David Armstrong
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198275282
- eISBN:
- 9780191598739
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198275285.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This study examines the impact of revolutionary states upon international society. These states have always posed major problems for the achievement of world order: revolution is often accompanied by ...
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This study examines the impact of revolutionary states upon international society. These states have always posed major problems for the achievement of world order: revolution is often accompanied by international as well as civil conflict, while revolutionary doctrines have proven to be highly disruptive of the existing structure of international politics. Conversely, the prevailing international order presents fundamental difficulties for some revolutionary states. The belief system on which its revolution was founded and which legitimized the assumption of state power by the revolutionary elite is certain to run counter to the prevailing political doctrines of many other states. David Armstrong asks whether revolutionary states are ‘socialized’ into adopting acceptable patterns of international behaviour, or whether it is the international society that is forced to change when these new states appear. He looks in detail at the French, American, and Russian revolutions and at several post‐1945 revolutionary states. He also examines the relationship between revolutionary states and the principal ordering devices of an international society: international law, diplomacy, and the balance of power. His book is a significant contribution to the ‘English School’ literature, whose central concept is that of an international society. It shows how the interaction between revolutionary states and the established norms, rules, and institutions of international society works to produce change in both the revolutionary state and international society itself. As such it elucidates the dynamic aspects of international society.Less
This study examines the impact of revolutionary states upon international society. These states have always posed major problems for the achievement of world order: revolution is often accompanied by international as well as civil conflict, while revolutionary doctrines have proven to be highly disruptive of the existing structure of international politics. Conversely, the prevailing international order presents fundamental difficulties for some revolutionary states. The belief system on which its revolution was founded and which legitimized the assumption of state power by the revolutionary elite is certain to run counter to the prevailing political doctrines of many other states. David Armstrong asks whether revolutionary states are ‘socialized’ into adopting acceptable patterns of international behaviour, or whether it is the international society that is forced to change when these new states appear. He looks in detail at the French, American, and Russian revolutions and at several post‐1945 revolutionary states. He also examines the relationship between revolutionary states and the principal ordering devices of an international society: international law, diplomacy, and the balance of power. His book is a significant contribution to the ‘English School’ literature, whose central concept is that of an international society. It shows how the interaction between revolutionary states and the established norms, rules, and institutions of international society works to produce change in both the revolutionary state and international society itself. As such it elucidates the dynamic aspects of international society.
David Armstrong
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198275282
- eISBN:
- 9780191598739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198275285.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Several practices serve the balance of power as an institution in international society: alliances, spheres of influence agreements, guarantees, compensation, and arms control arrangements. A balance ...
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Several practices serve the balance of power as an institution in international society: alliances, spheres of influence agreements, guarantees, compensation, and arms control arrangements. A balance of power may be seen as a tendency in international affairs or as a deliberate contrivance. Revolutionaries have an ambivalent attitude towards it, since it is something that may be exploited for their own self‐preservation.Less
Several practices serve the balance of power as an institution in international society: alliances, spheres of influence agreements, guarantees, compensation, and arms control arrangements. A balance of power may be seen as a tendency in international affairs or as a deliberate contrivance. Revolutionaries have an ambivalent attitude towards it, since it is something that may be exploited for their own self‐preservation.
Joseph S. Nye
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195161106
- eISBN:
- 9780199871087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195161106.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The U.S. security policy needs to be based on a proper appreciation of the roots of the nation's superpower status, which recognizes the contribution of “soft” (economic and cultural) power to the ...
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The U.S. security policy needs to be based on a proper appreciation of the roots of the nation's superpower status, which recognizes the contribution of “soft” (economic and cultural) power to the defense of a balanced world system, which would preclude the formation of peer competitors or an anti‐U.S. consensus. This chapter assesses the potential of China, Japan, Russia, India and the European Union to challenge U.S. hegemony, or to contribute to such a challenge.Less
The U.S. security policy needs to be based on a proper appreciation of the roots of the nation's superpower status, which recognizes the contribution of “soft” (economic and cultural) power to the defense of a balanced world system, which would preclude the formation of peer competitors or an anti‐U.S. consensus. This chapter assesses the potential of China, Japan, Russia, India and the European Union to challenge U.S. hegemony, or to contribute to such a challenge.
