Georgina Waylen
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199248032
- eISBN:
- 9780191714894
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199248032.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book examines the roles that women's mobilizations have played in processes of democratization and the impact of transitions to democracy on gender relations. In an over-arching and thematic ...
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This book examines the roles that women's mobilizations have played in processes of democratization and the impact of transitions to democracy on gender relations. In an over-arching and thematic analysis, it compares transitions from state socialism and authoritarianism that took place as part of the ‘third wave’ of democratization that swept the world from the 1970s onwards. Using case study material drawn from eight countries primarily in Latin America and East Central Europe as well as South Africa, the book explores the gendered constraints and opportunities provided by processes of democratization and economic restructuring. It develops an analytical framework that brings together the analysis of key actors and institutions, and shows that under certain conditions, transitions to democracy can result in some positive gender outcomes such as improvements in women's political representation and more ‘gender sensitive’ policy in areas such as domestic violence. The book argues that women's mobilization during transitions is no guarantee of success and change is easier to achieve in some areas than others. Understanding the different roles that can be played by organized women's movements, key actors, institutions, and the wider political environment, such as the international context, is crucial in helping to explain why gender outcomes vary in different circumstances. The book therefore aims to address important debates within the study of both comparative politics and gender and politics.Less
This book examines the roles that women's mobilizations have played in processes of democratization and the impact of transitions to democracy on gender relations. In an over-arching and thematic analysis, it compares transitions from state socialism and authoritarianism that took place as part of the ‘third wave’ of democratization that swept the world from the 1970s onwards. Using case study material drawn from eight countries primarily in Latin America and East Central Europe as well as South Africa, the book explores the gendered constraints and opportunities provided by processes of democratization and economic restructuring. It develops an analytical framework that brings together the analysis of key actors and institutions, and shows that under certain conditions, transitions to democracy can result in some positive gender outcomes such as improvements in women's political representation and more ‘gender sensitive’ policy in areas such as domestic violence. The book argues that women's mobilization during transitions is no guarantee of success and change is easier to achieve in some areas than others. Understanding the different roles that can be played by organized women's movements, key actors, institutions, and the wider political environment, such as the international context, is crucial in helping to explain why gender outcomes vary in different circumstances. The book therefore aims to address important debates within the study of both comparative politics and gender and politics.
Laurence Whitehead
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243754
- eISBN:
- 9780191600333
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243751.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter is based on the assumption that, with the benefit of hindsight, it can still be helpful to re‐examine the political upheavals that took place in east Central Europe during 1989. It ...
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This chapter is based on the assumption that, with the benefit of hindsight, it can still be helpful to re‐examine the political upheavals that took place in east Central Europe during 1989. It begins by considering whether key analytical terms, such as ‘democratization’, ‘consolidation’, and ‘transition’ carry connotations in the east Central European context, which are different from those that became established during the Cold War. It then analyses the nature and extent of Western influences over the democratization processes, which culminated in the events of 1989, and which have affected democratic consolidation thereafter. It concludes with a general comparative assessment of the varying types of international influence over east Central European democratization processes, and of their implications for pre‐existing theoretical analysis.Less
This chapter is based on the assumption that, with the benefit of hindsight, it can still be helpful to re‐examine the political upheavals that took place in east Central Europe during 1989. It begins by considering whether key analytical terms, such as ‘democratization’, ‘consolidation’, and ‘transition’ carry connotations in the east Central European context, which are different from those that became established during the Cold War. It then analyses the nature and extent of Western influences over the democratization processes, which culminated in the events of 1989, and which have affected democratic consolidation thereafter. It concludes with a general comparative assessment of the varying types of international influence over east Central European democratization processes, and of their implications for pre‐existing theoretical analysis.
Will Kymlicka
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This paper explores the recent work of Western political theorists on the managing ethnic diversity in Eastern and Central Europe (ECE). It explains an alternative model of ethnic relations which ...
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This paper explores the recent work of Western political theorists on the managing ethnic diversity in Eastern and Central Europe (ECE). It explains an alternative model of ethnic relations which several recent liberal democratic theorists have developed. It concludes by examining the possible applications of this theory to ECE countries.Less
This paper explores the recent work of Western political theorists on the managing ethnic diversity in Eastern and Central Europe (ECE). It explains an alternative model of ethnic relations which several recent liberal democratic theorists have developed. It concludes by examining the possible applications of this theory to ECE countries.
Clyde Wilcox, Beth Stark, and Sue Thomas
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199246861
- eISBN:
- 9780191601965
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246866.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the demand for women in the legislatures of post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. There is currently little demand for female legislators, with a prevailing attitude in ...
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This chapter examines the demand for women in the legislatures of post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. There is currently little demand for female legislators, with a prevailing attitude in many countries that men make better political leaders. Although this view is most evident among older less educated citizens, it is sufficiently echoed by younger and better educated women. Support for the women’s movement in Eastern and Central Europe appears to be for a non-feminist, maternalist movement; men and women generally believe that the role of homemaker and mother is essential to a woman’s happiness.Less
This chapter examines the demand for women in the legislatures of post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. There is currently little demand for female legislators, with a prevailing attitude in many countries that men make better political leaders. Although this view is most evident among older less educated citizens, it is sufficiently echoed by younger and better educated women. Support for the women’s movement in Eastern and Central Europe appears to be for a non-feminist, maternalist movement; men and women generally believe that the role of homemaker and mother is essential to a woman’s happiness.
