Dale W. Jorgenson and Kun-Young Yun
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198285939
- eISBN:
- 9780191596490
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198285930.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
The concept of ‘cost of capital’ was introduced almost thirty years ago and quickly became an indispensable tool for modelling the impact of tax policy on investment behaviour. In the 1980s it ...
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The concept of ‘cost of capital’ was introduced almost thirty years ago and quickly became an indispensable tool for modelling the impact of tax policy on investment behaviour. In the 1980s it assumed a central role in tax reform debates through the closely related concept of the marginal effective tax rate. This book provides a comprehensive treatment of the cost of capital approach to tax policy analysis. In order to make the approach as accessible as possible, the analytical level of the book has been kept to an absolute minimum. The complexities are introduced in a step-by-step fashion, leading up to a representation of tax systems for capital income that is suitable for tax policy analysis. The success of the cost of capital approach is due in large part to its ability to assimilate a virtually unlimited amount of descriptive detail on alternative tax policies. In order to provide guidance to students and practitioners, the book contains a full implementation of the approach for the USA, including an analysis of the alternative proposals that culminated in the highly influential Tax Reform Act of 1986. The chapters of the book are the first in a series of Lectures in Monetary and Fiscal Policy given at Uppsala University in honour of Erik Lindahl, the Swedish economist who was a professor there from 1942 to 1958.Less
The concept of ‘cost of capital’ was introduced almost thirty years ago and quickly became an indispensable tool for modelling the impact of tax policy on investment behaviour. In the 1980s it assumed a central role in tax reform debates through the closely related concept of the marginal effective tax rate. This book provides a comprehensive treatment of the cost of capital approach to tax policy analysis. In order to make the approach as accessible as possible, the analytical level of the book has been kept to an absolute minimum. The complexities are introduced in a step-by-step fashion, leading up to a representation of tax systems for capital income that is suitable for tax policy analysis. The success of the cost of capital approach is due in large part to its ability to assimilate a virtually unlimited amount of descriptive detail on alternative tax policies. In order to provide guidance to students and practitioners, the book contains a full implementation of the approach for the USA, including an analysis of the alternative proposals that culminated in the highly influential Tax Reform Act of 1986. The chapters of the book are the first in a series of Lectures in Monetary and Fiscal Policy given at Uppsala University in honour of Erik Lindahl, the Swedish economist who was a professor there from 1942 to 1958.
Hiroshi Oda
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199232185
- eISBN:
- 9780191705335
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199232185.001.1
- Subject:
- Law, Comparative Law
This text contains the latest edition of this book. It covers the basis of the Japanese legal system, the civil code, business related laws, and other laws including criminal law and procedure, and ...
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This text contains the latest edition of this book. It covers the basis of the Japanese legal system, the civil code, business related laws, and other laws including criminal law and procedure, and foreign relations law. Since the last edition, Japanese law has undergone major reform all of which is reflected in the new text. In particular, the new edition covers the new company law and the Financial Products Trading Law, both of which have been completely overhauled. After the ‘lost decade’ following the collapse of the ‘bubble economy’ in 1990, Japan has gone through a major reform — deregulation or ‘regulatory reform’. Accordingly, major changes took place in almost every area of law. There was a large-scale ‘Justice System Reform’ which encompassed various changes in the court system, the introduction of lay assessors in the criminal procedure, a new law school system, etc. Company law, which was embodied in the Commercial Code, was completely overhauled under a different concept and became a separate law — the Company Law of 2005. Securities and Exchange Law was replaced by the Financial Instruments and Exchange Law in 2006. Even the Civil Code, which had remained more or less unchanged (except for family and succession) since the late 19th century, has gone through significant changes. Certainly there are many positive results coming out of these reforms, but also there have been some doubtful changes. Thee outcome of the reforms of the past decade is yet to be assessed. These changes and their impact are covered in this book.Less
This text contains the latest edition of this book. It covers the basis of the Japanese legal system, the civil code, business related laws, and other laws including criminal law and procedure, and foreign relations law. Since the last edition, Japanese law has undergone major reform all of which is reflected in the new text. In particular, the new edition covers the new company law and the Financial Products Trading Law, both of which have been completely overhauled. After the ‘lost decade’ following the collapse of the ‘bubble economy’ in 1990, Japan has gone through a major reform — deregulation or ‘regulatory reform’. Accordingly, major changes took place in almost every area of law. There was a large-scale ‘Justice System Reform’ which encompassed various changes in the court system, the introduction of lay assessors in the criminal procedure, a new law school system, etc. Company law, which was embodied in the Commercial Code, was completely overhauled under a different concept and became a separate law — the Company Law of 2005. Securities and Exchange Law was replaced by the Financial Instruments and Exchange Law in 2006. Even the Civil Code, which had remained more or less unchanged (except for family and succession) since the late 19th century, has gone through significant changes. Certainly there are many positive results coming out of these reforms, but also there have been some doubtful changes. Thee outcome of the reforms of the past decade is yet to be assessed. These changes and their impact are covered in this book.