Derek Drinkwater
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273850
- eISBN:
- 9780191602344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273855.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Sir Harold Nicolson’s conception of international order, with its roots in ancient Greek and Roman political theory, was central to his ideas about international society. It encompassed the principal ...
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Sir Harold Nicolson’s conception of international order, with its roots in ancient Greek and Roman political theory, was central to his ideas about international society. It encompassed the principal elements of foreign policy, the operation of the balance of power, and the role of international law in world affairs. More particularly, he focused on the effectiveness of collective security and the League of Nations during the inter-war period when Great Britain was moving from a period of imperium over her former colonies to one of dominion over emergent Commonwealth nation-states. He was by turns optimistic and pessimistic about the UN as an instrument for securing and maintaining international order. Nicolson’s experience as a diplomat also led him to attach great importance to national character and prestige as factors in foreign relations and diplomatic negotiation; they are rarely absent from his analyses of international affairs.Less
Sir Harold Nicolson’s conception of international order, with its roots in ancient Greek and Roman political theory, was central to his ideas about international society. It encompassed the principal elements of foreign policy, the operation of the balance of power, and the role of international law in world affairs. More particularly, he focused on the effectiveness of collective security and the League of Nations during the inter-war period when Great Britain was moving from a period of imperium over her former colonies to one of dominion over emergent Commonwealth nation-states. He was by turns optimistic and pessimistic about the UN as an instrument for securing and maintaining international order. Nicolson’s experience as a diplomat also led him to attach great importance to national character and prestige as factors in foreign relations and diplomatic negotiation; they are rarely absent from his analyses of international affairs.
Richard Devetak
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780197265529
- eISBN:
- 9780191760334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197265529.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter engages with debates in liberal political philosophy. It asserts that contemporary forms of liberalism have blinded us to alternative conceptions of liberty and seeks to recover a ...
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This chapter engages with debates in liberal political philosophy. It asserts that contemporary forms of liberalism have blinded us to alternative conceptions of liberty and seeks to recover a conception of international liberty before Kantian and Wilsonian accounts denounced the balance of power as anathema to liberal world order. The chapter returns to English debates in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries to excavate at least one intellectual context within which the balance of power became recognized as an indispensible ordering practice for maintaining the ‘liberties of Europe’. It shows that post-Restoration English debates about foreign policy remind us that historically, the balance of power has been conceived as a vital international ordering practice in the maintenance of liberty.Less
This chapter engages with debates in liberal political philosophy. It asserts that contemporary forms of liberalism have blinded us to alternative conceptions of liberty and seeks to recover a conception of international liberty before Kantian and Wilsonian accounts denounced the balance of power as anathema to liberal world order. The chapter returns to English debates in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries to excavate at least one intellectual context within which the balance of power became recognized as an indispensible ordering practice for maintaining the ‘liberties of Europe’. It shows that post-Restoration English debates about foreign policy remind us that historically, the balance of power has been conceived as a vital international ordering practice in the maintenance of liberty.
David Armstrong
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198275282
- eISBN:
- 9780191598739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198275285.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
‘International society’ is a term that has been used in several different senses, three of which are considered here: ‘universal society’, ‘great community of mankind’ (as elaborated by Grotius), and ...
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‘International society’ is a term that has been used in several different senses, three of which are considered here: ‘universal society’, ‘great community of mankind’ (as elaborated by Grotius), and ‘society of states’ as elaborated by Hedley Bull in Anarchical Society. The approach adopted here draws upon the last of these conceptualizations but sees sovereignty as the fundamental shared norm of the society of states and consent as the basis of the principle of obligation in a society of states. Variants of the ‘universal society’ idea may be found in the Chinese and Roman empires and early Christendom. The ‘great Community’ idea is to be found in natural law doctrines and in the writings of jurists such as Suarez and Vitoria. The notion of a ‘society of states’ and the various institutions (notably ‘balance of power’ and the principle of non‐intervention) are associated with the Peace of Westphalia of 1648.Less
‘International society’ is a term that has been used in several different senses, three of which are considered here: ‘universal society’, ‘great community of mankind’ (as elaborated by Grotius), and ‘society of states’ as elaborated by Hedley Bull in Anarchical Society. The approach adopted here draws upon the last of these conceptualizations but sees sovereignty as the fundamental shared norm of the society of states and consent as the basis of the principle of obligation in a society of states. Variants of the ‘universal society’ idea may be found in the Chinese and Roman empires and early Christendom. The ‘great Community’ idea is to be found in natural law doctrines and in the writings of jurists such as Suarez and Vitoria. The notion of a ‘society of states’ and the various institutions (notably ‘balance of power’ and the principle of non‐intervention) are associated with the Peace of Westphalia of 1648.
