlation between national governments’ decisions to transfer sovereignty and political elites’ perception of a ‘democratic legitimacy deficit’ that triggers a search for institutional solutions for its remedy. In a second step, it is argued that political elites, first and foremost, domestic political parties, advance different proposals to alleviate the perceived ‘legitimacy deficit’. These proposals are derived from ‘legitimating beliefs’ that vary cross-nationally and across political parties. Consequently, the creation and empowerment of a supranational parliamentary institution plays a prominent but not exclusive role as potential remedy to the ‘democratic legitimacy deficit’. Third, the book illuminates the mechanisms through which ‘legitimating beliefs’ expressed by political elites and the behaviour of national governments who negotiate and decide on the creation and potential empowerment of the European Parliament are linked. What logic of action best captures national governments’ decisions to empower the European Parliament? The explanatory power of the theoretical argument will be explored by looking at three landmark cases in the European Parliament’s history: its creation as ‘Common Assembly’ of the ECSC Treaty and the concomitant acquisition of supervisory powers vis-à-vis the High Authority, the acquisition of budgetary powers (Treaty of Luxembourg of 1970) and of legislative powers (Single European Act signed in 1986). The developments ranging from the Maastricht Treaty to the adoption of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe will also be analysed in the light of the theory.
Albert W. Dzur
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199874095
- eISBN:
- 9780199980024
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199874095.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Focusing contemporary democratic theory on the neglected topic of punishment, this book argues for increased civic engagement in criminal justice as an antidote to the American penal state. It ...
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Focusing contemporary democratic theory on the neglected topic of punishment, this book argues for increased civic engagement in criminal justice as an antidote to the American penal state. It considers how the jury may serve as a participatory institution that gathers and utilizes citizen’s juridical capabilities rather than merely expressing unreflective public opinion. In doing so, the book resists trends in criminal justice scholarship holding citizen participation to blame for greater penal severity, and it rejects the longstanding skepticism of lay abilities in political theory. It distinguishes a mass politics mobilized superficially around single issues from more constructive citizen involvement that takes responsibility for public problems. This more positive view of citizen action was once a major justification for the jury trial and is now also manifest in the restorative justice movement, which has incorporated laypeople into community boards and sentencing circles. Jury trials and restorative justice programs are examples of rational disorganization, in which lay citizen action renders a process less efficient yet also contributes valuable qualities such as attunement, reflectiveness, and full-bodied communication. While restorative justice programs and participatory policy forums such as citizens’ juries have become attractive to reformers, traditional juries have suffered a deep decline. This book advocates a broader role for jurors in the criminal courts and more widespread use of jury trials. Though no panacea for a political culture grown too comfortable with criminalization and incarceration, participatory institutional designs that rationally disorganize punishment practices and slow down criminal justice can increase civic responsibility and public awareness about the need to conceive alternative paths forward.Less
Focusing contemporary democratic theory on the neglected topic of punishment, this book argues for increased civic engagement in criminal justice as an antidote to the American penal state. It considers how the jury may serve as a participatory institution that gathers and utilizes citizen’s juridical capabilities rather than merely expressing unreflective public opinion. In doing so, the book resists trends in criminal justice scholarship holding citizen participation to blame for greater penal severity, and it rejects the longstanding skepticism of lay abilities in political theory. It distinguishes a mass politics mobilized superficially around single issues from more constructive citizen involvement that takes responsibility for public problems. This more positive view of citizen action was once a major justification for the jury trial and is now also manifest in the restorative justice movement, which has incorporated laypeople into community boards and sentencing circles. Jury trials and restorative justice programs are examples of rational disorganization, in which lay citizen action renders a process less efficient yet also contributes valuable qualities such as attunement, reflectiveness, and full-bodied communication. While restorative justice programs and participatory policy forums such as citizens’ juries have become attractive to reformers, traditional juries have suffered a deep decline. This book advocates a broader role for jurors in the criminal courts and more widespread use of jury trials. Though no panacea for a political culture grown too comfortable with criminalization and incarceration, participatory institutional designs that rationally disorganize punishment practices and slow down criminal justice can increase civic responsibility and public awareness about the need to conceive alternative paths forward.
Rex Martin
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292937
- eISBN:
- 9780191599811
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292937.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Arguments are developed here that allow us to rank the relevant disparate options. This ranking involves two main steps: (1) putting option (a) ahead of option (b) – that is, putting (a) policies and ...
