Jack Hayward
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199216314
- eISBN:
- 9780191712265
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216314.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Weak party and trade union organizations have been fragmented by fascination with revolutionary rhetoric despite recourse in practice to reformism. Following a contrast between anarchist outsiders ...
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Weak party and trade union organizations have been fragmented by fascination with revolutionary rhetoric despite recourse in practice to reformism. Following a contrast between anarchist outsiders and Radical insiders, the vicissitudes of partisan French socialism are recounted. The secular decline of the sectarian Communist Party has coincided with the collapse of Marxism's ideological hegemony.Less
Weak party and trade union organizations have been fragmented by fascination with revolutionary rhetoric despite recourse in practice to reformism. Following a contrast between anarchist outsiders and Radical insiders, the vicissitudes of partisan French socialism are recounted. The secular decline of the sectarian Communist Party has coincided with the collapse of Marxism's ideological hegemony.
Nicholas Owen
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199233014
- eISBN:
- 9780191716423
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199233014.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History
The first chapter begins by exploring the scope for metropolitan anti-imperialism in around 1900, in particular the vulnerability of the British raj to a ‘linked-up’ agitation which united British ...
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The first chapter begins by exploring the scope for metropolitan anti-imperialism in around 1900, in particular the vulnerability of the British raj to a ‘linked-up’ agitation which united British Radicals and Indian nationalists in a single campaign. It analyses the successes and failures of the early efforts of the Indian National Congress and its British supporters to deliver such a double blow, first in the form of an agency arrangement with William Digby and Charles Bradlaugh, and later through vicarious championship by the Radicals and Liberals of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress.Less
The first chapter begins by exploring the scope for metropolitan anti-imperialism in around 1900, in particular the vulnerability of the British raj to a ‘linked-up’ agitation which united British Radicals and Indian nationalists in a single campaign. It analyses the successes and failures of the early efforts of the Indian National Congress and its British supporters to deliver such a double blow, first in the form of an agency arrangement with William Digby and Charles Bradlaugh, and later through vicarious championship by the Radicals and Liberals of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress.
Matthew Cragoe
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198207542
- eISBN:
- 9780191716737
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207542.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter begins with a discussion of the electoral system, which changed dramatically as the century progressed, transforming Britain from an oligarchy into something like a democracy in little ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of the electoral system, which changed dramatically as the century progressed, transforming Britain from an oligarchy into something like a democracy in little over fifty years. It then describes the core ideals of the three political groupings: the Conservatives, the Whigs, and the ‘nationalist’ Radicals.Less
This chapter begins with a discussion of the electoral system, which changed dramatically as the century progressed, transforming Britain from an oligarchy into something like a democracy in little over fifty years. It then describes the core ideals of the three political groupings: the Conservatives, the Whigs, and the ‘nationalist’ Radicals.
G. R. Searle
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203575
- eISBN:
- 9780191675874
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203575.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Historians have long debated the issue of why Britain did not experience a ‘middle-class revolution’. In the mid-Victorian years, in the aftermath of the Great Reform Act and the repeal of the Corn ...
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Historians have long debated the issue of why Britain did not experience a ‘middle-class revolution’. In the mid-Victorian years, in the aftermath of the Great Reform Act and the repeal of the Corn Laws, it seemed that a decisive shift of power from the aristocracy to the middle class might take place. This book shows how many MPs from business backgrounds, the so-called ‘entrepreneurial Radicals’, came to Westminster determined to impose their own values and priorities on national life. Some wanted to return public manufacturing establishments to private ownership; others hoped to create an ‘educational market’. Nearly all of them worried about how best to safeguard the truths of political economy should the franchise be extended to the propertyless masses. Their partial successes and many failures helped determine the political culture of modern Britain.Less
Historians have long debated the issue of why Britain did not experience a ‘middle-class revolution’. In the mid-Victorian years, in the aftermath of the Great Reform Act and the repeal of the Corn Laws, it seemed that a decisive shift of power from the aristocracy to the middle class might take place. This book shows how many MPs from business backgrounds, the so-called ‘entrepreneurial Radicals’, came to Westminster determined to impose their own values and priorities on national life. Some wanted to return public manufacturing establishments to private ownership; others hoped to create an ‘educational market’. Nearly all of them worried about how best to safeguard the truths of political economy should the franchise be extended to the propertyless masses. Their partial successes and many failures helped determine the political culture of modern Britain.