David Armstrong
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198275282
- eISBN:
- 9780191598739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198275285.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The question of the origins of the French revolutionary wars is controversial, with some seeing them as fundamentally ideological, others as power‐political. The Revolution undermined in some ...
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The question of the origins of the French revolutionary wars is controversial, with some seeing them as fundamentally ideological, others as power‐political. The Revolution undermined in some significant respect the central assumptions of the Westphalian conception of international society by advancing a new understanding of international legitimacy, through its cosmopolitan aspects, through its challenge to international law and diplomacy, and through its transformation of warfare. The vigour of the counter‐revolutionary response, particularly from Prussia and Austria, derived in large part from a perception that the Revolution posed a challenge to the international system as a whole. Napoleon also threatened the balance of power in Europe.Less
The question of the origins of the French revolutionary wars is controversial, with some seeing them as fundamentally ideological, others as power‐political. The Revolution undermined in some significant respect the central assumptions of the Westphalian conception of international society by advancing a new understanding of international legitimacy, through its cosmopolitan aspects, through its challenge to international law and diplomacy, and through its transformation of warfare. The vigour of the counter‐revolutionary response, particularly from Prussia and Austria, derived in large part from a perception that the Revolution posed a challenge to the international system as a whole. Napoleon also threatened the balance of power in Europe.
Andrew Kuper
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199274901
- eISBN:
- 9780191601552
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199274908.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Global organizations are exercising unprecedented power–from the hallowed halls of the UN to the closed boardrooms of multinational corporations. Yet their leaders are often scandalously ...
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Global organizations are exercising unprecedented power–from the hallowed halls of the UN to the closed boardrooms of multinational corporations. Yet their leaders are often scandalously unaccountable to the people they claim to serve. How can we ensure that global leaders act responsively, and effectively, in the interests of the world’s people? In this lucid and provocative book, Andrew Kuper develops persuasive and practical answers.Democracy Beyond Borders criticizes conventional theories of justice and democracy that focus almost exclusively on the state and its electoral cycles. Kuper shows how non-state actors, such as corporations and civil society advocates, can be brought into multi-level government as partners with states. He presents an original theory of representation to answer the problem of accountability. At the core of this vision is a new separation of powers, in which different global actors check and balance one another in a complex harmony. This innovative framework complements electoral accountability and enables Kuper to recommend far-reaching reforms to the World Courts, the UN, and advocacy agencies including Transparency International.Democracy Beyond Borders stands at the forefront of a new generation of political thought, for which globalization is the challenge and deepening democracy the solution.Less
Global organizations are exercising unprecedented power–from the hallowed halls of the UN to the closed boardrooms of multinational corporations. Yet their leaders are often scandalously unaccountable to the people they claim to serve. How can we ensure that global leaders act responsively, and effectively, in the interests of the world’s people? In this lucid and provocative book, Andrew Kuper develops persuasive and practical answers.Democracy Beyond Borders criticizes conventional theories of justice and democracy that focus almost exclusively on the state and its electoral cycles. Kuper shows how non-state actors, such as corporations and civil society advocates, can be brought into multi-level government as partners with states. He presents an original theory of representation to answer the problem of accountability. At the core of this vision is a new separation of powers, in which different global actors check and balance one another in a complex harmony. This innovative framework complements electoral accountability and enables Kuper to recommend far-reaching reforms to the World Courts, the UN, and advocacy agencies including Transparency International.Democracy Beyond Borders stands at the forefront of a new generation of political thought, for which globalization is the challenge and deepening democracy the solution.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of ...