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Arguments are developed here that allow us to rank the relevant disparate options. This ranking involves two main steps: (1) putting option (a) ahead of option (b) – that is, putting (a) policies and laws that are in the interests of each and all ahead of (b) policies and laws concerned with things that are in the corporate or collective interest, such as GDP, though these things are not necessarily in the interests of each person there; and then (2) putting options (a) and (b) ahead of option (c), putting them ahead of policies and laws that help mere majority interests or even hurt minority interests (with the proviso added that allowed instances of (c) must be compatible with the first two options—otherwise they are simply excluded).Thus, where democratic institutions stay in line with that which justifies them, they will in fact tend to produce civil rights laws and they will not act so as to supersede such rights. There is a deep affinity between the idea of civil rights as justified and that of justified democratic institutions; the two are mutually supportive; accordingly, they can form a coherent system. In this system, democratic institutions must, where they stay true to their own justifying rationale, be constrained so as to observe the established priorities; taking such an approach has implications for institutional design (it can, for example, provide for a justification of judicial review that is compatible with democratic ideals).The chapter concludes by considering certain troubling problems that arise for democratic theory: problems such as cyclical majorities and strategic voting; these problems are not negligible but they can be dealt with given the resources of a democratic system of rights.Less
Arguments are developed here that allow us to rank the relevant disparate options. This ranking involves two main steps: (1) putting option (a) ahead of option (b) – that is, putting (a) policies and laws that are in the interests of each and all ahead of (b) policies and laws concerned with things that are in the corporate or collective interest, such as GDP, though these things are not necessarily in the interests of each person there; and then (2) putting options (a) and (b) ahead of option (c), putting them ahead of policies and laws that help mere majority interests or even hurt minority interests (with the proviso added that allowed instances of (c) must be compatible with the first two options—otherwise they are simply excluded).
Thus, where democratic institutions stay in line with that which justifies them, they will in fact tend to produce civil rights laws and they will not act so as to supersede such rights. There is a deep affinity between the idea of civil rights as justified and that of justified democratic institutions; the two are mutually supportive; accordingly, they can form a coherent system. In this system, democratic institutions must, where they stay true to their own justifying rationale, be constrained so as to observe the established priorities; taking such an approach has implications for institutional design (it can, for example, provide for a justification of judicial review that is compatible with democratic ideals).
The chapter concludes by considering certain troubling problems that arise for democratic theory: problems such as cyclical majorities and strategic voting; these problems are not negligible but they can be dealt with given the resources of a democratic system of rights.
Giandomenico Majone
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199274307
- eISBN:
- 9780191603310
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199274304.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Democracy is an essential condition of membership in the EU, yet the EU itself is said to suffer from a serious democratic deficit. The paradox is more apparent than real — one cannot safely ...
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Democracy is an essential condition of membership in the EU, yet the EU itself is said to suffer from a serious democratic deficit. The paradox is more apparent than real — one cannot safely extrapolate democratic norms from the national to the supranational level. The members of the EU are not individuals but corporate bodies, and democratic principles do not directly apply to such a polity. Arguments about Europe’s democratic deficit implicitly assume that the EU must eventually become a full-fledged federal state, but this is not what the majority of European voters apparently want. At best, federation is only one of several possible outcomes of the integration process. In reality, the democratic deficit is the price we pay for attempting to pursue political objectives by non-political means.Less
Democracy is an essential condition of membership in the EU, yet the EU itself is said to suffer from a serious democratic deficit. The paradox is more apparent than real — one cannot safely extrapolate democratic norms from the national to the supranational level. The members of the EU are not individuals but corporate bodies, and democratic principles do not directly apply to such a polity. Arguments about Europe’s democratic deficit implicitly assume that the EU must eventually become a full-fledged federal state, but this is not what the majority of European voters apparently want. At best, federation is only one of several possible outcomes of the integration process. In reality, the democratic deficit is the price we pay for attempting to pursue political objectives by non-political means.
Mette Elise Jolly
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199213078
- eISBN:
- 9780191707155
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199213078.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter opens with a theoretical analysis of the concept of democracy with the emphasis on two questions, ‘What does it mean to rule?’ and ‘Who are the people?’ Whilst the introduction of EU ...
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This chapter opens with a theoretical analysis of the concept of democracy with the emphasis on two questions, ‘What does it mean to rule?’ and ‘Who are the people?’ Whilst the introduction of EU citizenship has created a demos in legal terms it is argued that this demos has no social side because the European civic atmosphere continues to be characterized by relatively low levels of transnational solidarity and identification. In other words, technically there may be a European demos but it is only a demos ‘on paper’. On the basis of the discussion, it is concluded that it makes sense to distinguish between two sides of the social demos, the ethno-cultural side (history, language, political habits, ethnicity, and religion) and the subjective-emotional side (personal feelings of identity and solidarity). Although the former is often seen as a prerequisite for the latter, it may be possible to identify common values or wishes across European states, which can justify some level of supranational EU government.Less
This chapter opens with a theoretical analysis of the concept of democracy with the emphasis on two questions, ‘What does it mean to rule?’ and ‘Who are the people?’ Whilst the introduction of EU citizenship has created a demos in legal terms it is argued that this demos has no social side because the European civic atmosphere continues to be characterized by relatively low levels of transnational solidarity and identification. In other words, technically there may be a European demos but it is only a demos ‘on paper’. On the basis of the discussion, it is concluded that it makes sense to distinguish between two sides of the social demos, the ethno-cultural side (history, language, political habits, ethnicity, and religion) and the subjective-emotional side (personal feelings of identity and solidarity). Although the former is often seen as a prerequisite for the latter, it may be possible to identify common values or wishes across European states, which can justify some level of supranational EU government.