Marcin Zaborowski
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199552030
- eISBN:
- 9780191720291
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199552030.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, European Union
This chapter analyses the increasing diversity within “New Europe.” While it may initially have been true that virtually all the new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe wanted to establish ...
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This chapter analyses the increasing diversity within “New Europe.” While it may initially have been true that virtually all the new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe wanted to establish strong relations with the United States, Iraq, EU enlargement, and domestic developments in the various states have gradually produced greater diversity. Poland, by far the biggest country of the region, and the Baltic states continue to emphasize the crucial importance of the American security connection, particularly in view of the new strengthening of Russia. The South-East Europeans (especially Hungary, Slovakia, and Slovenia) are emphasizing their new European orientation. Overall, the chapter concludes that “America had an enormous capital of trust in the region—a considerable share of this was wasted in Iraq.”Less
This chapter analyses the increasing diversity within “New Europe.” While it may initially have been true that virtually all the new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe wanted to establish strong relations with the United States, Iraq, EU enlargement, and domestic developments in the various states have gradually produced greater diversity. Poland, by far the biggest country of the region, and the Baltic states continue to emphasize the crucial importance of the American security connection, particularly in view of the new strengthening of Russia. The South-East Europeans (especially Hungary, Slovakia, and Slovenia) are emphasizing their new European orientation. Overall, the chapter concludes that “America had an enormous capital of trust in the region—a considerable share of this was wasted in Iraq.”
Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266685
- eISBN:
- 9780191601057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266689.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Many expected the role of the US in Europe to shrink after the end of the Cold War and with the end of the Soviet–Communist threat: Western Europe presumably did not need the US in the same way it ...
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Many expected the role of the US in Europe to shrink after the end of the Cold War and with the end of the Soviet–Communist threat: Western Europe presumably did not need the US in the same way it had during the Cold War; now, a strengthened EU could manage much more on its own. In some ways the American role in Western Europe did decline, but the surprise was how little it changed in the period under discussion (1993–2001): the unification of Germany and Western Europe's participation in the Gulf War under US leadership had set the pattern under Bush; now, under Clinton (who was elected in November 1992), America's lead was to be most clearly seen in the wars in ex‐Yugoslavia (discussed in the first section of the chapter) and in the process of NATO expansion (discussed in the second section). NATO did not collapse when its raison d’être, the Soviet Union, the enemy against which it had been directed, disappeared, and the Warsaw Pact was dissolved; on the contrary, NATO took in new members from among the former Pact members and some of the disputes that had plagued it for decades were now softened, so that France moved closer to NATO again. The third section of the chapter shows that, in return, the Clinton administration was showing a more open attitude than that of Bush to European integration (the EU), in the form of monetary and defence cooperation. The last section of the chapter makes the point that, with so many signs of change in Washington, European governments and publics were renewing their invitations to the US to stay involved in Europe: in Western Europe the invitations were weaker and more ambivalent now than in the early years after the Second World War, but in Central and Eastern Europe, finally free from Soviet control, the invitations were quite similar to those the Western Europeans had extended almost fifty years earlier.Less
Many expected the role of the US in Europe to shrink after the end of the Cold War and with the end of the Soviet–Communist threat: Western Europe presumably did not need the US in the same way it had during the Cold War; now, a strengthened EU could manage much more on its own. In some ways the American role in Western Europe did decline, but the surprise was how little it changed in the period under discussion (1993–2001): the unification of Germany and Western Europe's participation in the Gulf War under US leadership had set the pattern under Bush; now, under Clinton (who was elected in November 1992), America's lead was to be most clearly seen in the wars in ex‐Yugoslavia (discussed in the first section of the chapter) and in the process of NATO expansion (discussed in the second section). NATO did not collapse when its raison d’être, the Soviet Union, the enemy against which it had been directed, disappeared, and the Warsaw Pact was dissolved; on the contrary, NATO took in new members from among the former Pact members and some of the disputes that had plagued it for decades were now softened, so that France moved closer to NATO again. The third section of the chapter shows that, in return, the Clinton administration was showing a more open attitude than that of Bush to European integration (the EU), in the form of monetary and defence cooperation. The last section of the chapter makes the point that, with so many signs of change in Washington, European governments and publics were renewing their invitations to the US to stay involved in Europe: in Western Europe the invitations were weaker and more ambivalent now than in the early years after the Second World War, but in Central and Eastern Europe, finally free from Soviet control, the invitations were quite similar to those the Western Europeans had extended almost fifty years earlier.
Sten Berglund, Frank Aarebrot, and Jadwiga Koralewicz
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294764
- eISBN:
- 9780191600005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829476X.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter begins with a macro‐level analysis of post‐Cold War attitudes to European Community integration within the CEE countries, and examines the extent to which these attitudes reflect ...