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Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of the idea of trusteeship, then the League of Nations mandates system might be understood as representing its institutionalization in international society. Examines the current of ideas from which the institutionalization of trusteeship arose out of the debates concerning the disposal of German colonies conquered during the First World War, and the subsequent compromise that resulted in the creation of the mandates system, which stands as a response to the problem of ordering relations of Europeans and non‐Europeans by reconciling the obligations of trusteeship and the search for national security in a single institutional arrangement. The victorious Allied powers divided Germany's colonial possessions amongst themselves, in no small part for reasons of national security, but in assuming administrative responsibility for these territories they also accepted the oversight of ‘international machinery’ to ensure that the work of civilization was being done. The seven sections of the chapter are: War and the Old Diplomacy; Trusteeship or Annexation?; From the New World—the effect of the Russian revolution and the entry into the First World War of the US on the French and British annexation policy and Woodrow Wilson's ideas for peace; The Mandates System—the birth of the League of Nations; Impasse at Versailles—the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Versailles Peace Treaty; Trusteeship or Deception—the obligations and defects of the League of Nations Covenant; and Novelty and Tradition—the compromise of the League of Nations system.Less
Starts by pointing out that if the Berlin and Brussels Acts and the experience of the Congo Free State (as discussed in the last chapter) are understood as representing the internationalization of the idea of trusteeship, then the League of Nations mandates system might be understood as representing its institutionalization in international society. Examines the current of ideas from which the institutionalization of trusteeship arose out of the debates concerning the disposal of German colonies conquered during the First World War, and the subsequent compromise that resulted in the creation of the mandates system, which stands as a response to the problem of ordering relations of Europeans and non‐Europeans by reconciling the obligations of trusteeship and the search for national security in a single institutional arrangement. The victorious Allied powers divided Germany's colonial possessions amongst themselves, in no small part for reasons of national security, but in assuming administrative responsibility for these territories they also accepted the oversight of ‘international machinery’ to ensure that the work of civilization was being done. The seven sections of the chapter are: War and the Old Diplomacy; Trusteeship or Annexation?; From the New World—the effect of the Russian revolution and the entry into the First World War of the US on the French and British annexation policy and Woodrow Wilson's ideas for peace; The Mandates System—the birth of the League of Nations; Impasse at Versailles—the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and the Versailles Peace Treaty; Trusteeship or Deception—the obligations and defects of the League of Nations Covenant; and Novelty and Tradition—the compromise of the League of Nations system.
Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266685
- eISBN:
- 9780191601057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266689.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Discusses the expansion of the cooperation established between the US and Western Europe in the period 1950–1962, and analyses the Atlantic community, Germany's role in the relationship, and Western ...
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Discusses the expansion of the cooperation established between the US and Western Europe in the period 1950–1962, and analyses the Atlantic community, Germany's role in the relationship, and Western European integration. The first section looks at the dominant status that America had achieved in Europe by 1950, and at Europe's centrality to American–European cooperation—the shared assumption that Europe was the area of the world that mattered most, and that the struggle between East and West was primarily a struggle over Europe. The second section discusses the (North) Atlantic community in terms of balance of power (notably the threat of Soviet communism), the domestic threat from communists and other anti‐democratic groups, and from Germany, and the third discusses European integration in relation to this Atlantic framework. The fourth and fifth sections examine the motives for America's support of European integration, and the European economic challenge to the Atlantic framework. The sixth section analyses the development of the ‘special relationships’ formed between the US and various European countries, notably Britain, but also West Germany, Norway, Switzerland, Austria, Ireland, Sweden, Finland, and Yugoslavia. The last section looks at some of the concessions that the US had to make, and some of its defeats, in its relationship with Western Europe.Less
Discusses the expansion of the cooperation established between the US and Western Europe in the period 1950–1962, and analyses the Atlantic community, Germany's role in the relationship, and Western European integration. The first section looks at the dominant status that America had achieved in Europe by 1950, and at Europe's centrality to American–European cooperation—the shared assumption that Europe was the area of the world that mattered most, and that the struggle between East and West was primarily a struggle over Europe. The second section discusses the (North) Atlantic community in terms of balance of power (notably the threat of Soviet communism), the domestic threat from communists and other anti‐democratic groups, and from Germany, and the third discusses European integration in relation to this Atlantic framework. The fourth and fifth sections examine the motives for America's support of European integration, and the European economic challenge to the Atlantic framework. The sixth section analyses the development of the ‘special relationships’ formed between the US and various European countries, notably Britain, but also West Germany, Norway, Switzerland, Austria, Ireland, Sweden, Finland, and Yugoslavia. The last section looks at some of the concessions that the US had to make, and some of its defeats, in its relationship with Western Europe.
