Georgina Waylen
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199248032
- eISBN:
- 9780191714894
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199248032.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book examines the roles that women's mobilizations have played in processes of democratization and the impact of transitions to democracy on gender relations. In an over-arching and thematic ...
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This book examines the roles that women's mobilizations have played in processes of democratization and the impact of transitions to democracy on gender relations. In an over-arching and thematic analysis, it compares transitions from state socialism and authoritarianism that took place as part of the ‘third wave’ of democratization that swept the world from the 1970s onwards. Using case study material drawn from eight countries primarily in Latin America and East Central Europe as well as South Africa, the book explores the gendered constraints and opportunities provided by processes of democratization and economic restructuring. It develops an analytical framework that brings together the analysis of key actors and institutions, and shows that under certain conditions, transitions to democracy can result in some positive gender outcomes such as improvements in women's political representation and more ‘gender sensitive’ policy in areas such as domestic violence. The book argues that women's mobilization during transitions is no guarantee of success and change is easier to achieve in some areas than others. Understanding the different roles that can be played by organized women's movements, key actors, institutions, and the wider political environment, such as the international context, is crucial in helping to explain why gender outcomes vary in different circumstances. The book therefore aims to address important debates within the study of both comparative politics and gender and politics.Less
This book examines the roles that women's mobilizations have played in processes of democratization and the impact of transitions to democracy on gender relations. In an over-arching and thematic analysis, it compares transitions from state socialism and authoritarianism that took place as part of the ‘third wave’ of democratization that swept the world from the 1970s onwards. Using case study material drawn from eight countries primarily in Latin America and East Central Europe as well as South Africa, the book explores the gendered constraints and opportunities provided by processes of democratization and economic restructuring. It develops an analytical framework that brings together the analysis of key actors and institutions, and shows that under certain conditions, transitions to democracy can result in some positive gender outcomes such as improvements in women's political representation and more ‘gender sensitive’ policy in areas such as domestic violence. The book argues that women's mobilization during transitions is no guarantee of success and change is easier to achieve in some areas than others. Understanding the different roles that can be played by organized women's movements, key actors, institutions, and the wider political environment, such as the international context, is crucial in helping to explain why gender outcomes vary in different circumstances. The book therefore aims to address important debates within the study of both comparative politics and gender and politics.
Laurence Whitehead
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243754
- eISBN:
- 9780191600333
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243751.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter is based on the assumption that, with the benefit of hindsight, it can still be helpful to re‐examine the political upheavals that took place in east Central Europe during 1989. It ...
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This chapter is based on the assumption that, with the benefit of hindsight, it can still be helpful to re‐examine the political upheavals that took place in east Central Europe during 1989. It begins by considering whether key analytical terms, such as ‘democratization’, ‘consolidation’, and ‘transition’ carry connotations in the east Central European context, which are different from those that became established during the Cold War. It then analyses the nature and extent of Western influences over the democratization processes, which culminated in the events of 1989, and which have affected democratic consolidation thereafter. It concludes with a general comparative assessment of the varying types of international influence over east Central European democratization processes, and of their implications for pre‐existing theoretical analysis.Less
This chapter is based on the assumption that, with the benefit of hindsight, it can still be helpful to re‐examine the political upheavals that took place in east Central Europe during 1989. It begins by considering whether key analytical terms, such as ‘democratization’, ‘consolidation’, and ‘transition’ carry connotations in the east Central European context, which are different from those that became established during the Cold War. It then analyses the nature and extent of Western influences over the democratization processes, which culminated in the events of 1989, and which have affected democratic consolidation thereafter. It concludes with a general comparative assessment of the varying types of international influence over east Central European democratization processes, and of their implications for pre‐existing theoretical analysis.
Clyde Wilcox, Beth Stark, and Sue Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199246861
- eISBN:
- 9780191601965
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246866.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the demand for women in the legislatures of post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. There is currently little demand for female legislators, with a prevailing attitude in ...