Lauren A. S. Monroe
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199774166
- eISBN:
- 9780199897377
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199774166.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
The biblical account of the religious reforms of king Josiah is one of the most widely discussed texts in the Hebrew Bible. Scholars have long understood Josiah's destruction of Israelite cult ...
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The biblical account of the religious reforms of king Josiah is one of the most widely discussed texts in the Hebrew Bible. Scholars have long understood Josiah's destruction of Israelite cult objects and personnel to mark an essential break with Israel's polytheistic past and a foundational moment in the development of monotheism. The language of 2 Kgs 23 represents Josiah's reform as ritual, yet the text has never been systematically studied from a ritual perspective. Situating Josiah's defilement in the context of other Israelite rituals, it uncovers new fault lines in the text that reveal two compositional phases. An early account with parallels in priestly ritual texts and the Holiness Code promoted particular ambitions of the Josianic court, while a later, postmonarchic, Deuteronomistic version recast Josiah as the only king in Israel's history to fully appreciate the obligations and limitations imposed by Mosaic law. Utilizing language associated with Deuteronomy's war-ḥērem, the later author modeled Josiah on Joshua. Both [re]claimed the land from the clutches of the Canaanites and [re]established Israel as the place where Yahweh's law and priestly authority prevailed. This study challenges the widely held assumption that Josiah imposed Deuteronomic law in the late seventh century; it provides a more expansive picture of the holiness school and its engagement in literary production; and it points away from a Josianic, Deuteronomistic redaction of 2 Kgs 23, shedding new light on the composition of the book of Kings.Less
The biblical account of the religious reforms of king Josiah is one of the most widely discussed texts in the Hebrew Bible. Scholars have long understood Josiah's destruction of Israelite cult objects and personnel to mark an essential break with Israel's polytheistic past and a foundational moment in the development of monotheism. The language of 2 Kgs 23 represents Josiah's reform as ritual, yet the text has never been systematically studied from a ritual perspective. Situating Josiah's defilement in the context of other Israelite rituals, it uncovers new fault lines in the text that reveal two compositional phases. An early account with parallels in priestly ritual texts and the Holiness Code promoted particular ambitions of the Josianic court, while a later, postmonarchic, Deuteronomistic version recast Josiah as the only king in Israel's history to fully appreciate the obligations and limitations imposed by Mosaic law. Utilizing language associated with Deuteronomy's war-ḥērem, the later author modeled Josiah on Joshua. Both [re]claimed the land from the clutches of the Canaanites and [re]established Israel as the place where Yahweh's law and priestly authority prevailed. This study challenges the widely held assumption that Josiah imposed Deuteronomic law in the late seventh century; it provides a more expansive picture of the holiness school and its engagement in literary production; and it points away from a Josianic, Deuteronomistic redaction of 2 Kgs 23, shedding new light on the composition of the book of Kings.
Kathleen G. Cushing
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207245
- eISBN:
- 9780191677571
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207245.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History, History of Religion
This book explores the role of canon law in the ecclesiastical reform movement of the eleventh century, commonly known as the Gregorian Refom movement. Focusing on the ...
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This book explores the role of canon law in the ecclesiastical reform movement of the eleventh century, commonly known as the Gregorian Refom movement. Focusing on the Collectio canonum of Bishop Anselm of Lucca — hitherto largely unexplored in English — it is concerned with the symbiotic relationship between canon law and reform, and seeks to explore the ways in which Anselm’s writing can be seen in the context of the reformer’s need to devise and articulate strategies for the renovation of the Church and Christian society. Its principal contention is that Anselm’s collection cannot be seen merely as a catalogue of canon law, but also functioned to articulate, define, and propagate reformist doctrine in a time of great social and religious upheaval.Less
This book explores the role of canon law in the ecclesiastical reform movement of the eleventh century, commonly known as the Gregorian Refom movement. Focusing on the Collectio canonum of Bishop Anselm of Lucca — hitherto largely unexplored in English — it is concerned with the symbiotic relationship between canon law and reform, and seeks to explore the ways in which Anselm’s writing can be seen in the context of the reformer’s need to devise and articulate strategies for the renovation of the Church and Christian society. Its principal contention is that Anselm’s collection cannot be seen merely as a catalogue of canon law, but also functioned to articulate, define, and propagate reformist doctrine in a time of great social and religious upheaval.