Daniel Berkowitz and Karen B. Clay
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691136042
- eISBN:
- 9781400840540
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691136042.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
THIS CHAPTER EXAMINES colonial legal systems and their effects on the balance of power between the state legislature and the state high court. It argues that the balance of power is important because ...
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THIS CHAPTER EXAMINES colonial legal systems and their effects on the balance of power between the state legislature and the state high court. It argues that the balance of power is important because it determines the extent to which the state high court can act as a constraint on the legislature and the elites more broadly. Establishing and maintaining an appropriate balance of power has been and remains a critical issue at both the state and the federal levels. Thus, the chapter conducts a detailed examination of the settlement history and historical operation of courts in what would become the American states.Less
THIS CHAPTER EXAMINES colonial legal systems and their effects on the balance of power between the state legislature and the state high court. It argues that the balance of power is important because it determines the extent to which the state high court can act as a constraint on the legislature and the elites more broadly. Establishing and maintaining an appropriate balance of power has been and remains a critical issue at both the state and the federal levels. Thus, the chapter conducts a detailed examination of the settlement history and historical operation of courts in what would become the American states.
Venelin I. Ganev
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293866
- eISBN:
- 9780191599156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293860.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The semi‐presidential regime in Bulgaria is of recent origin: it was established in July 1991, when a Great National Assembly adopted a new constitution, which proclaims that ‘Bulgaria shall be a ...
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The semi‐presidential regime in Bulgaria is of recent origin: it was established in July 1991, when a Great National Assembly adopted a new constitution, which proclaims that ‘Bulgaria shall be a republic with a parliamentary form of government’; the emphasis on ‘parliamentary’ highlights the subordinate role of the president, who is elected directly by the voters for period five years. Even though the framers of the constitution deliberately created a dual structure of the executive branch, the text of the fundamental law envisages a mode of distribution of prerogatives that is heavily skewed in favour of the legislature and a cabinet accountable to the deputies. It is difficult, however, to sustain a claim that a general pattern of leadership is beginning to emerge under Bulgarian semi‐presidentialism, since the country has only had two presidents under its new constitution; the closest to a valid generalization which may be ventured in the light of the evidence is that, while parliament enjoys supremacy over law‐making and the government remains the primary site of executive decision‐making, the rapports between these two institutions and the presidency have varied dramatically, with the influence of the head of state running the gamut from almost complete exclusion to a palpable ability to shape agendas. The purpose of this chapter is to identify and analyse the ways in which constitutionally designed patterns of institutional interaction shift in response to changes in the social and economic environment rather than to chronicle events—the analysis is conceived as a chronology of the successive problems with which political actors had to cope. The three sections of the chapter are: Constitutional Balance of Power; Presidential/Parliamentary Relations; and Conclusion.Less
The semi‐presidential regime in Bulgaria is of recent origin: it was established in July 1991, when a Great National Assembly adopted a new constitution, which proclaims that ‘Bulgaria shall be a republic with a parliamentary form of government’; the emphasis on ‘parliamentary’ highlights the subordinate role of the president, who is elected directly by the voters for period five years. Even though the framers of the constitution deliberately created a dual structure of the executive branch, the text of the fundamental law envisages a mode of distribution of prerogatives that is heavily skewed in favour of the legislature and a cabinet accountable to the deputies. It is difficult, however, to sustain a claim that a general pattern of leadership is beginning to emerge under Bulgarian semi‐presidentialism, since the country has only had two presidents under its new constitution; the closest to a valid generalization which may be ventured in the light of the evidence is that, while parliament enjoys supremacy over law‐making and the government remains the primary site of executive decision‐making, the rapports between these two institutions and the presidency have varied dramatically, with the influence of the head of state running the gamut from almost complete exclusion to a palpable ability to shape agendas. The purpose of this chapter is to identify and analyse the ways in which constitutionally designed patterns of institutional interaction shift in response to changes in the social and economic environment rather than to chronicle events—the analysis is conceived as a chronology of the successive problems with which political actors had to cope. The three sections of the chapter are: Constitutional Balance of Power; Presidential/Parliamentary Relations; and Conclusion.