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This chapter examines the demand for women in the legislatures of post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. There is currently little demand for female legislators, with a prevailing attitude in many countries that men make better political leaders. Although this view is most evident among older less educated citizens, it is sufficiently echoed by younger and better educated women. Support for the women’s movement in Eastern and Central Europe appears to be for a non-feminist, maternalist movement; men and women generally believe that the role of homemaker and mother is essential to a woman’s happiness.Less
This chapter examines the demand for women in the legislatures of post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. There is currently little demand for female legislators, with a prevailing attitude in many countries that men make better political leaders. Although this view is most evident among older less educated citizens, it is sufficiently echoed by younger and better educated women. Support for the women’s movement in Eastern and Central Europe appears to be for a non-feminist, maternalist movement; men and women generally believe that the role of homemaker and mother is essential to a woman’s happiness.
Marcin Zaborowski
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199552030
- eISBN:
- 9780191720291
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199552030.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, European Union
This chapter analyses the increasing diversity within “New Europe.” While it may initially have been true that virtually all the new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe wanted to establish ...
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This chapter analyses the increasing diversity within “New Europe.” While it may initially have been true that virtually all the new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe wanted to establish strong relations with the United States, Iraq, EU enlargement, and domestic developments in the various states have gradually produced greater diversity. Poland, by far the biggest country of the region, and the Baltic states continue to emphasize the crucial importance of the American security connection, particularly in view of the new strengthening of Russia. The South-East Europeans (especially Hungary, Slovakia, and Slovenia) are emphasizing their new European orientation. Overall, the chapter concludes that “America had an enormous capital of trust in the region—a considerable share of this was wasted in Iraq.”Less
This chapter analyses the increasing diversity within “New Europe.” While it may initially have been true that virtually all the new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe wanted to establish strong relations with the United States, Iraq, EU enlargement, and domestic developments in the various states have gradually produced greater diversity. Poland, by far the biggest country of the region, and the Baltic states continue to emphasize the crucial importance of the American security connection, particularly in view of the new strengthening of Russia. The South-East Europeans (especially Hungary, Slovakia, and Slovenia) are emphasizing their new European orientation. Overall, the chapter concludes that “America had an enormous capital of trust in the region—a considerable share of this was wasted in Iraq.”
Will Kymlicka
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This paper explores the recent work of Western political theorists on the managing ethnic diversity in Eastern and Central Europe (ECE). It explains an alternative model of ethnic relations which ...
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This paper explores the recent work of Western political theorists on the managing ethnic diversity in Eastern and Central Europe (ECE). It explains an alternative model of ethnic relations which several recent liberal democratic theorists have developed. It concludes by examining the possible applications of this theory to ECE countries.Less
This paper explores the recent work of Western political theorists on the managing ethnic diversity in Eastern and Central Europe (ECE). It explains an alternative model of ethnic relations which several recent liberal democratic theorists have developed. It concludes by examining the possible applications of this theory to ECE countries.
Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266685
- eISBN:
- 9780191601057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266689.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Many expected the role of the US in Europe to shrink after the end of the Cold War and with the end of the Soviet–Communist threat: Western Europe presumably did not need the US in the same way it ...
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Many expected the role of the US in Europe to shrink after the end of the Cold War and with the end of the Soviet–Communist threat: Western Europe presumably did not need the US in the same way it had during the Cold War; now, a strengthened EU could manage much more on its own. In some ways the American role in Western Europe did decline, but the surprise was how little it changed in the period under discussion (1993–2001): the unification of Germany and Western Europe's participation in the Gulf War under US leadership had set the pattern under Bush; now, under Clinton (who was elected in November 1992), America's lead was to be most clearly seen in the wars in ex‐Yugoslavia (discussed in the first section of the chapter) and in the process of NATO expansion (discussed in the second section). NATO did not collapse when its raison d’être, the Soviet Union, the enemy against which it had been directed, disappeared, and the Warsaw Pact was dissolved; on the contrary, NATO took in new members from among the former Pact members and some of the disputes that had plagued it for decades were now softened, so that France moved closer to NATO again. The third section of the chapter shows that, in return, the Clinton administration was showing a more open attitude than that of Bush to European integration (the EU), in the form of monetary and defence cooperation. The last section of the chapter makes the point that, with so many signs of change in Washington, European governments and publics were renewing their invitations to the US to stay involved in Europe: in Western Europe the invitations were weaker and more ambivalent now than in the early years after the Second World War, but in Central and Eastern Europe, finally free from Soviet control, the invitations were quite similar to those the Western Europeans had extended almost fifty years earlier.Less
