Asifa Hussain and William Miller
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199280711
- eISBN:
- 9780191604102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199280711.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
‘Multicultural nationalism’ comes very close to being an oxymoron: devolution increased national self-consciousness and 9/11 added to the problems of multiculturalism everywhere, including Scotland. ...
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‘Multicultural nationalism’ comes very close to being an oxymoron: devolution increased national self-consciousness and 9/11 added to the problems of multiculturalism everywhere, including Scotland. But in practice, potential problems proved to be solutions. Since England has a key role in defining Scottish identity, Scottish nationalism stimulates Anglophobia but not Islamophobia, and Muslims can use Scottish nationalism as a tool of integration. 9/11 made life worse for Muslims in Scotland, but not as much as elsewhere. Thus, 9/11 and the ‘war on terror’ bound Muslims more closely to Scotland. Although both minorities criticized the governing performance of the new Scottish Parliament, both felt that its street-level impact has been more positive than negative. English immigrants feel that devolution has defused tensions, and Muslims self-consciously distinguish between the positive impact of devolution and the concurrent, negative impact of 9/11. Against the odds, multiculturalism and sub-state nationalism have not merely coexisted, but actually interacted positively within post-devolution Scotland.Less
‘Multicultural nationalism’ comes very close to being an oxymoron: devolution increased national self-consciousness and 9/11 added to the problems of multiculturalism everywhere, including Scotland. But in practice, potential problems proved to be solutions. Since England has a key role in defining Scottish identity, Scottish nationalism stimulates Anglophobia but not Islamophobia, and Muslims can use Scottish nationalism as a tool of integration. 9/11 made life worse for Muslims in Scotland, but not as much as elsewhere. Thus, 9/11 and the ‘war on terror’ bound Muslims more closely to Scotland. Although both minorities criticized the governing performance of the new Scottish Parliament, both felt that its street-level impact has been more positive than negative. English immigrants feel that devolution has defused tensions, and Muslims self-consciously distinguish between the positive impact of devolution and the concurrent, negative impact of 9/11. Against the odds, multiculturalism and sub-state nationalism have not merely coexisted, but actually interacted positively within post-devolution Scotland.
Asifa Hussain and William Miller
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199280711
- eISBN:
- 9780191604102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199280711.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Majority Scots have less contact, friendship, and knowledge of the minorities than the minorities have of the majority. Minority perceptions of the majority are broadly accurate. In particular, they ...
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Majority Scots have less contact, friendship, and knowledge of the minorities than the minorities have of the majority. Minority perceptions of the majority are broadly accurate. In particular, they are aware that the majority doubts the loyalty of minorities (English and Muslim) to Scotland. The frequent exposure to ethnic jokes and intentional insults have a dramatic impact on minorities’ perceptions, even though the victims try hard to believe that their harassers are exceptional rather than typical. These personal experiences have significantly more impact on English immigrants’ perceptions of the majority’s Anglophobia than on Muslims’ perceptions of the majority’s Islamophobia. English immigrants suffered less harassment but coped worse and reacted more indignantly. Signals from the new Scottish Parliament to minorities were critically important in determining minorities’ perceptions of the majority. The Parliament’s inclusive, multicultural publicity campaigns may have greater impact on the minorities’ perceptions than on the majority’s actual prejudices.Less
Majority Scots have less contact, friendship, and knowledge of the minorities than the minorities have of the majority. Minority perceptions of the majority are broadly accurate. In particular, they are aware that the majority doubts the loyalty of minorities (English and Muslim) to Scotland. The frequent exposure to ethnic jokes and intentional insults have a dramatic impact on minorities’ perceptions, even though the victims try hard to believe that their harassers are exceptional rather than typical. These personal experiences have significantly more impact on English immigrants’ perceptions of the majority’s Anglophobia than on Muslims’ perceptions of the majority’s Islamophobia. English immigrants suffered less harassment but coped worse and reacted more indignantly. Signals from the new Scottish Parliament to minorities were critically important in determining minorities’ perceptions of the majority. The Parliament’s inclusive, multicultural publicity campaigns may have greater impact on the minorities’ perceptions than on the majority’s actual prejudices.
Matthew Flinders
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199271597
- eISBN:
- 9780191709234
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271597.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
The relationship between the executive and legislature at the national level remains heavily weighted in favour of the government but a far more balanced relationship is observable at the ...