Nicola Casarini
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199560073
- eISBN:
- 9780191721168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199560073.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter traces the process leading to the emergence of changing perceptions of the EU in East Asia following the establishment of an EU—China techno‐political linkage and the proposal to lift ...
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This chapter traces the process leading to the emergence of changing perceptions of the EU in East Asia following the establishment of an EU—China techno‐political linkage and the proposal to lift the EU arms embargo on China. The first part examines Europe's traditional involvement in East Asian security affairs, including the Taiwan question and cross‐Strait relations. In the second part, this chapter analyses the novelty represented by the promotion of EU space and defence interests in China, including its impact on a regional environment characterized by the security dilemma and balance of power logic. This chapter concludes with a discussion on whether, and to what extent, the promotion of EU space and defence interests in China coupled with the peculiar characteristics of East Asia's international system has made the EU to be perceived as a novel strategic factor in the region.Less
This chapter traces the process leading to the emergence of changing perceptions of the EU in East Asia following the establishment of an EU—China techno‐political linkage and the proposal to lift the EU arms embargo on China. The first part examines Europe's traditional involvement in East Asian security affairs, including the Taiwan question and cross‐Strait relations. In the second part, this chapter analyses the novelty represented by the promotion of EU space and defence interests in China, including its impact on a regional environment characterized by the security dilemma and balance of power logic. This chapter concludes with a discussion on whether, and to what extent, the promotion of EU space and defence interests in China coupled with the peculiar characteristics of East Asia's international system has made the EU to be perceived as a novel strategic factor in the region.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199556267
- eISBN:
- 9780191725609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199556267.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter establishes the key working concept of hegemony: its adaptation of English School thinking to present it as a possible institution of international society. It reviews the unsystematic ...
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This chapter establishes the key working concept of hegemony: its adaptation of English School thinking to present it as a possible institution of international society. It reviews the unsystematic writings of Hedley Bull, Adam Watson, and Martin Wight on hegemony. It then tries to excavate a coherent concept from their other writings, mainly on the balance of power and the role of the great powers. Key to this approach is its acceptance of the role of recognition in the status of the great powers. By analogy, it suggests that hegemony might become a recognized status in conditions of primacy. The English School approach abounds in paradoxes, such as its treatment of war. An English School theory of hegemony is no more paradoxical because it views hegemony both as a threat to international society, but also as a potential instrument for securing its own ends.Less
This chapter establishes the key working concept of hegemony: its adaptation of English School thinking to present it as a possible institution of international society. It reviews the unsystematic writings of Hedley Bull, Adam Watson, and Martin Wight on hegemony. It then tries to excavate a coherent concept from their other writings, mainly on the balance of power and the role of the great powers. Key to this approach is its acceptance of the role of recognition in the status of the great powers. By analogy, it suggests that hegemony might become a recognized status in conditions of primacy. The English School approach abounds in paradoxes, such as its treatment of war. An English School theory of hegemony is no more paradoxical because it views hegemony both as a threat to international society, but also as a potential instrument for securing its own ends.
Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199261185
- eISBN:
- 9780191601507
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199261180.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Globalization is a historical economic process that is creating a global system, an economic and political system whose central institutions, besides the classic nation-states, are the UN and the ...
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Globalization is a historical economic process that is creating a global system, an economic and political system whose central institutions, besides the classic nation-states, are the UN and the legal system built around it. While in the balance of powers diplomacy, which existed following the formation of the modern state and particularly following the Westphalia treaties, major nation-states disputed territories and viewed each other as enemies to be threatened with wars, in the new global system countries are economic adversaries competing in world markets. Globalization is the generalized competition for world markets among business enterprises, supported by their respective nation-states. Thus, although nation-states became more interdependent, they also became more strategic.Less
Globalization is a historical economic process that is creating a global system, an economic and political system whose central institutions, besides the classic nation-states, are the UN and the legal system built around it. While in the balance of powers diplomacy, which existed following the formation of the modern state and particularly following the Westphalia treaties, major nation-states disputed territories and viewed each other as enemies to be threatened with wars, in the new global system countries are economic adversaries competing in world markets. Globalization is the generalized competition for world markets among business enterprises, supported by their respective nation-states. Thus, although nation-states became more interdependent, they also became more strategic.