Many expected the role of the US in Europe to shrink after the end of the Cold War and with the end of the Soviet–Communist threat: Western Europe presumably did not need the US in the same way it had during the Cold War; now, a strengthened EU could manage much more on its own. In some ways the American role in Western Europe did decline, but the surprise was how little it changed in the period under discussion (1993–2001): the unification of Germany and Western Europe's participation in the Gulf War under US leadership had set the pattern under Bush; now, under Clinton (who was elected in November 1992), America's lead was to be most clearly seen in the wars in ex‐Yugoslavia (discussed in the first section of the chapter) and in the process of NATO expansion (discussed in the second section). NATO did not collapse when its raison d’être, the Soviet Union, the enemy against which it had been directed, disappeared, and the Warsaw Pact was dissolved; on the contrary, NATO took in new members from among the former Pact members and some of the disputes that had plagued it for decades were now softened, so that France moved closer to NATO again. The third section of the chapter shows that, in return, the Clinton administration was showing a more open attitude than that of Bush to European integration (the EU), in the form of monetary and defence cooperation. The last section of the chapter makes the point that, with so many signs of change in Washington, European governments and publics were renewing their invitations to the US to stay involved in Europe: in Western Europe the invitations were weaker and more ambivalent now than in the early years after the Second World War, but in Central and Eastern Europe, finally free from Soviet control, the invitations were quite similar to those the Western Europeans had extended almost fifty years earlier.
Sten Berglund, Frank Aarebrot, and Jadwiga Koralewicz
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294764
- eISBN:
- 9780191600005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829476X.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter begins with a macro‐level analysis of post‐Cold War attitudes to European Community integration within the CEE countries, and examines the extent to which these attitudes reflect ...
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This chapter begins with a macro‐level analysis of post‐Cold War attitudes to European Community integration within the CEE countries, and examines the extent to which these attitudes reflect differences in character and pace of progress towards democratization. It then turns to micro‐level analysis of public opinion survey data for answers to three issues: the state of CEE public opinion about European integration in general and about EC membership in particular; the identity of groups favouring or opposing EC membership; the extent of nationalism and xenophobia in the CEE countries, and their likely impact on support for EC integration.Less
This chapter begins with a macro‐level analysis of post‐Cold War attitudes to European Community integration within the CEE countries, and examines the extent to which these attitudes reflect differences in character and pace of progress towards democratization. It then turns to micro‐level analysis of public opinion survey data for answers to three issues: the state of CEE public opinion about European integration in general and about EC membership in particular; the identity of groups favouring or opposing EC membership; the extent of nationalism and xenophobia in the CEE countries, and their likely impact on support for EC integration.
Ewa Morawska
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244096
- eISBN:
- 9780191600371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924409X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Examines the relationship between westbound international migrations and the consolidation of democracy in contemporary East Central Europe (ECE). The chapter focuses on Poland, the Czech Republic, ...
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Examines the relationship between westbound international migrations and the consolidation of democracy in contemporary East Central Europe (ECE). The chapter focuses on Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary. It is argued that, paradoxically, in view of the rapidly expanding connection of ECE with the West, the relationship has weakened between the westbound travel by the vast majority of migrants and democratization processes in their home countries. The chapter focuses on the common features of the migration‐democracy relationship in East Central Europe. The author seeks to initiate a conversation between specialists in transnational migration and experts in democratization. The conclusion considers some of the generalizations and lessons are drawn from the study on the relationship between migration and democracy.Less
Examines the relationship between westbound international migrations and the consolidation of democracy in contemporary East Central Europe (ECE). The chapter focuses on Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary. It is argued that, paradoxically, in view of the rapidly expanding connection of ECE with the West, the relationship has weakened between the westbound travel by the vast majority of migrants and democratization processes in their home countries. The chapter focuses on the common features of the migration‐democracy relationship in East Central Europe. The author seeks to initiate a conversation between specialists in transnational migration and experts in democratization. The conclusion considers some of the generalizations and lessons are drawn from the study on the relationship between migration and democracy.
Olivier Blanchard
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293996
- eISBN:
- 9780191595998
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293992.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic Systems
Transition in Central and Eastern Europe has led to a U‐shaped response of output, that is, a sharp decline in output followed by recovery. Six years after the beginning of transition, most of the ...