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The relationship between the executive and legislature at the national level remains heavily weighted in favour of the government but a far more balanced relationship is observable at the sub‐national level.Less
The relationship between the executive and legislature at the national level remains heavily weighted in favour of the government but a far more balanced relationship is observable at the sub‐national level.
Catherine Bromley and John Curtice (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748622467
- eISBN:
- 9780748672028
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748622467.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
One of the key aims of devolution in Scotland was to change the way people felt about their country and the way they were governed. This book draws on a range of Scottish Election Studies and ...
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One of the key aims of devolution in Scotland was to change the way people felt about their country and the way they were governed. This book draws on a range of Scottish Election Studies and Scottish Social Attitudes surveys to explore the early success — or otherwise — of devolution in meeting this objective. It asks how the Scottish public has reacted to the initial experience of devolution, and the lessons this experience might have for the future of devolution. The following questions are considered: How have public attitudes towards the governance of Scotland within the Union evolved from pre-devolution to the end of the first term of the Scottish Parliament? What has happened to support for the principal advocates for leaving the Union, the SNP? Why are fewer people voting in devolved elections than in UK elections? To what degree does the behaviour of those who vote reveal a sense of involvement in the work of the Parliament? What are voters' attitudes to the additional member electoral system? Who are regarded as fellow Scots by those who are all themselves ‘Scottish’? What are Scots' attitudes towards the Pakistani and English minorities in Scotland? The book presents a comprehensive analysis of the Scottish public's evolving view of devolution.Less
One of the key aims of devolution in Scotland was to change the way people felt about their country and the way they were governed. This book draws on a range of Scottish Election Studies and Scottish Social Attitudes surveys to explore the early success — or otherwise — of devolution in meeting this objective. It asks how the Scottish public has reacted to the initial experience of devolution, and the lessons this experience might have for the future of devolution. The following questions are considered: How have public attitudes towards the governance of Scotland within the Union evolved from pre-devolution to the end of the first term of the Scottish Parliament? What has happened to support for the principal advocates for leaving the Union, the SNP? Why are fewer people voting in devolved elections than in UK elections? To what degree does the behaviour of those who vote reveal a sense of involvement in the work of the Parliament? What are voters' attitudes to the additional member electoral system? Who are regarded as fellow Scots by those who are all themselves ‘Scottish’? What are Scots' attitudes towards the Pakistani and English minorities in Scotland? The book presents a comprehensive analysis of the Scottish public's evolving view of devolution.
Barry K. Winetrobe and Robert Hazell
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263310
- eISBN:
- 9780191734144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263310.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter argues that there was a determination that the 1997 devolution plan, unlike the earlier 1979 plan, would be ‘not like Westminster’ but would result from a ‘home-grown process’. It ...
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This chapter argues that there was a determination that the 1997 devolution plan, unlike the earlier 1979 plan, would be ‘not like Westminster’ but would result from a ‘home-grown process’. It classifies the Holyrood parliament's successes and its failures, but its successes are there to be transferred and to be copied. In particular, it explains the four key principles of the Consultative Steering Group report: power-sharing, accountability, openness and accessibility, and equal opportunities. There is no generally accepted inclusive list of functions that a parliament is expected to carry out. It then investigates the four interlocking aspects of the parliament in operation over its first four-year session, as examples of how it has performed and how it may have lessons for Westminster. These include the arrangement of parliamentary business, legislation, committees, and accountability and representation. The committees are probably the Scottish Parliament's greatest single practical achievement. The other main feature of the parliament by comparison with Westminster is its greater institutional autonomy in relation to the Executive. The Scottish Parliament has also demonstrated a determination to be a learning parliament.Less
This chapter argues that there was a determination that the 1997 devolution plan, unlike the earlier 1979 plan, would be ‘not like Westminster’ but would result from a ‘home-grown process’. It classifies the Holyrood parliament's successes and its failures, but its successes are there to be transferred and to be copied. In particular, it explains the four key principles of the Consultative Steering Group report: power-sharing, accountability, openness and accessibility, and equal opportunities. There is no generally accepted inclusive list of functions that a parliament is expected to carry out. It then investigates the four interlocking aspects of the parliament in operation over its first four-year session, as examples of how it has performed and how it may have lessons for Westminster. These include the arrangement of parliamentary business, legislation, committees, and accountability and representation. The committees are probably the Scottish Parliament's greatest single practical achievement. The other main feature of the parliament by comparison with Westminster is its greater institutional autonomy in relation to the Executive. The Scottish Parliament has also demonstrated a determination to be a learning parliament.