Iain McLean
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295297
- eISBN:
- 9780191599873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295294.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
A case study of the relaunch of the Conservative Party, which had been shattered in 1846, under Disraeli and Salisbury. Explains how Disraeli enacted the Second Reform Act in 1867, although it ...
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A case study of the relaunch of the Conservative Party, which had been shattered in 1846, under Disraeli and Salisbury. Explains how Disraeli enacted the Second Reform Act in 1867, although it damaged the material interests of the median MP and peer. Examines the rebasing of the Conservative Party under Disraeli and Salisbury as the party of popular imperialism.Less
A case study of the relaunch of the Conservative Party, which had been shattered in 1846, under Disraeli and Salisbury. Explains how Disraeli enacted the Second Reform Act in 1867, although it damaged the material interests of the median MP and peer. Examines the rebasing of the Conservative Party under Disraeli and Salisbury as the party of popular imperialism.
Judith Pallot
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206569
- eISBN:
- 9780191677212
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206569.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Since the collapse of the USSR, there has been a growing interest in the Stolypin Land Reform as a possible model for post-Communist agrarian development. Using recent theoretical and empirical ...
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Since the collapse of the USSR, there has been a growing interest in the Stolypin Land Reform as a possible model for post-Communist agrarian development. Using recent theoretical and empirical advances in Anglo-American research, this book examines how peasants throughout Russia received, interpreted, and acted upon the government's attempts to persuade them to quit the commune and set up independent farms. It shows how a majority of peasants failed to interpret the Reform in the way its authors had expected, with outcomes that varied both temporally and geographically. The result challenges existing texts that either concentrate on the policy side of the Reform or, if they engage with its results, use aggregated, official statistics that, this text argues, are unreliable indicators of the pre-revolutionary peasants reception of the Reform.Less
Since the collapse of the USSR, there has been a growing interest in the Stolypin Land Reform as a possible model for post-Communist agrarian development. Using recent theoretical and empirical advances in Anglo-American research, this book examines how peasants throughout Russia received, interpreted, and acted upon the government's attempts to persuade them to quit the commune and set up independent farms. It shows how a majority of peasants failed to interpret the Reform in the way its authors had expected, with outcomes that varied both temporally and geographically. The result challenges existing texts that either concentrate on the policy side of the Reform or, if they engage with its results, use aggregated, official statistics that, this text argues, are unreliable indicators of the pre-revolutionary peasants reception of the Reform.
Allen Buchanan
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780198295358
- eISBN:
- 9780191600982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295359.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Ch. 10 summarized the main proposals for reform that have been argued in this book, briefly restating the moral framework linking justice, legitimacy, and self‐determination that grounds them, and ...