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Transition in Central and Eastern Europe has led to a U‐shaped response of output, that is, a sharp decline in output followed by recovery. Six years after the beginning of transition, most of the countries of Central Europe now seem firmly on the upside. Most of the countries of Eastern Europe are still close to the bottom of the U; an optimistic view is that they are now negotiating the turn.This U‐shaped response of output, its causes and its implications, is the subject of this book. That transition came with an often‐large initial decrease in output should be seen as a puzzle. After all, the previous economic system was characterized by myriad distortions. One might have expected that removing most of them would lead to a large increase, not decrease in output. This is not what happened. The purpose of this book is to understand why, and to draw general lessons.Less
Transition in Central and Eastern Europe has led to a U‐shaped response of output, that is, a sharp decline in output followed by recovery. Six years after the beginning of transition, most of the countries of Central Europe now seem firmly on the upside. Most of the countries of Eastern Europe are still close to the bottom of the U; an optimistic view is that they are now negotiating the turn.
This U‐shaped response of output, its causes and its implications, is the subject of this book. That transition came with an often‐large initial decrease in output should be seen as a puzzle. After all, the previous economic system was characterized by myriad distortions. One might have expected that removing most of them would lead to a large increase, not decrease in output. This is not what happened. The purpose of this book is to understand why, and to draw general lessons.
George Schöpflin
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This paper explores the problems of liberal pluralism in post-Communist Central and South-Eastern Europe. It argues that the Anglo-Saxon analyses of post-Communism are hampered by the analysts’ own ...
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This paper explores the problems of liberal pluralism in post-Communist Central and South-Eastern Europe. It argues that the Anglo-Saxon analyses of post-Communism are hampered by the analysts’ own cultural baggage – the assumptions they make on the nature of democratic best practice. Central and South Eastern Europe will develop their own democratic norms, concepts, and patterns which will be unique and democratic. Deeper and more thoughtful assessments of the success and failure criteria of democracy are needed than those offered by Anglo-Saxon analysis.Less
This paper explores the problems of liberal pluralism in post-Communist Central and South-Eastern Europe. It argues that the Anglo-Saxon analyses of post-Communism are hampered by the analysts’ own cultural baggage – the assumptions they make on the nature of democratic best practice. Central and South Eastern Europe will develop their own democratic norms, concepts, and patterns which will be unique and democratic. Deeper and more thoughtful assessments of the success and failure criteria of democracy are needed than those offered by Anglo-Saxon analysis.
Muriel Blaive and Nicolas Maslowski
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199594627
- eISBN:
- 9780191595738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199594627.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, Political Theory
Muriel Blaive and Nicolas Maslowski argue that the Czech heritage has been mobilised in two opposite directions in relation to “Europe”: in an ethnic and isolationist direction which rejects Europe ...
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Muriel Blaive and Nicolas Maslowski argue that the Czech heritage has been mobilised in two opposite directions in relation to “Europe”: in an ethnic and isolationist direction which rejects Europe as a danger (Václav Klaus) and in a humanist direction emphasising individual responsibility, the heritage of the Enlightenment, and dissidence (Václav Havel). Blaive and Maslowski underline that “Central Europe” can be considered as an “intellectual gate” which predetermines attitudes both on Europe as a whole and on domestic issues. Central Europe, Europe, humanism, human rights, civil society, ecology were historically shaped as one and the same weapon against the communist regime, and still go hand in hand today. Conversely, the Klaus trend, despite its professed anti‐communism, appears largely as the heir to pan‐Slavism and former anti‐Western propaganda. In many aspects, Klaus' denunciation of “Europeanism” as a substitute ideology to socialism echoes some part of the Romanian debate.Less
Muriel Blaive and Nicolas Maslowski argue that the Czech heritage has been mobilised in two opposite directions in relation to “Europe”: in an ethnic and isolationist direction which rejects Europe as a danger (Václav Klaus) and in a humanist direction emphasising individual responsibility, the heritage of the Enlightenment, and dissidence (Václav Havel). Blaive and Maslowski underline that “Central Europe” can be considered as an “intellectual gate” which predetermines attitudes both on Europe as a whole and on domestic issues. Central Europe, Europe, humanism, human rights, civil society, ecology were historically shaped as one and the same weapon against the communist regime, and still go hand in hand today. Conversely, the Klaus trend, despite its professed anti‐communism, appears largely as the heir to pan‐Slavism and former anti‐Western propaganda. In many aspects, Klaus' denunciation of “Europeanism” as a substitute ideology to socialism echoes some part of the Romanian debate.