Philip Schlesinger
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263310
- eISBN:
- 9780191734144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263310.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter illustrates how ‘most of the Holyrood political class has been reluctant to explore the boundaries between the devolved and the reserved’, even on less life-and-death issues such as ...
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This chapter illustrates how ‘most of the Holyrood political class has been reluctant to explore the boundaries between the devolved and the reserved’, even on less life-and-death issues such as broadcasting. Conversely, it also tells of at least one post-devolution success story for classic informal pre-devolution-style ‘Scottish lobbying’ in Westminster. Scotland is presently one of the UK's leading audiovisual production centres, with Glasgow as the linchpin. The capacity of the Scottish Parliament to debate questions of media concentration but also its incapacity to act legislatively has been observed. There are both political and economic calculations behind the refusal to devolve powers over the media via the Communications Act 2003. Ofcom now has a key role in policing the terms of trade for regional production that falls within a public service broadcaster's target across the UK. The BBC's position as the principal vehicle of public service broadcasting has come increasingly under question. The Gaelic Media Service set up under the Communications Act 2003 has a line of responsibility to Ofcom in London. Scottish Advisory Committee on Telecommunications (SACOT) determined four key regulatory issues needing future attention by Ofcom.Less
This chapter illustrates how ‘most of the Holyrood political class has been reluctant to explore the boundaries between the devolved and the reserved’, even on less life-and-death issues such as broadcasting. Conversely, it also tells of at least one post-devolution success story for classic informal pre-devolution-style ‘Scottish lobbying’ in Westminster. Scotland is presently one of the UK's leading audiovisual production centres, with Glasgow as the linchpin. The capacity of the Scottish Parliament to debate questions of media concentration but also its incapacity to act legislatively has been observed. There are both political and economic calculations behind the refusal to devolve powers over the media via the Communications Act 2003. Ofcom now has a key role in policing the terms of trade for regional production that falls within a public service broadcaster's target across the UK. The BBC's position as the principal vehicle of public service broadcasting has come increasingly under question. The Gaelic Media Service set up under the Communications Act 2003 has a line of responsibility to Ofcom in London. Scottish Advisory Committee on Telecommunications (SACOT) determined four key regulatory issues needing future attention by Ofcom.
Antoin E. Murphy
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198286493
- eISBN:
- 9780191596674
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019828649X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, History of Economic Thought
Discusses the debate in the Scottish Parliament over Law's monetary proposals for the establishment of a land bank along with an aborted duel by two Parliamentarians on the issue.
Discusses the debate in the Scottish Parliament over Law's monetary proposals for the establishment of a land bank along with an aborted duel by two Parliamentarians on the issue.
Gavin F M Little
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748640195
- eISBN:
- 9780748651498
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748640195.003.0027
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
The Scottish Parliament has, in its first decade of law-making, introduced important statutory reforms of the judiciary with the objective of modernising its position in the constitution and ...
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The Scottish Parliament has, in its first decade of law-making, introduced important statutory reforms of the judiciary with the objective of modernising its position in the constitution and strengthening its internal structures and processes. Indeed, for the higher judiciary in the Court of Session in particular, the passing by the Parliament of the Judiciary and Courts (Scotland) Act 2008 is one of the most significant legislative landmarks since the Act of Union 1707. This chapter is organized as follows. First, brief consideration is given to the importance of a strong, independent judiciary for the maintenance of the rule of law. Second, the constitutional and legal provision for Scottish judges prior to the 2008 Act is evaluated. Third, the main reforms introduced by the 2008 Act are analysed. The chapter then concludes with a short assessment of the Parliament's contribution to the area.Less
The Scottish Parliament has, in its first decade of law-making, introduced important statutory reforms of the judiciary with the objective of modernising its position in the constitution and strengthening its internal structures and processes. Indeed, for the higher judiciary in the Court of Session in particular, the passing by the Parliament of the Judiciary and Courts (Scotland) Act 2008 is one of the most significant legislative landmarks since the Act of Union 1707. This chapter is organized as follows. First, brief consideration is given to the importance of a strong, independent judiciary for the maintenance of the rule of law. Second, the constitutional and legal provision for Scottish judges prior to the 2008 Act is evaluated. Third, the main reforms introduced by the 2008 Act are analysed. The chapter then concludes with a short assessment of the Parliament's contribution to the area.
John Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263310
- eISBN:
- 9780191734144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263310.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter illustrates that the ‘West Lothian Question’ is not an issue between the Scottish and English public. It explains how the attitudes of those living on both sides of the border have ...
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This chapter illustrates that the ‘West Lothian Question’ is not an issue between the Scottish and English public. It explains how the attitudes of those living on both sides of the border have developed in the immediate wake of the creation of the Scottish Parliament. It specifically highlights the three sets of attitudes that might be thought to be central to the relationship between two countries that share the same state: constitutional preferences, policy preferences and identities. The extent to which people in the two countries have similar or different constitutional preferences is investigated. The chapter then explores how far people in England and Scotland do or do not share similar policy preferences. It further looks at how far people in England and Scotland do or do not have a set of identities and symbols in common. Devolution has so far not helped to drive England and Scotland apart from each other. They lack on strong common commitment to a shared set of identities and symbols, but even they appear to have enough in common for them to be capable of sharing the same multinational state.Less
This chapter illustrates that the ‘West Lothian Question’ is not an issue between the Scottish and English public. It explains how the attitudes of those living on both sides of the border have developed in the immediate wake of the creation of the Scottish Parliament. It specifically highlights the three sets of attitudes that might be thought to be central to the relationship between two countries that share the same state: constitutional preferences, policy preferences and identities. The extent to which people in the two countries have similar or different constitutional preferences is investigated. The chapter then explores how far people in England and Scotland do or do not share similar policy preferences. It further looks at how far people in England and Scotland do or do not have a set of identities and symbols in common. Devolution has so far not helped to drive England and Scotland apart from each other. They lack on strong common commitment to a shared set of identities and symbols, but even they appear to have enough in common for them to be capable of sharing the same multinational state.
Christopher A. Whatley
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748638024
- eISBN:
- 9780748672295
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748638024.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
All of the chapters in this book, which were presented at the Royal Society of Edinburgh's symposium, focus on the British incorporating union of 1707. Each chapter offers a fresh perspective on this ...
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All of the chapters in this book, which were presented at the Royal Society of Edinburgh's symposium, focus on the British incorporating union of 1707. Each chapter offers a fresh perspective on this momentous event in Scotland's — and Britain's — history. This chapter examines the union-related issues facing Scotland in 1707 and how such issues reflected in the Scottish Parliament during the fateful months from October 1706 to January 1707. In the years immediately preceding the Union in 1707, Scotland was a troubled nation, and a nation in trouble — although not without the capacity to trouble others. Internally the country was divided by deep fissures created by religious conflict and dynastic contest. Linked were issues of governance — including the role of the Scottish estates, or Parliament — and attitudes to monarchical absolutism. Possibly the issue that most exercised the hearts and minds of people outside Parliament Close was the fate following union of the ‘visible mark’ of Scotland's nationhood and sovereignty, the honours of Scotland — the ancient crown, and the sword and sceptre of state.Less
All of the chapters in this book, which were presented at the Royal Society of Edinburgh's symposium, focus on the British incorporating union of 1707. Each chapter offers a fresh perspective on this momentous event in Scotland's — and Britain's — history. This chapter examines the union-related issues facing Scotland in 1707 and how such issues reflected in the Scottish Parliament during the fateful months from October 1706 to January 1707. In the years immediately preceding the Union in 1707, Scotland was a troubled nation, and a nation in trouble — although not without the capacity to trouble others. Internally the country was divided by deep fissures created by religious conflict and dynastic contest. Linked were issues of governance — including the role of the Scottish estates, or Parliament — and attitudes to monarchical absolutism. Possibly the issue that most exercised the hearts and minds of people outside Parliament Close was the fate following union of the ‘visible mark’ of Scotland's nationhood and sovereignty, the honours of Scotland — the ancient crown, and the sword and sceptre of state.