Hélène Landemore
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691155654
- eISBN:
- 9781400845538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691155654.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter illustrates the deeply entrenched prejudice of political philosophers, including some democratic theorists, against “the rule of the dumb many.” It offers a critical literature survey ...
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This chapter illustrates the deeply entrenched prejudice of political philosophers, including some democratic theorists, against “the rule of the dumb many.” It offers a critical literature survey showing how most traditional approaches to democracy either deny or circumvent the question of the people's competence to rule, with the exception of a tiny but growing literature on “epistemic democracy.” In fact, with the exception of the latter, the question of the cognitive competence of average citizens and the related question of the performance of democratic institutions either raises profound skepticism or is avoided altogether in contemporary democratic theory, both positive and normative. As a result, many theories and justifications of democracy tend to be competence insensitive, either denying that citizens' political incompetence is a problem or circumventing what they do see as a problem through an “elitist” definition of democracy as rule by the elected enlightened.Less
This chapter illustrates the deeply entrenched prejudice of political philosophers, including some democratic theorists, against “the rule of the dumb many.” It offers a critical literature survey showing how most traditional approaches to democracy either deny or circumvent the question of the people's competence to rule, with the exception of a tiny but growing literature on “epistemic democracy.” In fact, with the exception of the latter, the question of the cognitive competence of average citizens and the related question of the performance of democratic institutions either raises profound skepticism or is avoided altogether in contemporary democratic theory, both positive and normative. As a result, many theories and justifications of democracy tend to be competence insensitive, either denying that citizens' political incompetence is a problem or circumventing what they do see as a problem through an “elitist” definition of democracy as rule by the elected enlightened.
Mark E. Warren
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199264995
- eISBN:
- 9780191603259
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199264996.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The forms of representative democracy familiar to democratic theory are being overgrown by many new political forces that would appear to have democratic features. These include the rise of social ...
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The forms of representative democracy familiar to democratic theory are being overgrown by many new political forces that would appear to have democratic features. These include the rise of social movements, dramatic increases in the numbers and activities of civil society organizations, new forms of direct action, increasing use of referendums, devolution and de-concentration of decision-making and governance, stakeholder representation within bureaucracies, a growing use of the courts to press citizen interests, new experiments in deliberative democracy and collaborative governance, more vigorous public sphere debates about policies, public monitoring of government and corporate activities, new political uses of communication technologies, and small groups aggregated into networks that are now often global in scale. The first major transformation of democracy involved changes from pre-modern forms of local and direct democracy to modern forms of representative democracy. The question of whether these new changes so consequential that they amount to second major transformation of democracy is raised.Less
The forms of representative democracy familiar to democratic theory are being overgrown by many new political forces that would appear to have democratic features. These include the rise of social movements, dramatic increases in the numbers and activities of civil society organizations, new forms of direct action, increasing use of referendums, devolution and de-concentration of decision-making and governance, stakeholder representation within bureaucracies, a growing use of the courts to press citizen interests, new experiments in deliberative democracy and collaborative governance, more vigorous public sphere debates about policies, public monitoring of government and corporate activities, new political uses of communication technologies, and small groups aggregated into networks that are now often global in scale. The first major transformation of democracy involved changes from pre-modern forms of local and direct democracy to modern forms of representative democracy. The question of whether these new changes so consequential that they amount to second major transformation of democracy is raised.
John S. Dryzek
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250431
- eISBN:
- 9780191717253
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925043X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Democratic theorists are generally adamant that democracy is only for human beings. As an alternative to this arrogance, communication in ecosystems can be connected with communication within the ...
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Democratic theorists are generally adamant that democracy is only for human beings. As an alternative to this arrogance, communication in ecosystems can be connected with communication within the human world. Green democracy seeks effective communication across these two worlds.Less
Democratic theorists are generally adamant that democracy is only for human beings. As an alternative to this arrogance, communication in ecosystems can be connected with communication within the human world. Green democracy seeks effective communication across these two worlds.
Paul Webb
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240562
- eISBN:
- 9780191600296
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240566.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Starts by presenting a summary of the findings of the national case studies covered in the study of political parties and democratic control in advanced democratic societies. The summary excludes the ...
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Starts by presenting a summary of the findings of the national case studies covered in the study of political parties and democratic control in advanced democratic societies. The summary excludes the case of the European Union, and the findings are presented under the same three headings used in the case studies: party legitimacy; party organizational strength, and systemic functionality. The following section discusses political parties and democratic theory, and a concluding section looks at parties and democratic reform.Less
Starts by presenting a summary of the findings of the national case studies covered in the study of political parties and democratic control in advanced democratic societies. The summary excludes the case of the European Union, and the findings are presented under the same three headings used in the case studies: party legitimacy; party organizational strength, and systemic functionality. The following section discusses political parties and democratic theory, and a concluding section looks at parties and democratic reform.
