Jeffrey Lewis
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199283958
- eISBN:
- 9780191603297
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199283958.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The EU’s Council of Ministers increasingly resembles an upper legislative house in a bicameral system more than any international organization. But the EU still gives far more power to ...
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The EU’s Council of Ministers increasingly resembles an upper legislative house in a bicameral system more than any international organization. But the EU still gives far more power to territorially-based interests at the Council level than do federal systems in the US or Germany. The Council also blurs legislative and executive powers in a unique way, and this ambiguity is not getting any clearer — the Council increasingly exhibits some common legislative dynamics, but is also maintaining traditions as a consensus-oriented diplomatic body.Less
The EU’s Council of Ministers increasingly resembles an upper legislative house in a bicameral system more than any international organization. But the EU still gives far more power to territorially-based interests at the Council level than do federal systems in the US or Germany. The Council also blurs legislative and executive powers in a unique way, and this ambiguity is not getting any clearer — the Council increasingly exhibits some common legislative dynamics, but is also maintaining traditions as a consensus-oriented diplomatic body.
Thomas F. Farr
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195179958
- eISBN:
- 9780199869749
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179958.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The story behind the nomination and confirmation of John Hanford as IRF ambassador brings credit on no one, least of all the IRF supporters who opposed Hanford; the Bush administration which let the ...
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The story behind the nomination and confirmation of John Hanford as IRF ambassador brings credit on no one, least of all the IRF supporters who opposed Hanford; the Bush administration which let the wrangling proceed too long; or Hanford himself, who delayed in taking his position even after Senate confirmation. When he finally arrived in May 2002, the Bush-Powell team had been operating well over a year and Hanford had to fight even to maintain authority over his own staff. He quickly discovered what his predecessor had learned: IRF was not a mainstream concern at Foggy Bottom. But John Hanford had a certain comfort level with this arrangement. He preferred to oppose persecution rather than advancing religious freedom. The results over the next few years were decidedly mixed, especially in China, but his work in Vietnam and Saudi Arabia was potentially ground-breaking.Less
The story behind the nomination and confirmation of John Hanford as IRF ambassador brings credit on no one, least of all the IRF supporters who opposed Hanford; the Bush administration which let the wrangling proceed too long; or Hanford himself, who delayed in taking his position even after Senate confirmation. When he finally arrived in May 2002, the Bush-Powell team had been operating well over a year and Hanford had to fight even to maintain authority over his own staff. He quickly discovered what his predecessor had learned: IRF was not a mainstream concern at Foggy Bottom. But John Hanford had a certain comfort level with this arrangement. He preferred to oppose persecution rather than advancing religious freedom. The results over the next few years were decidedly mixed, especially in China, but his work in Vietnam and Saudi Arabia was potentially ground-breaking.
Luciano Canfora and Julian Stringer (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748619368
- eISBN:
- 9780748670734
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748619368.003.0040
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Archaeology: Classical
Antony had been detained by Trebonius outside Pompey's Curia while Caesar's assassination was taking place inside. According to Cicero, some months earlier, while Caesar was in difficulty in Spain, ...
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Antony had been detained by Trebonius outside Pompey's Curia while Caesar's assassination was taking place inside. According to Cicero, some months earlier, while Caesar was in difficulty in Spain, Trebonius had been in contact with Antony — a fact that was potentially embarrassing to both parties, and for this reason Trebonius now had the task of keeping Antony away from the scene. To enter upon the minefield of conjecture would be futile, but it is very difficult to imagine a politician and man of action as experienced and circumspect as Antony suspecting nothing at all: it was far from normal for him to be stopped on some pretext on his way into the Senate, least of all on a day of great tension when Caesar himself, usually so contemptuous of superstition, had seemed reluctant to enter the Senate.Less
Antony had been detained by Trebonius outside Pompey's Curia while Caesar's assassination was taking place inside. According to Cicero, some months earlier, while Caesar was in difficulty in Spain, Trebonius had been in contact with Antony — a fact that was potentially embarrassing to both parties, and for this reason Trebonius now had the task of keeping Antony away from the scene. To enter upon the minefield of conjecture would be futile, but it is very difficult to imagine a politician and man of action as experienced and circumspect as Antony suspecting nothing at all: it was far from normal for him to be stopped on some pretext on his way into the Senate, least of all on a day of great tension when Caesar himself, usually so contemptuous of superstition, had seemed reluctant to enter the Senate.