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Ch. 10 summarized the main proposals for reform that have been argued in this book, briefly restating the moral framework linking justice, legitimacy, and self‐determination that grounds them, and noting that implementing the proposed reforms probably would require significant changes in international law regarding armed intervention. The aims of this chapter are (1) to explain more fully why a new legal framework for armed intervention is needed for successful legal reform, (2) to examine the advantages and disadvantages of the major types of strategies for achieving the needed reform in the law of armed intervention, from the perspective of both feasibility and morality, and (3) to show that the most promising strategy for reform may be the creation of a treaty‐based, rule‐governed liberal‐democratic regime for armed intervention that bypasses the current UN Charter‐based requirement of Security Council authorization and that does not depend upon the US to act as the world's policeman. In addition, it is argued that although the most promising strategy for reform may require violating existing international law, it is nonetheless morally justifiable. The more general point made is that under certain conditions a willingness to violate existing international law for the sake of reforming it can be not only consistent with a sincere commitment to the rule of law, but even required by it. The six sections of the chapter are: I. The Need for Reform regarding the Law of Intervention; II. Three Types of Strategies for Legal Reform; III. The Morality of Illegal Legal Reform; IV. The Commitment to the Rule of Law; V. Moral Authority; and VI. Conclusions.Less
Ch. 10 summarized the main proposals for reform that have been argued in this book, briefly restating the moral framework linking justice, legitimacy, and self‐determination that grounds them, and noting that implementing the proposed reforms probably would require significant changes in international law regarding armed intervention. The aims of this chapter are (1) to explain more fully why a new legal framework for armed intervention is needed for successful legal reform, (2) to examine the advantages and disadvantages of the major types of strategies for achieving the needed reform in the law of armed intervention, from the perspective of both feasibility and morality, and (3) to show that the most promising strategy for reform may be the creation of a treaty‐based, rule‐governed liberal‐democratic regime for armed intervention that bypasses the current UN Charter‐based requirement of Security Council authorization and that does not depend upon the US to act as the world's policeman. In addition, it is argued that although the most promising strategy for reform may require violating existing international law, it is nonetheless morally justifiable. The more general point made is that under certain conditions a willingness to violate existing international law for the sake of reforming it can be not only consistent with a sincere commitment to the rule of law, but even required by it. The six sections of the chapter are: I. The Need for Reform regarding the Law of Intervention; II. Three Types of Strategies for Legal Reform; III. The Morality of Illegal Legal Reform; IV. The Commitment to the Rule of Law; V. Moral Authority; and VI. Conclusions.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The place and purpose of trusteeship in the post‐Second World War world order aroused passions and suspicions that were no less pronounced than those which threatened to disrupt the peace ...
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The place and purpose of trusteeship in the post‐Second World War world order aroused passions and suspicions that were no less pronounced than those which threatened to disrupt the peace negotiations at Versailles two decades earlier, and these tensions, which divided the US and Britain in particular, emanated from a fundamental disagreement over the purpose of trusteeship and its relation to the future of empire in world affairs. British commentators on empire tended to interpret the idea of trusteeship in the context of an imperial tradition that dated back to Edmund Burke's interest in the affairs of the East India Company, invoking trusteeship as a principle against which to judge colonial administration and, therefore, understood the tutelage of dependent peoples as a justification of empire. Americans, who were born of a very different colonial and political experience, were a great deal less inclined to see trusteeship as a justification of empire than as an alternative to the perpetuation of empire. Interrogates the claims that structured the terms of this debate, how they shaped the purpose of trusteeship as contemplated in the Charter of the UN, and the ideas upon which the anti‐colonial movement seized in order to destroy the legitimacy of trusteeship in international society. There are five sections: The Atlantic Charter and the Future of Empire; The Reform of Empire; Trusteeship and the Charter of the UN; The End of Empire; and Human Equality and the Illegitimacy of Trusteeship.Less
The place and purpose of trusteeship in the post‐Second World War world order aroused passions and suspicions that were no less pronounced than those which threatened to disrupt the peace negotiations at Versailles two decades earlier, and these tensions, which divided the US and Britain in particular, emanated from a fundamental disagreement over the purpose of trusteeship and its relation to the future of empire in world affairs. British commentators on empire tended to interpret the idea of trusteeship in the context of an imperial tradition that dated back to Edmund Burke's interest in the affairs of the East India Company, invoking trusteeship as a principle against which to judge colonial administration and, therefore, understood the tutelage of dependent peoples as a justification of empire. Americans, who were born of a very different colonial and political experience, were a great deal less inclined to see trusteeship as a justification of empire than as an alternative to the perpetuation of empire. Interrogates the claims that structured the terms of this debate, how they shaped the purpose of trusteeship as contemplated in the Charter of the UN, and the ideas upon which the anti‐colonial movement seized in order to destroy the legitimacy of trusteeship in international society. There are five sections: The Atlantic Charter and the Future of Empire; The Reform of Empire; Trusteeship and the Charter of the UN; The End of Empire; and Human Equality and the Illegitimacy of Trusteeship.
Judith Pallot
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206569
- eISBN:
- 9780191677212
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206569.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This book concludes that, notwithstanding the larger than expected numbers of peasant households coming forward to adopt the Stolypin Land Reform, the likelihood that an agricultural advance in ...