Boris Tsilevich
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This paper argues that liberal democratic values provide clear markers for acceptable approaches to minority policies, which is lacking in East Central European countries. Two main trends are evident ...
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This paper argues that liberal democratic values provide clear markers for acceptable approaches to minority policies, which is lacking in East Central European countries. Two main trends are evident in the elaboration of international legal standards for handling ethnic diversity: the elaboration of new instruments on minority rights, and the half-hearted acceptance of this effort by ‘old’ and ‘new’ democracies. Simply put, although nation-states realize the urgency of addressing these issues, they are not eager to undertake serious obligations towards their minorities.Less
This paper argues that liberal democratic values provide clear markers for acceptable approaches to minority policies, which is lacking in East Central European countries. Two main trends are evident in the elaboration of international legal standards for handling ethnic diversity: the elaboration of new instruments on minority rights, and the half-hearted acceptance of this effort by ‘old’ and ‘new’ democracies. Simply put, although nation-states realize the urgency of addressing these issues, they are not eager to undertake serious obligations towards their minorities.
William Mishler and Richard Rose
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and ...
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Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia—during the first five years following the fall of communism. It begins by offering a reconceptualization of support for new democracies. An examination is then made of popular approval of the new regimes in 1991, shortly following the collapse of communism, and the trajectory of support is tracked through to 1995. Next, a model of the dynamics underlying these trends is developed and tested, paying particular attention to the extent to which support is contingent on political and economic performance. More generally, an exploration is made of whether and to what extent the sources of support change over time as citizens acquire experience with the new regimes.Less
Assesses the trajectories and dynamics of public support for seven democratizing regimes in Central and Eastern Europe—Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovenia—during the first five years following the fall of communism. It begins by offering a reconceptualization of support for new democracies. An examination is then made of popular approval of the new regimes in 1991, shortly following the collapse of communism, and the trajectory of support is tracked through to 1995. Next, a model of the dynamics underlying these trends is developed and tested, paying particular attention to the extent to which support is contingent on political and economic performance. More generally, an exploration is made of whether and to what extent the sources of support change over time as citizens acquire experience with the new regimes.
Detlef Gronenborn
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264140
- eISBN:
- 9780191734489
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264140.003.0005
- Subject:
- Archaeology, Prehistoric Archaeology
This chapter discusses the Neolithization process in Central Europe. The process began during the latter half of the seventh millennium cal bc, then experienced a major shift with the expansion of ...
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This chapter discusses the Neolithization process in Central Europe. The process began during the latter half of the seventh millennium cal bc, then experienced a major shift with the expansion of the Linear Pottery Culture (LBK), and ended in the mid-fifth millennium cal bc. During these two thousand years a multi-faceted combination of migrations, adaptations, and acculturations, together with socio-political cycling, led to the fundamental transformation of Central European societies from segmented tribes to emergent complex chiefdoms. The trajectories were triggered by external parameters like climatic fluctuations, and internal factors such as human agency.Less
This chapter discusses the Neolithization process in Central Europe. The process began during the latter half of the seventh millennium cal bc, then experienced a major shift with the expansion of the Linear Pottery Culture (LBK), and ended in the mid-fifth millennium cal bc. During these two thousand years a multi-faceted combination of migrations, adaptations, and acculturations, together with socio-political cycling, led to the fundamental transformation of Central European societies from segmented tribes to emergent complex chiefdoms. The trajectories were triggered by external parameters like climatic fluctuations, and internal factors such as human agency.
Sonia Alonso and José María Maravall
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250158
- eISBN:
- 9780191599439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250154.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The 1962 Birkelbach report of the European Parliament declared that only those states that guaranteed truly democratic practices and respect for human rights and fundamental liberties would be ...