JEFFREY C. ALEXANDER
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199744466
- eISBN:
- 9780199944163
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199744466.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Culture
Just before midnight on the evening of election day, November 4, 2008, in Chicago's Grant Park, Barack Obama acknowledged victory in a speech to the hundred thousand people who gathered to consecrate ...
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Just before midnight on the evening of election day, November 4, 2008, in Chicago's Grant Park, Barack Obama acknowledged victory in a speech to the hundred thousand people who gathered to consecrate this moment. His win had been decisive. Almost 70 million Americans voted for him, whereas John McCain received only 60 million of the ballots cast. The sway of Obama's performance over swing states, as well as independent, moderate, and Republican-leaning voters, allowed Democrats also to gain eight seats in the Senate and twenty-one in the House, paving the way to a supermajority in the U.S. Senate for the first time since 1979. America had elected a civil hero. He was to restore the utopian spirit of the nation's revolutionary origins and the promise of its founding fathers to create a more perfect democracy.Less
Just before midnight on the evening of election day, November 4, 2008, in Chicago's Grant Park, Barack Obama acknowledged victory in a speech to the hundred thousand people who gathered to consecrate this moment. His win had been decisive. Almost 70 million Americans voted for him, whereas John McCain received only 60 million of the ballots cast. The sway of Obama's performance over swing states, as well as independent, moderate, and Republican-leaning voters, allowed Democrats also to gain eight seats in the Senate and twenty-one in the House, paving the way to a supermajority in the U.S. Senate for the first time since 1979. America had elected a civil hero. He was to restore the utopian spirit of the nation's revolutionary origins and the promise of its founding fathers to create a more perfect democracy.
Steven J. Friesen
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195131536
- eISBN:
- 9780199834198
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195131533.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Biblical Studies
Examines three imperial cult institutions sponsored by the Roman province of Asia during the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. These provincial imperial cult institutions are the temple of Rome and ...
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Examines three imperial cult institutions sponsored by the Roman province of Asia during the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. These provincial imperial cult institutions are the temple of Rome and Augustus built at Pergamon (c.27 b.c.e.); the new provincial calendar proposed by the Roman proconsul Paullus Fabius Maximus around 9 b.c.e.; and the temple of Tiberius, Livia, and the Roman Senate at Smyrna (26 c.e.).Less
Examines three imperial cult institutions sponsored by the Roman province of Asia during the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. These provincial imperial cult institutions are the temple of Rome and Augustus built at Pergamon (c.27 b.c.e.); the new provincial calendar proposed by the Roman proconsul Paullus Fabius Maximus around 9 b.c.e.; and the temple of Tiberius, Livia, and the Roman Senate at Smyrna (26 c.e.).
James Howard‐Johnston
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199208593
- eISBN:
- 9780191594182
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208593.003.0003
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, World History: BCE to 500CE
The most important of all the sources considered is the Chronicon Paschale, a universal chronicle written by a member of the patriarchal staff in Constantinople. The last contemporary part, covering ...
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The most important of all the sources considered is the Chronicon Paschale, a universal chronicle written by a member of the patriarchal staff in Constantinople. The last contemporary part, covering the years 602–28, is shown to be composed almost entirely out of material reproduced from contemporary documents and communiqués, including a letter from the Senate to the shahanshah Khusro II pleading for peace in 615, an official account of the siege of Constantinople in 626, and Heraclius' final victory dispatch from Persia. The dating is shown to be reliable. The miscellaneous material collected together in the Syrian Chronicle to 724 is surveyed, special attention being given to news items about the last Roman—Persian war (precisely and accurately dated) and two items about the early Arab conquests.Less
The most important of all the sources considered is the Chronicon Paschale, a universal chronicle written by a member of the patriarchal staff in Constantinople. The last contemporary part, covering the years 602–28, is shown to be composed almost entirely out of material reproduced from contemporary documents and communiqués, including a letter from the Senate to the shahanshah Khusro II pleading for peace in 615, an official account of the siege of Constantinople in 626, and Heraclius' final victory dispatch from Persia. The dating is shown to be reliable. The miscellaneous material collected together in the Syrian Chronicle to 724 is surveyed, special attention being given to news items about the last Roman—Persian war (precisely and accurately dated) and two items about the early Arab conquests.