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This book concludes that, notwithstanding the larger than expected numbers of peasant households coming forward to adopt the Stolypin Land Reform, the likelihood that an agricultural advance in Russia would be based on the farms formed under the reform's provisions was limited. There were alternatives that might have done as much, or more, to increase peasant farm productivity, as has been observed by a number of historians. After 1910, the principal government effort in agriculture passed to agrotechnological measures which reached numbers of peasant households far in excess of those who could be reached through programmes targeted solely on enclosed farms. As for the peasants, their preferred solution to their problems remained, as it always had been, the black repartition, as was so obviously demonstrated in 1917. This book also shows that, in understanding the peasants' responses to the Stolypin Land Reform, both history and geography matter.Less
This book concludes that, notwithstanding the larger than expected numbers of peasant households coming forward to adopt the Stolypin Land Reform, the likelihood that an agricultural advance in Russia would be based on the farms formed under the reform's provisions was limited. There were alternatives that might have done as much, or more, to increase peasant farm productivity, as has been observed by a number of historians. After 1910, the principal government effort in agriculture passed to agrotechnological measures which reached numbers of peasant households far in excess of those who could be reached through programmes targeted solely on enclosed farms. As for the peasants, their preferred solution to their problems remained, as it always had been, the black repartition, as was so obviously demonstrated in 1917. This book also shows that, in understanding the peasants' responses to the Stolypin Land Reform, both history and geography matter.
Matthew Cragoe
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207542
- eISBN:
- 9780191716737
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207542.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The previous chapter offered an overview of the distinctive ideologies associated with the main political parties. This chapter examines the way in which these broad positions informed debate at ...
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The previous chapter offered an overview of the distinctive ideologies associated with the main political parties. This chapter examines the way in which these broad positions informed debate at elections between the First and Third Reform Acts. The period falls into three distinct sections. Between 1832 and c.1847 the political atmosphere was intense: the introduction of parliamentary reform opened up a world in which old certainties were questioned, and fifteen years elapsed before a new status quo was established. The years between 1852 and 1867 were, by comparison, much quieter, though the calm surface of politics belied a ferment of new ideas in the principality. For this was the period in which the idea of Wales as a ‘nation of nonconformists’ gathered momentum. The passage of the Second Reform Act brought these fresh ideas into open play, and at elections between 1868 and 1886 they operated at various levels of intensity within the context of an increasingly adversarial political climate.Less
The previous chapter offered an overview of the distinctive ideologies associated with the main political parties. This chapter examines the way in which these broad positions informed debate at elections between the First and Third Reform Acts. The period falls into three distinct sections. Between 1832 and c.1847 the political atmosphere was intense: the introduction of parliamentary reform opened up a world in which old certainties were questioned, and fifteen years elapsed before a new status quo was established. The years between 1852 and 1867 were, by comparison, much quieter, though the calm surface of politics belied a ferment of new ideas in the principality. For this was the period in which the idea of Wales as a ‘nation of nonconformists’ gathered momentum. The passage of the Second Reform Act brought these fresh ideas into open play, and at elections between 1868 and 1886 they operated at various levels of intensity within the context of an increasingly adversarial political climate.
James Davison Hunter
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199730803
- eISBN:
- 9780199777082
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730803.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
The “common view” is that culture is made up of the accumulation of values held by the majority of people and the choices made on the basis of those values. If a culture is good, it is because the ...
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The “common view” is that culture is made up of the accumulation of values held by the majority of people and the choices made on the basis of those values. If a culture is good, it is because the good values embraced by individuals lead to good choices. If people’s hearts and minds are converted, they will have the right values, they will make the right choices and culture will change in turn. Common View Summary: 1) Real change is individual, 2) Cultural changed can be willed into being, and 3) Change is democratic – from the bottom-up by ordinary citizens.Less
The “common view” is that culture is made up of the accumulation of values held by the majority of people and the choices made on the basis of those values. If a culture is good, it is because the good values embraced by individuals lead to good choices. If people’s hearts and minds are converted, they will have the right values, they will make the right choices and culture will change in turn. Common View Summary: 1) Real change is individual, 2) Cultural changed can be willed into being, and 3) Change is democratic – from the bottom-up by ordinary citizens.
Gary Macy
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195189704
- eISBN:
- 9780199868575
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195189704.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
The concluding chapter speculates on some of the reasons why the definition of ordination changed in the 11th and 12th centuries, and, more importantly, why women were no longer considered either ...