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The 1962 Birkelbach report of the European Parliament declared that only those states that guaranteed truly democratic practices and respect for human rights and fundamental liberties would be admitted into the Community. This political requirement was addressed to the South European dictatorships, and had an important influence on political events in these countries, to which the European Community represented, thus, a form of political conditionality; this ‘conditioning’ required monitoring. The European Union 1993 summit in Copenhagen opened the door to membership to the new regimes in the East if political and economic conditions, later ratified by the Amsterdam Treaty in 1997, were fulfilled: the political conditions referred to democracy, the respect of minorities and the rule of law; the economic ones, to a market economy, an independent financial sector and macroeconomic stability. The Commission submitted regular reports on the fulfilment by each candidate country of such conditions. The monitoring, however, described states of affairs while not explaining their causes. This chapter examines these two periods of regime change in Southern and Central Eastern Europe, reviewing (with empirical evidence), arguments about economic development, regimes and political institutions; the purpose is to understand better the political and economic transformations that went on in what was the southern and eastern periphery of Europe.Less
The 1962 Birkelbach report of the European Parliament declared that only those states that guaranteed truly democratic practices and respect for human rights and fundamental liberties would be admitted into the Community. This political requirement was addressed to the South European dictatorships, and had an important influence on political events in these countries, to which the European Community represented, thus, a form of political conditionality; this ‘conditioning’ required monitoring. The European Union 1993 summit in Copenhagen opened the door to membership to the new regimes in the East if political and economic conditions, later ratified by the Amsterdam Treaty in 1997, were fulfilled: the political conditions referred to democracy, the respect of minorities and the rule of law; the economic ones, to a market economy, an independent financial sector and macroeconomic stability. The Commission submitted regular reports on the fulfilment by each candidate country of such conditions. The monitoring, however, described states of affairs while not explaining their causes. This chapter examines these two periods of regime change in Southern and Central Eastern Europe, reviewing (with empirical evidence), arguments about economic development, regimes and political institutions; the purpose is to understand better the political and economic transformations that went on in what was the southern and eastern periphery of Europe.
Heather Grabbe
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199252091
- eISBN:
- 9780191599224
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252092.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The candidate countries of central and eastern Europe (CEE) have been taking on all the obligations of European Union (EU) membership for some ten years now, so the domestic effects of transferring ...
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The candidate countries of central and eastern Europe (CEE) have been taking on all the obligations of European Union (EU) membership for some ten years now, so the domestic effects of transferring policies and institutions to them are likely to be comparable to the effects of the EU on its current member states, although the political relationship between the applicants and the EU is very different, which affects how Europeanization occurs. This chapter examines just one domain of Europeanization in relation to CEE candidates. Public policy. The first section sets out a prima facie case for extending the study of Europeanization to include the EU effects in CEE, arguing that the effects are likely to be similar in nature, but broader and deeper in scope. The second section discusses how theoretical and empirical work on Europeanization in the fifteen EU countries can usefully be applied to the applicants for membership, particularly the CEE countries that have sought to join since 1989; it sets out a typology of routes of influence through which the EU can affect domestic changes in CEE. The third section presents an analysis of two major reasons why Europeanization is different in the case of central and eastern European countries: the first reason is that they are candidates rather than members of the Union, in an asymmetrical relationship which gives the EU more coercive routes of influence in domestic policy-making processes, and the applicants a stronger incentive than existing member states to implement EU policies because they are trying to gain admission yet cannot influence EU policy making; the second reason is the uncertainty built into the accession processes, which has at least five dimensions.Less
The candidate countries of central and eastern Europe (CEE) have been taking on all the obligations of European Union (EU) membership for some ten years now, so the domestic effects of transferring policies and institutions to them are likely to be comparable to the effects of the EU on its current member states, although the political relationship between the applicants and the EU is very different, which affects how Europeanization occurs. This chapter examines just one domain of Europeanization in relation to CEE candidates. Public policy. The first section sets out a prima facie case for extending the study of Europeanization to include the EU effects in CEE, arguing that the effects are likely to be similar in nature, but broader and deeper in scope. The second section discusses how theoretical and empirical work on Europeanization in the fifteen EU countries can usefully be applied to the applicants for membership, particularly the CEE countries that have sought to join since 1989; it sets out a typology of routes of influence through which the EU can affect domestic changes in CEE. The third section presents an analysis of two major reasons why Europeanization is different in the case of central and eastern European countries: the first reason is that they are candidates rather than members of the Union, in an asymmetrical relationship which gives the EU more coercive routes of influence in domestic policy-making processes, and the applicants a stronger incentive than existing member states to implement EU policies because they are trying to gain admission yet cannot influence EU policy making; the second reason is the uncertainty built into the accession processes, which has at least five dimensions.