William McKay and Charles W. Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273621
- eISBN:
- 9780191594281
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273621.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, UK Politics
The constitutional background of both legislatures and their procedures are described and where possible compared. Currently unsolved problems often have much in common, in vexed areas such as ethics ...
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The constitutional background of both legislatures and their procedures are described and where possible compared. Currently unsolved problems often have much in common, in vexed areas such as ethics requirements or how procedural rules permit minorities fair access to legislative time before majorities prevail. British successes include the enhanced authority and effectiveness of select committees and the acquisition of more debating time by the creation of a parallel Chamber. Unsolved problems at Westminster begin with the powers and status of the Lords, and go on through the search for more effective review of EU activities, adapting parliamentary scrutiny to more sophisticated government financial information, and making better use of legislative time without diminishing back‐bench rights. The accelerated pace and extent of procedural changes in Congress is problematic. Constant pursuit of campaign funds, increased party exploitation of Members' ethical shortcomings, and partisan reapportionments have diminished collegiality and compromise. Business is conducted with greater predictability, with fewer quorum calls, postponement and clustering of votes, and by utilization of ad hoc special orders, often in derogation of openness and minority rights in the House. Minority complaints have been frequent and occasionally extreme. Conversely, constant filibuster threats in the Senate have enhanced minority party power there. An ‘inverse ratio’ between the greater complexity, importance, and urgency of pending legislation on the one hand, and diminution of deliberative capacity, fairness, and transparency on the other, has been repeatedly demonstrated, especially at the stage of final compromises between the Houses.Less
The constitutional background of both legislatures and their procedures are described and where possible compared. Currently unsolved problems often have much in common, in vexed areas such as ethics requirements or how procedural rules permit minorities fair access to legislative time before majorities prevail. British successes include the enhanced authority and effectiveness of select committees and the acquisition of more debating time by the creation of a parallel Chamber. Unsolved problems at Westminster begin with the powers and status of the Lords, and go on through the search for more effective review of EU activities, adapting parliamentary scrutiny to more sophisticated government financial information, and making better use of legislative time without diminishing back‐bench rights. The accelerated pace and extent of procedural changes in Congress is problematic. Constant pursuit of campaign funds, increased party exploitation of Members' ethical shortcomings, and partisan reapportionments have diminished collegiality and compromise. Business is conducted with greater predictability, with fewer quorum calls, postponement and clustering of votes, and by utilization of ad hoc special orders, often in derogation of openness and minority rights in the House. Minority complaints have been frequent and occasionally extreme. Conversely, constant filibuster threats in the Senate have enhanced minority party power there. An ‘inverse ratio’ between the greater complexity, importance, and urgency of pending legislation on the one hand, and diminution of deliberative capacity, fairness, and transparency on the other, has been repeatedly demonstrated, especially at the stage of final compromises between the Houses.
Judith N. McArthur and Harold L. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195304862
- eISBN:
- 9780199871537
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304862.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In 1928 Cunningham became the first woman from Texas to run for the U. S. Senate. Like most women who aspired to Congress in this period, she lost. This chapter argues that whilst prejudice against ...