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The concluding chapter speculates on some of the reasons why the definition of ordination changed in the 11th and 12th centuries, and, more importantly, why women were no longer considered either ordained or able to be ordained. Four factors contributed to the change. The Gregorian Reform Movement with its insistence on celibacy introduced a new and more virulent form of misogyny into Western Christianity. Roman law was read selectively to enforce the idea that women were incapable of leadership roles in the church. The biology and politics of Aristotle, newly introduced in the West, asserted that women were biologically and intellectually inferior to men. Theologians read scripture as supporting the assumptions of Roman law and Aristotle concerning the inferiority women and Eve in particular become the scapegoat for the Fall. No one cause seemed determinative in relegating women to an inferior status, but rather a concatenation of several mutually reinforcing factors.Less
The concluding chapter speculates on some of the reasons why the definition of ordination changed in the 11th and 12th centuries, and, more importantly, why women were no longer considered either ordained or able to be ordained. Four factors contributed to the change. The Gregorian Reform Movement with its insistence on celibacy introduced a new and more virulent form of misogyny into Western Christianity. Roman law was read selectively to enforce the idea that women were incapable of leadership roles in the church. The biology and politics of Aristotle, newly introduced in the West, asserted that women were biologically and intellectually inferior to men. Theologians read scripture as supporting the assumptions of Roman law and Aristotle concerning the inferiority women and Eve in particular become the scapegoat for the Fall. No one cause seemed determinative in relegating women to an inferior status, but rather a concatenation of several mutually reinforcing factors.
Steven K. Green
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195399677
- eISBN:
- 9780199777150
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195399677.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity, Religion and Society
This chapter considers the reaction among conservative evangelicals to perceived secularization in the closing decades of the nineteenth century. It traces the rise of new moral reform societies and ...
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This chapter considers the reaction among conservative evangelicals to perceived secularization in the closing decades of the nineteenth century. It traces the rise of new moral reform societies and renewed attempts to maintain America’s character as a Christian nation through constitutional amendment, legislation, and invigorated enforcement of Sunday laws. The chapter focuses on the activities of the National Reform Association, which was at the forefront of efforts to amend the Constitution and to pass moral legislation. It concludes with a discussion of a brief revival of the maxim in legal and popular commentary.Less
This chapter considers the reaction among conservative evangelicals to perceived secularization in the closing decades of the nineteenth century. It traces the rise of new moral reform societies and renewed attempts to maintain America’s character as a Christian nation through constitutional amendment, legislation, and invigorated enforcement of Sunday laws. The chapter focuses on the activities of the National Reform Association, which was at the forefront of efforts to amend the Constitution and to pass moral legislation. It concludes with a discussion of a brief revival of the maxim in legal and popular commentary.
Matthew Cragoe
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207542
- eISBN:
- 9780191716737
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207542.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the purpose of the book, which is to provide a full account of politics in Wales between the passing of the Great Reform Act in 1832 and ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the purpose of the book, which is to provide a full account of politics in Wales between the passing of the Great Reform Act in 1832 and the Third Reform Act in 1844-45. During this period, a recognizably modern and democratic system of government was established in Britain. It explains why the literature on Welsh political history has developed so distinctively, and the different set of questions that must be asked if the Welsh experience is to be integrated with the wider history of electoral politics in Britain. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented.Less
This introductory chapter begins with a brief description of the purpose of the book, which is to provide a full account of politics in Wales between the passing of the Great Reform Act in 1832 and the Third Reform Act in 1844-45. During this period, a recognizably modern and democratic system of government was established in Britain. It explains why the literature on Welsh political history has developed so distinctively, and the different set of questions that must be asked if the Welsh experience is to be integrated with the wider history of electoral politics in Britain. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented.
Matthew Cragoe
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207542
- eISBN:
- 9780191716737
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207542.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter considers the issue of representation, and the ways in which notions of what this entailed changed in the period between the First and Third Reform Acts. It indicates the broad outlines ...
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This chapter considers the issue of representation, and the ways in which notions of what this entailed changed in the period between the First and Third Reform Acts. It indicates the broad outlines of the relationship between MPs and constituents in such as way as to facilitate future research. It first considers the individuals returned to serve as Members for Welsh seats in three representative parliaments; the next section examines the notions of representation which governed their actions in parliament; and the third section examines their relationship with those who returned them and their guardianship of the interests of the constituencies in whose names they sat.Less
This chapter considers the issue of representation, and the ways in which notions of what this entailed changed in the period between the First and Third Reform Acts. It indicates the broad outlines of the relationship between MPs and constituents in such as way as to facilitate future research. It first considers the individuals returned to serve as Members for Welsh seats in three representative parliaments; the next section examines the notions of representation which governed their actions in parliament; and the third section examines their relationship with those who returned them and their guardianship of the interests of the constituencies in whose names they sat.