Will Kymlicka and Magda Opalski
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This introductory chapter explains the objectives of this book, mainly to explore the recent work of Western liberal theorists on the issues of pluralism and minority rights in post-Communist ...
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This introductory chapter explains the objectives of this book, mainly to explore the recent work of Western liberal theorists on the issues of pluralism and minority rights in post-Communist countries of Eastern and Central Europe. It seeks to answer the question of whether Western models of liberal pluralism can contribute to the democratisation and stabilization of post-Communist Europe. An overview of the papers included in this volume is presented.Less
This introductory chapter explains the objectives of this book, mainly to explore the recent work of Western liberal theorists on the issues of pluralism and minority rights in post-Communist countries of Eastern and Central Europe. It seeks to answer the question of whether Western models of liberal pluralism can contribute to the democratisation and stabilization of post-Communist Europe. An overview of the papers included in this volume is presented.
Alexandra Barahona de Brito, Carmen González‐Enríquez, and Paloma Aguilar
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
The general aim of this book is to shed light on how countries deal with legacies of repression during a transition from authoritarian or totalitarian rule to democratic rule. Two broad kinds of ...
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The general aim of this book is to shed light on how countries deal with legacies of repression during a transition from authoritarian or totalitarian rule to democratic rule. Two broad kinds of transition are covered: those that occur as a result of the collapse of the old regimes or regime forces, as in Portugal, Argentina, Central and Eastern Europe, Russia and Germany after reunification, where collapse was followed by absorption into another state; and those that are negotiated between an incoming democratic elite and an old regime, as in Spain, the southern cone of Latin America, Central America and South Africa. Because of this range of transitional situations, it is possible to see how varying degrees of political, social and institutional constraints affect the solutions adopted or limit opportunities to deal with the past, and to permit a comparative analysis of the variety of policies adopted, establishing links between one and the other. The book concentrates on the presence (or absence) of three kinds of official or government-sponsored efforts to come to terms with the past: truth commissions, trials and amnesties, and purges; to a lesser extent, it also looks at policies of compensation, restitution or reparation. At the same time, it focuses on unofficial and private initiatives emerging from within society to deal with the past – usually promoted by human rights organizations (HROs), churches, political parties and other civil society organizations; in doing this, the book examines a ‘politics of memory’ whereby societies rework the past in a wider cultural arena, both during the transitions and after official transitional policies have been implemented and even forgotten. The different sections of the Introduction are: Truth and Justice in Periods of Political Change: An Overview; What Can be Done about an Authoritarian Past? Limits and Possibilities of Transition Types and Other Variables; Beyond the Transitional Period: Authoritarian and Long-Term Historical Legacies; Truth, Justice and Democracy; and Memory Making and Democratization.Less
The general aim of this book is to shed light on how countries deal with legacies of repression during a transition from authoritarian or totalitarian rule to democratic rule. Two broad kinds of transition are covered: those that occur as a result of the collapse of the old regimes or regime forces, as in Portugal, Argentina, Central and Eastern Europe, Russia and Germany after reunification, where collapse was followed by absorption into another state; and those that are negotiated between an incoming democratic elite and an old regime, as in Spain, the southern cone of Latin America, Central America and South Africa. Because of this range of transitional situations, it is possible to see how varying degrees of political, social and institutional constraints affect the solutions adopted or limit opportunities to deal with the past, and to permit a comparative analysis of the variety of policies adopted, establishing links between one and the other. The book concentrates on the presence (or absence) of three kinds of official or government-sponsored efforts to come to terms with the past: truth commissions, trials and amnesties, and purges; to a lesser extent, it also looks at policies of compensation, restitution or reparation. At the same time, it focuses on unofficial and private initiatives emerging from within society to deal with the past – usually promoted by human rights organizations (HROs), churches, political parties and other civil society organizations; in doing this, the book examines a ‘politics of memory’ whereby societies rework the past in a wider cultural arena, both during the transitions and after official transitional policies have been implemented and even forgotten. The different sections of the Introduction are: Truth and Justice in Periods of Political Change: An Overview; What Can be Done about an Authoritarian Past? Limits and Possibilities of Transition Types and Other Variables; Beyond the Transitional Period: Authoritarian and Long-Term Historical Legacies; Truth, Justice and Democracy; and Memory Making and Democratization.