Mirosław Wyrzykowski
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes the constitution‐making process in Poland. The main feature of this process was the ability to reach a compromise in a conflict‐prone political setting. The chapter analyses major stages of ...
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Describes the constitution‐making process in Poland. The main feature of this process was the ability to reach a compromise in a conflict‐prone political setting. The chapter analyses major stages of the process of democratic consolidation and the constitutionalization, and examines issues such as legitimacy, balance of power, and the role of the state. The first significant breakthrough in the process was the interim constitution of 1992. The chapter emphasizes its importance in the process of institutional engineering despite its numerous shortcomings. The chapter also points out that the adoption of the Polish Constitution by referendum did not resolve the debate on legitimacy. Finally, it shows that despite the contentious adoption of the Constitution, it has had a stabilizing effect on Polish democracy. Overall, the Polish Constitution is described as a constitution of compromise and of political pragmatism.Less
Describes the constitution‐making process in Poland. The main feature of this process was the ability to reach a compromise in a conflict‐prone political setting. The chapter analyses major stages of the process of democratic consolidation and the constitutionalization, and examines issues such as legitimacy, balance of power, and the role of the state. The first significant breakthrough in the process was the interim constitution of 1992. The chapter emphasizes its importance in the process of institutional engineering despite its numerous shortcomings. The chapter also points out that the adoption of the Polish Constitution by referendum did not resolve the debate on legitimacy. Finally, it shows that despite the contentious adoption of the Constitution, it has had a stabilizing effect on Polish democracy. Overall, the Polish Constitution is described as a constitution of compromise and of political pragmatism.
Nida Gelazis
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes the process of adopting a new constitution in post‐communist Lithuania. The reasoning behind the quick adoption of a constitution was the urgent need to create links to Western ...
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Describes the process of adopting a new constitution in post‐communist Lithuania. The reasoning behind the quick adoption of a constitution was the urgent need to create links to Western constitutional traditions, to legitimize the country's independence from the USSR, and to distinguish Lithuania from other Soviet satellite states. The Constitution was intended to contribute to the perception of Lithuania as an independent state in the international community, in the hope of securing itself from possible re‐annexation to the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the chapter points out that despite its quick adoption, the constitution includes important safeguards for democracy, such as the balance of powers and basic rights.Less
Describes the process of adopting a new constitution in post‐communist Lithuania. The reasoning behind the quick adoption of a constitution was the urgent need to create links to Western constitutional traditions, to legitimize the country's independence from the USSR, and to distinguish Lithuania from other Soviet satellite states. The Constitution was intended to contribute to the perception of Lithuania as an independent state in the international community, in the hope of securing itself from possible re‐annexation to the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the chapter points out that despite its quick adoption, the constitution includes important safeguards for democracy, such as the balance of powers and basic rights.
TALBOT C. IMLAY
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199261222
- eISBN:
- 9780191717550
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199261222.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Military History, British and Irish Modern History
The French went to war in September 1939 convinced that the conflict would be long and confident that victory would come in time. Once the French and British mobilized the latent yet superior ...
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The French went to war in September 1939 convinced that the conflict would be long and confident that victory would come in time. Once the French and British mobilized the latent yet superior resources of their two countries and empires, the balance of power would swing decisively in their favour, paving the way to victory. In the meantime, the Allies would remain largely on the defensive, waging economic warfare to weaken their enemies while avoiding premature and potentially costly offensive action. Some scholars criticize this strategy for the disastrous complacency it supposedly fostered, while others endorse its grasp of military and economic realities. This chapter argues that the French never fully embraced the long-war strategy. Although useful as a general guide for French strategic thinking for much of the 1930s, the strategy began to unravel towards the end of the decade.Less
The French went to war in September 1939 convinced that the conflict would be long and confident that victory would come in time. Once the French and British mobilized the latent yet superior resources of their two countries and empires, the balance of power would swing decisively in their favour, paving the way to victory. In the meantime, the Allies would remain largely on the defensive, waging economic warfare to weaken their enemies while avoiding premature and potentially costly offensive action. Some scholars criticize this strategy for the disastrous complacency it supposedly fostered, while others endorse its grasp of military and economic realities. This chapter argues that the French never fully embraced the long-war strategy. Although useful as a general guide for French strategic thinking for much of the 1930s, the strategy began to unravel towards the end of the decade.