Miles Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207290
- eISBN:
- 9780191717277
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207290.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In 1865, Ernest Jones returned to the field of political agitation in England. He joined the parliamentary reform campaign, initially under the auspices of the Manchester Manhood Suffrage League, and ...
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In 1865, Ernest Jones returned to the field of political agitation in England. He joined the parliamentary reform campaign, initially under the auspices of the Manchester Manhood Suffrage League, and then from the autumn of 1866 as a paid lecturer of the Reform League. Jones took part in one of the defining moments of the reform struggle, debating the merits of democracy with the Scottish scholar J. S. Blackie over two nights in Edinburgh in January 1867, and along with Edmond Beales and John Bright, he became one of the most indefatigable and in-demand speakers in the months leading up to the passage of the Second Reform Bill in July 1867. Jones added the Fenian trials to his curriculum vitae, but they also dampened the Reform League’s enthusiasm for him.Less
In 1865, Ernest Jones returned to the field of political agitation in England. He joined the parliamentary reform campaign, initially under the auspices of the Manchester Manhood Suffrage League, and then from the autumn of 1866 as a paid lecturer of the Reform League. Jones took part in one of the defining moments of the reform struggle, debating the merits of democracy with the Scottish scholar J. S. Blackie over two nights in Edinburgh in January 1867, and along with Edmond Beales and John Bright, he became one of the most indefatigable and in-demand speakers in the months leading up to the passage of the Second Reform Bill in July 1867. Jones added the Fenian trials to his curriculum vitae, but they also dampened the Reform League’s enthusiasm for him.
Miles Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207290
- eISBN:
- 9780191717277
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207290.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Ernest Jones was first approached to contest the constituency of Manchester in the summer of 1867. The invitation came from local trade unions and from the northern department of the Reform League. ...
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Ernest Jones was first approached to contest the constituency of Manchester in the summer of 1867. The invitation came from local trade unions and from the northern department of the Reform League. However, Manchester was one of the testing-grounds of the new minority clause of the 1867 Reform Act, which means in multi-member constituencies each elector had one less vote than the number of seats. This clause had been introduced late on in the parliamentary debates over the Reform Bill. Unconvinced that he would win easily in Manchester, Jones explored election possibilities elsewhere — in Dewsbury, Edinburgh, and Carlisle — and in so doing managed to raise even more doubts about his political integrity. Throughout the attacks and slurs of his 1868 election campaigns, Jones kept turning to his principal asset; the story of his life and the parable of virtuous consistency that it embodied. In 1868, however, Jones found his past catching up with him.Less
Ernest Jones was first approached to contest the constituency of Manchester in the summer of 1867. The invitation came from local trade unions and from the northern department of the Reform League. However, Manchester was one of the testing-grounds of the new minority clause of the 1867 Reform Act, which means in multi-member constituencies each elector had one less vote than the number of seats. This clause had been introduced late on in the parliamentary debates over the Reform Bill. Unconvinced that he would win easily in Manchester, Jones explored election possibilities elsewhere — in Dewsbury, Edinburgh, and Carlisle — and in so doing managed to raise even more doubts about his political integrity. Throughout the attacks and slurs of his 1868 election campaigns, Jones kept turning to his principal asset; the story of his life and the parable of virtuous consistency that it embodied. In 1868, however, Jones found his past catching up with him.
Frank Field
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197263853
- eISBN:
- 9780191734281
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197263853.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines the political framework within which the debate about retirement income in Britain is conducted. It uses the lessons of the national minimum strategy, but takes into account ...