Carmen González‐Enríquez
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
An exploration is made of the nature and scope of de-communization and political justice in Czechoslovakia (the Czech Republic, Slovakia), Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland and Hungary, to each of ...
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An exploration is made of the nature and scope of de-communization and political justice in Czechoslovakia (the Czech Republic, Slovakia), Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland and Hungary, to each of which a section of the chapter is devoted. The term ‘political justice’ is here meant to refer to proceedings held to try crimes (generally related to political repression) committed by outgoing regimes. With the exception of Albania, transitions to democracy in these countries were initiated in 1989, and in all cases, great political tensions arose from demands for the punishment of former communist authorities and those responsible for political repression. These demands formed part of a wider political and cultural process, namely the reworking of public discourse on the nature of the communist regime, and their nature and results varied considerably from country to country; for example, only two – the former Czechoslovakia and Albania – actually carried out purges that affected large numbers of people. This chapter attempts to answer to two main questions: (1) what explains the differences in the scope and nature of the policies adopted, and (2) what impact have they had on the process of democratization. The focus is on the rationality of the political actors or the role that anti-communist campaigns had in shaping political competition, rather than the moral and legal debates surrounding the issue.Less
An exploration is made of the nature and scope of de-communization and political justice in Czechoslovakia (the Czech Republic, Slovakia), Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Poland and Hungary, to each of which a section of the chapter is devoted. The term ‘political justice’ is here meant to refer to proceedings held to try crimes (generally related to political repression) committed by outgoing regimes. With the exception of Albania, transitions to democracy in these countries were initiated in 1989, and in all cases, great political tensions arose from demands for the punishment of former communist authorities and those responsible for political repression. These demands formed part of a wider political and cultural process, namely the reworking of public discourse on the nature of the communist regime, and their nature and results varied considerably from country to country; for example, only two – the former Czechoslovakia and Albania – actually carried out purges that affected large numbers of people. This chapter attempts to answer to two main questions: (1) what explains the differences in the scope and nature of the policies adopted, and (2) what impact have they had on the process of democratization. The focus is on the rationality of the political actors or the role that anti-communist campaigns had in shaping political competition, rather than the moral and legal debates surrounding the issue.
Leslie Holmes
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244096
- eISBN:
- 9780191600371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924409X.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Examines the internationalization of crime and corruption in post‐communist states and its serious implications for both established democracies and democratizing countries. The main hypothesis is ...
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Examines the internationalization of crime and corruption in post‐communist states and its serious implications for both established democracies and democratizing countries. The main hypothesis is that the post‐communist regimes have experienced legitimacy problems because of popular perceptions that the new putatively democratizing systems are often too tolerant of the new criminality, and in some cases directly involved with benefiting from it. The section of the chapter provides a brief overview of the crime situation in the region, highlighting changes in the incidence of crime. The second and third parts of the chapter are concerned with the rise of crime in terms of the interplay of domestic and international/transnational factors. In the fourth section, the implications of the rise of crime for the whole democratization and transition project are assessed. The fifth section provides an overview of international responses to crime in Central Eastern Europe and Former Soviet Union states. The conclusions to the chapter locate the criminalization issue in the broader context of the problems besetting post‐communist transition and democratic consolidation.Less
Examines the internationalization of crime and corruption in post‐communist states and its serious implications for both established democracies and democratizing countries. The main hypothesis is that the post‐communist regimes have experienced legitimacy problems because of popular perceptions that the new putatively democratizing systems are often too tolerant of the new criminality, and in some cases directly involved with benefiting from it. The section of the chapter provides a brief overview of the crime situation in the region, highlighting changes in the incidence of crime. The second and third parts of the chapter are concerned with the rise of crime in terms of the interplay of domestic and international/transnational factors. In the fourth section, the implications of the rise of crime for the whole democratization and transition project are assessed. The fifth section provides an overview of international responses to crime in Central Eastern Europe and Former Soviet Union states. The conclusions to the chapter locate the criminalization issue in the broader context of the problems besetting post‐communist transition and democratic consolidation.