Anthony Howe
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201465
- eISBN:
- 9780191674891
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201465.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Economic History
This chapter discusses how free trade continued to embody the single most popular element in Liberal and Radical politics, both as a defence of the community and of individual welfare. The ideology ...
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This chapter discusses how free trade continued to embody the single most popular element in Liberal and Radical politics, both as a defence of the community and of individual welfare. The ideology of free trade survived not only successive attacks of fair traders, foreigners, faddists, and federationists, but emerged reinvigorated from the Boer War through its interlocking with the New Liberal ideology of social reform.Less
This chapter discusses how free trade continued to embody the single most popular element in Liberal and Radical politics, both as a defence of the community and of individual welfare. The ideology of free trade survived not only successive attacks of fair traders, foreigners, faddists, and federationists, but emerged reinvigorated from the Boer War through its interlocking with the New Liberal ideology of social reform.
Peter Mandler
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198217817
- eISBN:
- 9780191678288
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198217817.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In England, the Whig government during the late 1830s was moderate but weak, so that it was beholden to the small knot of middle-class and Irish Radicals in the Commons, and that subservience, too, ...
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In England, the Whig government during the late 1830s was moderate but weak, so that it was beholden to the small knot of middle-class and Irish Radicals in the Commons, and that subservience, too, swayed the electorate against ideological politics. An alternative view suggests that it was the Whigs who paralysed the Radicals, rather than vice versa. Under either interpretation, Whigs and Tories are seen to be rallying together against the threat from below and groping towards the ‘Victorian compromise’ of moderate liberalism. Lord John Russell was fully aware of the need for a Whig legislative programme which would contribute to the progress of improvement and restore popular confidence in government. He had by 1837 got to grips with the Home Office and had already set in train a series of ambitious social reforms covering Poor Law, public health, and factory legislation. His engagement with social policy was to culminate in a frontal assault on the education question.Less
In England, the Whig government during the late 1830s was moderate but weak, so that it was beholden to the small knot of middle-class and Irish Radicals in the Commons, and that subservience, too, swayed the electorate against ideological politics. An alternative view suggests that it was the Whigs who paralysed the Radicals, rather than vice versa. Under either interpretation, Whigs and Tories are seen to be rallying together against the threat from below and groping towards the ‘Victorian compromise’ of moderate liberalism. Lord John Russell was fully aware of the need for a Whig legislative programme which would contribute to the progress of improvement and restore popular confidence in government. He had by 1837 got to grips with the Home Office and had already set in train a series of ambitious social reforms covering Poor Law, public health, and factory legislation. His engagement with social policy was to culminate in a frontal assault on the education question.
Peter Mandler
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198217817
- eISBN:
- 9780191678288
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198217817.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Viewed from the outside, the prospects for a Whig government did not look good in 1846. The Whig party's will to resist coalition with the Peelites seemed very weak, as its liberal wing had grown ...
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Viewed from the outside, the prospects for a Whig government did not look good in 1846. The Whig party's will to resist coalition with the Peelites seemed very weak, as its liberal wing had grown very moderate and the old Whig families seemed to be withdrawing from active leadership altogether. The alternative to coalition with the Peelites, some kind of agreement with the Radicals as in 1835, was no longer feasible. If an aggravated reprise such as that of the late 1830s was to be avoided, a liberal–conservative coalition — certainly bringing together Robert Peel and Lord John Russell, and possibly roping free-trade Radicals into the bargain — seemed inevitable. This chapter focuses on the last Whig government (lasting from 1846 to 1852), the Condition of England politics, the Condition of Britain politics, the rise and fall of the General Board of Health, and the passing of the Whigs.Less
Viewed from the outside, the prospects for a Whig government did not look good in 1846. The Whig party's will to resist coalition with the Peelites seemed very weak, as its liberal wing had grown very moderate and the old Whig families seemed to be withdrawing from active leadership altogether. The alternative to coalition with the Peelites, some kind of agreement with the Radicals as in 1835, was no longer feasible. If an aggravated reprise such as that of the late 1830s was to be avoided, a liberal–conservative coalition — certainly bringing together Robert Peel and Lord John Russell, and possibly roping free-trade Radicals into the bargain — seemed inevitable. This chapter focuses on the last Whig government (lasting from 1846 to 1852), the Condition of England politics, the Condition of Britain politics, the rise and fall of the General Board of Health, and the passing of the Whigs.