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This chapter examines the political framework within which the debate about retirement income in Britain is conducted. It uses the lessons of the national minimum strategy, but takes into account today's political realities, to draw up a pensions reform programme. The Pensions Reform Group (PRG) advocates a new basic universal pension which guarantees an income in retirement above means-testing. This is to be achieved by keeping the current pay-as-you-go state pension and building alongside it a funded scheme so that in total a pension between 25–30 per cent of average earnings can be paid. This is a collective scheme but is not one run by the state as is today's national insurance retirement pension. Serious pension reform is far too big an issue for governments not to be interested in the outcome. That interest is accepted but balanced by the form of governance being proposed by the PRG.Less
This chapter examines the political framework within which the debate about retirement income in Britain is conducted. It uses the lessons of the national minimum strategy, but takes into account today's political realities, to draw up a pensions reform programme. The Pensions Reform Group (PRG) advocates a new basic universal pension which guarantees an income in retirement above means-testing. This is to be achieved by keeping the current pay-as-you-go state pension and building alongside it a funded scheme so that in total a pension between 25–30 per cent of average earnings can be paid. This is a collective scheme but is not one run by the state as is today's national insurance retirement pension. Serious pension reform is far too big an issue for governments not to be interested in the outcome. That interest is accepted but balanced by the form of governance being proposed by the PRG.
Yoel H. Kahn
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195373295
- eISBN:
- 9780199893294
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195373295.003.0009
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism
In order to enjoy emancipation from their historical disabilities, early modern Jews had to persuade the governments and citizenry of the states in which they lived to stop considering Jews as ...
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In order to enjoy emancipation from their historical disabilities, early modern Jews had to persuade the governments and citizenry of the states in which they lived to stop considering Jews as “others.” Convinced that their relationships with their neighbors had entered a new epoch, early modern Jews removed passages from the liturgy which they found incompatible with their new or desired status, or which, as Rabbis Jacob Tzvi Meklenburg and Aaron Worms explained in their prayer books, they feared might be misunderstood. While much of the debate in nineteenth-century European prayer books and commentaries about the correct language of the blessing “who did not make me a gentile” was ostensibly about grammar or lexical precision, deeper issues often motivated the debate. From Wolf Heidenheim’s best-selling Orthodox text to German Reform prayer books, the neutral “nokhri” (stranger/foreigner) replaced the more problematic “gentile.” Vernacular translations often employed yet other euphemisms.Less
In order to enjoy emancipation from their historical disabilities, early modern Jews had to persuade the governments and citizenry of the states in which they lived to stop considering Jews as “others.” Convinced that their relationships with their neighbors had entered a new epoch, early modern Jews removed passages from the liturgy which they found incompatible with their new or desired status, or which, as Rabbis Jacob Tzvi Meklenburg and Aaron Worms explained in their prayer books, they feared might be misunderstood. While much of the debate in nineteenth-century European prayer books and commentaries about the correct language of the blessing “who did not make me a gentile” was ostensibly about grammar or lexical precision, deeper issues often motivated the debate. From Wolf Heidenheim’s best-selling Orthodox text to German Reform prayer books, the neutral “nokhri” (stranger/foreigner) replaced the more problematic “gentile.” Vernacular translations often employed yet other euphemisms.
Monika Baár
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199581184
- eISBN:
- 9780191722806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199581184.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Chapter 8, ‘The Golden Age’, compares the periods which the historians saw as the most successful eras in national history. For Lelewel, this period was to be found in the days of the ...
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Chapter 8, ‘The Golden Age’, compares the periods which the historians saw as the most successful eras in national history. For Lelewel, this period was to be found in the days of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Daukantas venerated the early, pagan period in the history of Lithuania, and in a more extended sense, the era before the Union of Lublin (1569). Palacký identified the pinnacle of Czech history with the Hussite movement in the fifteenth century. Kogălniceanu associated the golden age with moments of unity in Romanian history, in particular with the reign of Michael the Brave in the late sixteenth century. Horváth saw contemporary Hungary, the Reform Age (1823–48), as an exceptional era. The chapter demonstrates that the scholars reached nearly identical conclusions when defining the attributes of the golden age: these included individual and collective freedom, a tolerant environment and national unity.Less
Chapter 8, ‘The Golden Age’, compares the periods which the historians saw as the most successful eras in national history. For Lelewel, this period was to be found in the days of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. Daukantas venerated the early, pagan period in the history of Lithuania, and in a more extended sense, the era before the Union of Lublin (1569). Palacký identified the pinnacle of Czech history with the Hussite movement in the fifteenth century. Kogălniceanu associated the golden age with moments of unity in Romanian history, in particular with the reign of Michael the Brave in the late sixteenth century. Horváth saw contemporary Hungary, the Reform Age (1823–48), as an exceptional era. The chapter demonstrates that the scholars reached nearly identical conclusions when defining the attributes of the golden age: these included individual and collective freedom, a tolerant environment and national unity.