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In 1928 Cunningham became the first woman from Texas to run for the U. S. Senate. Like most women who aspired to Congress in this period, she lost. This chapter argues that whilst prejudice against women political candidates and difficulty raising campaign funds were potent factors in keeping women out of elective office, political style has also played an important part. The disinclination of many, like Cunningham, to adopt the male model of electioneering rendered them politically ineffective. Female political culture, shaped by voluntary associations, favored educational campaigns focused on in-depth discussion of issues and rejected the attack-style combat that men used. Believing that the electorate shared her disgust with the status quo and would respond enthusiastically to an “intelligent” political campaign, Cunningham was deeply disillusioned when the male candidates ignored her and the voters elected the most aggressive contender.Less
In 1928 Cunningham became the first woman from Texas to run for the U. S. Senate. Like most women who aspired to Congress in this period, she lost. This chapter argues that whilst prejudice against women political candidates and difficulty raising campaign funds were potent factors in keeping women out of elective office, political style has also played an important part. The disinclination of many, like Cunningham, to adopt the male model of electioneering rendered them politically ineffective. Female political culture, shaped by voluntary associations, favored educational campaigns focused on in-depth discussion of issues and rejected the attack-style combat that men used. Believing that the electorate shared her disgust with the status quo and would respond enthusiastically to an “intelligent” political campaign, Cunningham was deeply disillusioned when the male candidates ignored her and the voters elected the most aggressive contender.
Robert W. Righter
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195149470
- eISBN:
- 9780199788934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195149470.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In early 1913, the issue was thrown into the halls of Congress for a final decision. At the same time, a new administration came into power with President Woodrow Wilson appointing Franklin Lane as ...
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In early 1913, the issue was thrown into the halls of Congress for a final decision. At the same time, a new administration came into power with President Woodrow Wilson appointing Franklin Lane as his secretary of the interior. Nothing could have been more important, for Lane had been San Francisco City Attorney, and strongly favored the city's case. Hearing took place in both the House of Representatives and the Senate, but with Lane in office and a strong San Francisco lobbying team, it was clear who would be the victor. The valley defenders fought furiously, but they were out numbered, out maneuvered, and out staffed. The Raker Act, granting San Francisco the valley, won approval in the House, 183 to 43. After six days of debate in the Senate, the Raker Act passed at 12 o'clock A.M on December 6, with 43 yeas, 25 nays, and 27 absentees. President Wilson signed the Raker Act on December 19, 1913. San Francisco's long political struggle was over. It was a devastating loss for the preservation interests, but as John Muir stated, “the battle for conservation will go on endlessly. It is part of the universal warfare between right and wrong”.Less
In early 1913, the issue was thrown into the halls of Congress for a final decision. At the same time, a new administration came into power with President Woodrow Wilson appointing Franklin Lane as his secretary of the interior. Nothing could have been more important, for Lane had been San Francisco City Attorney, and strongly favored the city's case. Hearing took place in both the House of Representatives and the Senate, but with Lane in office and a strong San Francisco lobbying team, it was clear who would be the victor. The valley defenders fought furiously, but they were out numbered, out maneuvered, and out staffed. The Raker Act, granting San Francisco the valley, won approval in the House, 183 to 43. After six days of debate in the Senate, the Raker Act passed at 12 o'clock A.M on December 6, with 43 yeas, 25 nays, and 27 absentees. President Wilson signed the Raker Act on December 19, 1913. San Francisco's long political struggle was over. It was a devastating loss for the preservation interests, but as John Muir stated, “the battle for conservation will go on endlessly. It is part of the universal warfare between right and wrong”.
Tanis C. Thorne
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195182989
- eISBN:
- 9780199789030
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195182989.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The heightened congressional interest in the Jackson Barnett case drew prominent senators to the issue of Indian policy reform, often for partisan reasons. The Senate subcommittee's goal was to make ...
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The heightened congressional interest in the Jackson Barnett case drew prominent senators to the issue of Indian policy reform, often for partisan reasons. The Senate subcommittee's goal was to make a general investigation into nationwide conditions. Beginning its fact-finding tour in 1928 in the Pacific Northwest, it did not complete its work until 1944. The driving force for creating the hearings was the Parmenter camp's determined effort to bring Burke's alleged mishandling of the Barnett estate to the court of public opinion.Less
The heightened congressional interest in the Jackson Barnett case drew prominent senators to the issue of Indian policy reform, often for partisan reasons. The Senate subcommittee's goal was to make a general investigation into nationwide conditions. Beginning its fact-finding tour in 1928 in the Pacific Northwest, it did not complete its work until 1944. The driving force for creating the hearings was the Parmenter camp's determined effort to bring Burke's alleged mishandling of the Barnett estate to the court of public opinion.
