Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The British monarchy is by far the oldest of all the constitutional monarchies. Its origins can be traced back to before the Norman Conquest. The influence of Magna Carta and the Bill of Rights are ...
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The British monarchy is by far the oldest of all the constitutional monarchies. Its origins can be traced back to before the Norman Conquest. The influence of Magna Carta and the Bill of Rights are discussed. Cabinet government and the expansion of the suffrage in the nineteenth century affected the monarchy profoundly. It was during the reign of Queen Victoria that the monarchy took on its recognizably modern form. This was noticed and analysed by the most brilliant journalist of the age, Walter Bagehot, and by its most imaginative politician, Benjamin Disraeli. Bagehot laid down various constitutional precepts to which sovereigns after Queen Victoria sought to adhere.Less
The British monarchy is by far the oldest of all the constitutional monarchies. Its origins can be traced back to before the Norman Conquest. The influence of Magna Carta and the Bill of Rights are discussed. Cabinet government and the expansion of the suffrage in the nineteenth century affected the monarchy profoundly. It was during the reign of Queen Victoria that the monarchy took on its recognizably modern form. This was noticed and analysed by the most brilliant journalist of the age, Walter Bagehot, and by its most imaginative politician, Benjamin Disraeli. Bagehot laid down various constitutional precepts to which sovereigns after Queen Victoria sought to adhere.
Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Until 1914, monarchy was the prevalent form of government in Europe. Only three European states—France, Portugal, and Switzerland—were republics. Today, by contrast, there are just eight monarchies ...
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Until 1914, monarchy was the prevalent form of government in Europe. Only three European states—France, Portugal, and Switzerland—were republics. Today, by contrast, there are just eight monarchies in Europe. They comprise, however, some of the most stable and well‐governed states in the Continent. Monarchy has lost much of its magic, but retains support on utilitarian grounds as a practical solution to the problem of sustaining constitutional and democratic government. If the conjunction of monarchy and democracy might seem a contradiction, it would be as well to bear in mind Freud's dictum that it is only in logic that contradictions cannot exist.Less
Until 1914, monarchy was the prevalent form of government in Europe. Only three European states—France, Portugal, and Switzerland—were republics. Today, by contrast, there are just eight monarchies in Europe. They comprise, however, some of the most stable and well‐governed states in the Continent. Monarchy has lost much of its magic, but retains support on utilitarian grounds as a practical solution to the problem of sustaining constitutional and democratic government. If the conjunction of monarchy and democracy might seem a contradiction, it would be as well to bear in mind Freud's dictum that it is only in logic that contradictions cannot exist.
Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The sovereign's relationship with the Commonwealth derives from Britain's imperial history. For, nearly all of the members of the Commonwealth are formerly dependent territories of the Empire, which ...
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The sovereign's relationship with the Commonwealth derives from Britain's imperial history. For, nearly all of the members of the Commonwealth are formerly dependent territories of the Empire, which chose to cooperate voluntarily on a basis of full constitutional equality. Since 1953, the Crown has been divisible, and the Queen of Britain is now also Queen of 15 other Commonwealth monarchies, including Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Jamaica, etc. In those countries, the functions of the sovereign are, in practice, undertaken by a Governor‐General, appointed by the sovereign on the advice of the Prime Minister of the country concerned. But, since 1949, it has been possible for members of the Commonwealth to become republics, and the majority of the member states are now republics. They must, however, recognize the sovereign as `the symbol of the free association of its independent member nations and as such the Head of the Commonwealth’. But the position of Head of the Commonwealth is not an office but rather an expression of a symbolic character without any separate constitutional standing or capacity.Less
The sovereign's relationship with the Commonwealth derives from Britain's imperial history. For, nearly all of the members of the Commonwealth are formerly dependent territories of the Empire, which chose to cooperate voluntarily on a basis of full constitutional equality. Since 1953, the Crown has been divisible, and the Queen of Britain is now also Queen of 15 other Commonwealth monarchies, including Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Jamaica, etc. In those countries, the functions of the sovereign are, in practice, undertaken by a Governor‐General, appointed by the sovereign on the advice of the Prime Minister of the country concerned. But, since 1949, it has been possible for members of the Commonwealth to become republics, and the majority of the member states are now republics. They must, however, recognize the sovereign as `the symbol of the free association of its independent member nations and as such the Head of the Commonwealth’. But the position of Head of the Commonwealth is not an office but rather an expression of a symbolic character without any separate constitutional standing or capacity.
Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The office of head of state should be distinguished from that of head of government. The head of state has three main functions. First, there are constitutional functions, which today are primarily ...