Alec Stone Sweet
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199256488
- eISBN:
- 9780191600234
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256489.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the second of two papers that explore the politics of constitutional review – the power of a court or other organ of government to review the constitutionality of public acts, including ...
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This is the second of two papers that explore the politics of constitutional review – the power of a court or other organ of government to review the constitutionality of public acts, including legislation, and to void those acts as unlawful when they are found to be in conflict with the constitutional law. It was originally published in 1994 as ‘Judging Socialist Reform: The Politics of Coordinate Construction in France and Germany’ in the journal Comparative Political Studies, and begins with a general discussion of the role and impact of the French and German constitutional courts within policy-making processes. Case studies drawn from the legislative programmes of the first two Social–Liberal coalitions in Germany (1969–76) and the first Socialist government in France (1981–85) are then employed to ground a discussion of the coordinate construction of legislation and of constitutional law. These two periods have attracted the special attention of students of policy-making as singular experiences of governments of the left pledged to non-incremental reform agenda; both governments promised democratization, redistribution schemes, and alteration of the balance of power between labour and capital in favour of the former. These programmes not only polarized opposition but also strained the confines of existing legal regimes, administration, and jurisprudence; in consequence, constitutional courts, which remained dominated by appointments of the former majority, were enabled or required to develop previously unexplored areas of law.Less
This is the second of two papers that explore the politics of constitutional review – the power of a court or other organ of government to review the constitutionality of public acts, including legislation, and to void those acts as unlawful when they are found to be in conflict with the constitutional law. It was originally published in 1994 as ‘Judging Socialist Reform: The Politics of Coordinate Construction in France and Germany’ in the journal Comparative Political Studies, and begins with a general discussion of the role and impact of the French and German constitutional courts within policy-making processes. Case studies drawn from the legislative programmes of the first two Social–Liberal coalitions in Germany (1969–76) and the first Socialist government in France (1981–85) are then employed to ground a discussion of the coordinate construction of legislation and of constitutional law. These two periods have attracted the special attention of students of policy-making as singular experiences of governments of the left pledged to non-incremental reform agenda; both governments promised democratization, redistribution schemes, and alteration of the balance of power between labour and capital in favour of the former. These programmes not only polarized opposition but also strained the confines of existing legal regimes, administration, and jurisprudence; in consequence, constitutional courts, which remained dominated by appointments of the former majority, were enabled or required to develop previously unexplored areas of law.
Matthias Maass
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780719082733
- eISBN:
- 9781526132406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719082733.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
How safe was the largely unbridled balance of power of the 17th and 18th centuries for the small state? This chapter shows that the balance of power system was in fact rather permissive and allowed ...
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How safe was the largely unbridled balance of power of the 17th and 18th centuries for the small state? This chapter shows that the balance of power system was in fact rather permissive and allowed small states to survive in historically large numbers. The loose and fairly unrestrained balance of power system turned out to be a surprisingly safe environment for the small state.
The chapter covers the era of the classic balance of power, which is bookended by two major peace summits, the Peace of Westphalia, concluded in 1648, and the Congress of Vienna, held in 1814/15. During this era, the particular balance-of-power that defined it was also the main cause of the moderate decline in small states numbers.Less
How safe was the largely unbridled balance of power of the 17th and 18th centuries for the small state? This chapter shows that the balance of power system was in fact rather permissive and allowed small states to survive in historically large numbers. The loose and fairly unrestrained balance of power system turned out to be a surprisingly safe environment for the small state.
The chapter covers the era of the classic balance of power, which is bookended by two major peace summits, the Peace of Westphalia, concluded in 1648, and the Congress of Vienna, held in 1814/15. During this era, the particular balance-of-power that defined it was also the main cause of the moderate decline in small states numbers.