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This chapter begins with a macro‐level analysis of post‐Cold War attitudes to European Community integration within the CEE countries, and examines the extent to which these attitudes reflect differences in character and pace of progress towards democratization. It then turns to micro‐level analysis of public opinion survey data for answers to three issues: the state of CEE public opinion about European integration in general and about EC membership in particular; the identity of groups favouring or opposing EC membership; the extent of nationalism and xenophobia in the CEE countries, and their likely impact on support for EC integration.Less
This chapter begins with a macro‐level analysis of post‐Cold War attitudes to European Community integration within the CEE countries, and examines the extent to which these attitudes reflect differences in character and pace of progress towards democratization. It then turns to micro‐level analysis of public opinion survey data for answers to three issues: the state of CEE public opinion about European integration in general and about EC membership in particular; the identity of groups favouring or opposing EC membership; the extent of nationalism and xenophobia in the CEE countries, and their likely impact on support for EC integration.
Ewa Morawska
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244096
- eISBN:
- 9780191600371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924409X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Examines the relationship between westbound international migrations and the consolidation of democracy in contemporary East Central Europe (ECE). The chapter focuses on Poland, the Czech Republic, ...
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Examines the relationship between westbound international migrations and the consolidation of democracy in contemporary East Central Europe (ECE). The chapter focuses on Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary. It is argued that, paradoxically, in view of the rapidly expanding connection of ECE with the West, the relationship has weakened between the westbound travel by the vast majority of migrants and democratization processes in their home countries. The chapter focuses on the common features of the migration‐democracy relationship in East Central Europe. The author seeks to initiate a conversation between specialists in transnational migration and experts in democratization. The conclusion considers some of the generalizations and lessons are drawn from the study on the relationship between migration and democracy.Less
Examines the relationship between westbound international migrations and the consolidation of democracy in contemporary East Central Europe (ECE). The chapter focuses on Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary. It is argued that, paradoxically, in view of the rapidly expanding connection of ECE with the West, the relationship has weakened between the westbound travel by the vast majority of migrants and democratization processes in their home countries. The chapter focuses on the common features of the migration‐democracy relationship in East Central Europe. The author seeks to initiate a conversation between specialists in transnational migration and experts in democratization. The conclusion considers some of the generalizations and lessons are drawn from the study on the relationship between migration and democracy.
Olivier Blanchard
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293996
- eISBN:
- 9780191595998
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293992.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic Systems
Transition in Central and Eastern Europe has led to a U‐shaped response of output, that is, a sharp decline in output followed by recovery. Six years after the beginning of transition, most of the ...
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Transition in Central and Eastern Europe has led to a U‐shaped response of output, that is, a sharp decline in output followed by recovery. Six years after the beginning of transition, most of the countries of Central Europe now seem firmly on the upside. Most of the countries of Eastern Europe are still close to the bottom of the U; an optimistic view is that they are now negotiating the turn.This U‐shaped response of output, its causes and its implications, is the subject of this book. That transition came with an often‐large initial decrease in output should be seen as a puzzle. After all, the previous economic system was characterized by myriad distortions. One might have expected that removing most of them would lead to a large increase, not decrease in output. This is not what happened. The purpose of this book is to understand why, and to draw general lessons.Less
Transition in Central and Eastern Europe has led to a U‐shaped response of output, that is, a sharp decline in output followed by recovery. Six years after the beginning of transition, most of the countries of Central Europe now seem firmly on the upside. Most of the countries of Eastern Europe are still close to the bottom of the U; an optimistic view is that they are now negotiating the turn.
This U‐shaped response of output, its causes and its implications, is the subject of this book. That transition came with an often‐large initial decrease in output should be seen as a puzzle. After all, the previous economic system was characterized by myriad distortions. One might have expected that removing most of them would lead to a large increase, not decrease in output. This is not what happened. The purpose of this book is to understand why, and to draw general lessons.
George Schöpflin
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199248155
- eISBN:
- 9780191602955
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924815X.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This paper explores the problems of liberal pluralism in post-Communist Central and South-Eastern Europe. It argues that the Anglo-Saxon analyses of post-Communism are hampered by the analysts’ own ...
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This paper explores the problems of liberal pluralism in post-Communist Central and South-Eastern Europe. It argues that the Anglo-Saxon analyses of post-Communism are hampered by the analysts’ own cultural baggage – the assumptions they make on the nature of democratic best practice. Central and South Eastern Europe will develop their own democratic norms, concepts, and patterns which will be unique and democratic. Deeper and more thoughtful assessments of the success and failure criteria of democracy are needed than those offered by Anglo-Saxon analysis.Less
This paper explores the problems of liberal pluralism in post-Communist Central and South-Eastern Europe. It argues that the Anglo-Saxon analyses of post-Communism are hampered by the analysts’ own cultural baggage – the assumptions they make on the nature of democratic best practice. Central and South Eastern Europe will develop their own democratic norms, concepts, and patterns which will be unique and democratic. Deeper and more thoughtful assessments of the success and failure criteria of democracy are needed than those offered by Anglo-Saxon analysis.