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The office of head of state should be distinguished from that of head of government. The head of state has three main functions. First, there are constitutional functions, which today are primarily of a residual or formal kind, such as appointing a prime minister and agreeing to dissolve the legislature. Second are the ceremonial functions that President de Gaulle once dismissed as opening exhibitions of chrysanthemums. Third, and perhaps most important, there is the symbolic or representative function, by means of which the head of state represents and symbolizes not just the state but also the nation. The head of state represents the nation to itself. These last two functions are, in Bagehot's terminology, `dignified’ rather than `efficient’ functions. They are likely to be better performed when the office of head of state is separated from that of head of government so that the head of state is not an active party politician. The fundamental principle of constitutional monarchy is that of acting on the advice of ministers. But this does not exclude a considerable amount of influence being wielded by an assiduous sovereign.Less
The office of head of state should be distinguished from that of head of government. The head of state has three main functions. First, there are constitutional functions, which today are primarily of a residual or formal kind, such as appointing a prime minister and agreeing to dissolve the legislature. Second are the ceremonial functions that President de Gaulle once dismissed as opening exhibitions of chrysanthemums. Third, and perhaps most important, there is the symbolic or representative function, by means of which the head of state represents and symbolizes not just the state but also the nation. The head of state represents the nation to itself. These last two functions are, in Bagehot's terminology, `dignified’ rather than `efficient’ functions. They are likely to be better performed when the office of head of state is separated from that of head of government so that the head of state is not an active party politician. The fundamental principle of constitutional monarchy is that of acting on the advice of ministers. But this does not exclude a considerable amount of influence being wielded by an assiduous sovereign.
Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The three constitutional crises examined are that caused by the rejection by the House of Lords of Lloyd George's `People's Budget’ of 1909; that caused by the Home Rule Act of 1914; and the ...
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The three constitutional crises examined are that caused by the rejection by the House of Lords of Lloyd George's `People's Budget’ of 1909; that caused by the Home Rule Act of 1914; and the abdication in 1936. Each of these crises posed difficult problems for the sovereigns involved—George V and Edward VIII—and for their Prime Ministers—Asquith and Baldwin. In 1914, George V seriously contemplated refusing royal assent to legislation passed by Parliament. In 1936, abdication, a voluntary renunciation, seemed a threat to the very institution of monarchy, which depends upon automatic hereditary descent. But, paradoxically, the abdication heralded a vote of confidence for monarchy and the new style of limited, constitutional monarchy, as represented by George VI.Less
The three constitutional crises examined are that caused by the rejection by the House of Lords of Lloyd George's `People's Budget’ of 1909; that caused by the Home Rule Act of 1914; and the abdication in 1936. Each of these crises posed difficult problems for the sovereigns involved—George V and Edward VIII—and for their Prime Ministers—Asquith and Baldwin. In 1914, George V seriously contemplated refusing royal assent to legislation passed by Parliament. In 1936, abdication, a voluntary renunciation, seemed a threat to the very institution of monarchy, which depends upon automatic hereditary descent. But, paradoxically, the abdication heralded a vote of confidence for monarchy and the new style of limited, constitutional monarchy, as represented by George VI.
Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Seeks to answer the question `How does monarchy function in a modern democracy?’ Since the British Constitution is so heavily dependent upon history, the question can only be answered historically. ...
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Seeks to answer the question `How does monarchy function in a modern democracy?’ Since the British Constitution is so heavily dependent upon history, the question can only be answered historically. The rules that regulate Britain's constitutional monarchy and the so‐called personal prerogatives are then discussed. Three twentieth‐century constitutional crises in which the authority of the sovereign was in question are then analysed. Finally, the book considers how the monarchy is financed, and the relationship between the monarchy and the Church of England and the monarchy and the Commonwealth. The concluding chapter considers the future of constitutional monarchy.Less
Seeks to answer the question `How does monarchy function in a modern democracy?’ Since the British Constitution is so heavily dependent upon history, the question can only be answered historically. The rules that regulate Britain's constitutional monarchy and the so‐called personal prerogatives are then discussed. Three twentieth‐century constitutional crises in which the authority of the sovereign was in question are then analysed. Finally, the book considers how the monarchy is financed, and the relationship between the monarchy and the Church of England and the monarchy and the Commonwealth. The concluding chapter considers the future of constitutional monarchy.
Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The financing of the monarchy has always had constitutional implications. Indeed, control of finance was the crucial issue in the battles between the king and the parliament in the seventeenth ...
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The financing of the monarchy has always had constitutional implications. Indeed, control of finance was the crucial issue in the battles between the king and the parliament in the seventeenth century. Today, the financing of the sovereign and the Royal Household is complex. It is designed to ensure that the sovereign is largely, though not wholly, dependent upon Parliament for money. A careful balancing is needed. But the presentation of the royal accounts is far too opaque and more transparency is needed.Less
The financing of the monarchy has always had constitutional implications. Indeed, control of finance was the crucial issue in the battles between the king and the parliament in the seventeenth century. Today, the financing of the sovereign and the Royal Household is complex. It is designed to ensure that the sovereign is largely, though not wholly, dependent upon Parliament for money. A careful balancing is needed. But the presentation of the royal accounts is far too opaque and more transparency is needed.
Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Constitutional monarchy is a form of monarchy governed by rules. In Britain, these rules are of two kinds—non‐statutory rules governing hereditary succession and statutory rules laying down certain ...
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Constitutional monarchy is a form of monarchy governed by rules. In Britain, these rules are of two kinds—non‐statutory rules governing hereditary succession and statutory rules laying down certain conditions that the holder of the throne must meet. Although descent is the main criterion of succession, the great constitutional struggles of the seventeenth century, culminating in the Bill of Rights of 1689 and the Act of Settlement of 1701, confirmed that the succession could be regulated by parliament. The British monarchy is a parliamentary monarchy. Indeed, the succession can only be altered by Act of Parliament. Provision is also made by Act of Parliament for cases when the sovereign is incapable or a minor, where a Regent acts in place of the sovereign. The rules regulating the royal consort and the heir to the throne and the Royal Marriages Act of 1772 are analysed. The rules of succession, being a product of the religious struggles of the seventeenth century, are now ripe for reform. So also is the Royal Marriages Act.Less
Constitutional monarchy is a form of monarchy governed by rules. In Britain, these rules are of two kinds—non‐statutory rules governing hereditary succession and statutory rules laying down certain conditions that the holder of the throne must meet. Although descent is the main criterion of succession, the great constitutional struggles of the seventeenth century, culminating in the Bill of Rights of 1689 and the Act of Settlement of 1701, confirmed that the succession could be regulated by parliament. The British monarchy is a parliamentary monarchy. Indeed, the succession can only be altered by Act of Parliament. Provision is also made by Act of Parliament for cases when the sovereign is incapable or a minor, where a Regent acts in place of the sovereign. The rules regulating the royal consort and the heir to the throne and the Royal Marriages Act of 1772 are analysed. The rules of succession, being a product of the religious struggles of the seventeenth century, are now ripe for reform. So also is the Royal Marriages Act.
Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Despite Britain's first past the post‐electoral system, which generally produces single‐party majorities, Britain has become more politically fragmented in recent years. This makes a hung ...
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Despite Britain's first past the post‐electoral system, which generally produces single‐party majorities, Britain has become more politically fragmented in recent years. This makes a hung parliament—a parliament in which no single party has a majority—much more likely. Hung parliaments pose a dilemma for the sovereign. For, it will often not be obvious in such a situation who is the most appropriate Prime Minister; nor whether a dissolution requested by a Prime Minister should be granted—there may well be an alternative combination capable of governing within the existing legislature. These problems can be illuminated by analysis of past hung parliaments—1923–24, 1929–31, and 1974. The problems would be exacerbated with the introduction of proportional representation, for this would mean that nearly every parliament would then be a hung parliament.Less
Despite Britain's first past the post‐electoral system, which generally produces single‐party majorities, Britain has become more politically fragmented in recent years. This makes a hung parliament—a parliament in which no single party has a majority—much more likely. Hung parliaments pose a dilemma for the sovereign. For, it will often not be obvious in such a situation who is the most appropriate Prime Minister; nor whether a dissolution requested by a Prime Minister should be granted—there may well be an alternative combination capable of governing within the existing legislature. These problems can be illuminated by analysis of past hung parliaments—1923–24, 1929–31, and 1974. The problems would be exacerbated with the introduction of proportional representation, for this would mean that nearly every parliament would then be a hung parliament.
Vernon Bogdanor
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293347
- eISBN:
- 9780191598821
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293348.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The office of private secretary to the sovereign is crucial to the working of constitutional monarchy. But it evolved in an unnoticed and unplanned way, almost by accident. The history of the ...
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The office of private secretary to the sovereign is crucial to the working of constitutional monarchy. But it evolved in an unnoticed and unplanned way, almost by accident. The history of the development of the office is traced, and it is contrasted with the office of private secretary to the Governor‐General in Commonwealth monarchies. The private secretary needs to enjoy the confidence not only of the sovereign but also of the Prime Minister and of the Leader of the Opposition.Less
The office of private secretary to the sovereign is crucial to the working of constitutional monarchy. But it evolved in an unnoticed and unplanned way, almost by accident. The history of the development of the office is traced, and it is contrasted with the office of private secretary to the Governor‐General in Commonwealth monarchies. The private secretary needs to enjoy the confidence not only of the sovereign but also of the Prime Minister and of the Leader of the Opposition.