G. R. Searle
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203575
- eISBN:
- 9780191675874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203575.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Entrepreneurial Radicalism ultimately failed in its mission, and Richard Cobden and John Bright lived long enough to discern this melancholy truth. Meanwhile, some historians claim, nothing had come ...
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Entrepreneurial Radicalism ultimately failed in its mission, and Richard Cobden and John Bright lived long enough to discern this melancholy truth. Meanwhile, some historians claim, nothing had come from the attempts of the old Anti-Corn Law League leaders to find the ‘big idea’ that would sustain their campaign against the aristocracy. Financial reform, parliamentary reform, and the freehold purchase movement were all broached — without much success. As for the involvement of Cobden and Bright in the peace movement, this not only lacked popular support but was also repudiated by most of their one-time middle-class followers. Since no other middle-class politicians were prepared to take their place, entrepreneurial politics quickly ran into the sands.Less
Entrepreneurial Radicalism ultimately failed in its mission, and Richard Cobden and John Bright lived long enough to discern this melancholy truth. Meanwhile, some historians claim, nothing had come from the attempts of the old Anti-Corn Law League leaders to find the ‘big idea’ that would sustain their campaign against the aristocracy. Financial reform, parliamentary reform, and the freehold purchase movement were all broached — without much success. As for the involvement of Cobden and Bright in the peace movement, this not only lacked popular support but was also repudiated by most of their one-time middle-class followers. Since no other middle-class politicians were prepared to take their place, entrepreneurial politics quickly ran into the sands.
G. R. Searle
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203575
- eISBN:
- 9780191675874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203575.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The so-called entrepreneurial Radicals of mid-Victorian Britain hoped to reshape the world in the image of the new manufacturing class ‘entrepreneurial politics’. Their main concern was to undermine ...
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The so-called entrepreneurial Radicals of mid-Victorian Britain hoped to reshape the world in the image of the new manufacturing class ‘entrepreneurial politics’. Their main concern was to undermine aristocracy and to create a world in which monopoly would be replaced by competition and merit would take precedence over inherited position. Many members of the Victorian middle class also resented intensely the prevalent assumption that ‘government’ was some arcane mystery best left to a hereditary caste of landowners and higher professionals. Were the entrepreneurial Radicals primarily concerned to further their material interests? What did their beloved laws of political economy really mean? And were they really willing to follow the implications of these ‘laws’ to their logical conclusion? More basically still, to what extent did the needs of ‘capitalism’ coincide with the actual political and economic demands that were being advanced by flesh-and-blood capitalists? And why did so few businessmen force their way to the top in politics? These questions are tackled in the present book.Less
The so-called entrepreneurial Radicals of mid-Victorian Britain hoped to reshape the world in the image of the new manufacturing class ‘entrepreneurial politics’. Their main concern was to undermine aristocracy and to create a world in which monopoly would be replaced by competition and merit would take precedence over inherited position. Many members of the Victorian middle class also resented intensely the prevalent assumption that ‘government’ was some arcane mystery best left to a hereditary caste of landowners and higher professionals. Were the entrepreneurial Radicals primarily concerned to further their material interests? What did their beloved laws of political economy really mean? And were they really willing to follow the implications of these ‘laws’ to their logical conclusion? More basically still, to what extent did the needs of ‘capitalism’ coincide with the actual political and economic demands that were being advanced by flesh-and-blood capitalists? And why did so few businessmen force their way to the top in politics? These questions are tackled in the present book.
G. R. Searle
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203575
- eISBN:
- 9780191675874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203575.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In late 1847, Britain was in the throes of a commercial depression; many banks failed, among them the Royal Bank of Liverpool, which closed its doors in October. In that same month, the government ...
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In late 1847, Britain was in the throes of a commercial depression; many banks failed, among them the Royal Bank of Liverpool, which closed its doors in October. In that same month, the government temporarily suspended the Bank Charter Act. This commercial distress reawakened the militancy of the class-conscious urban Radicals, while the agricultural depression stimulated a pronounced Protectionist revival. To appease restless MPs, the Whig government proposed a revised budget, which renewed income tax for three (rather than five) years and left the existing rates unchanged. This triggered a renewal of the bourgeois revolt, and leagues sprang up all over the place. The middle class launched a series of protests, channeling their anger by forming provincial pressure groups. One such group was the Liverpool Financial Reform Association, which criticized the monarchy and the armed services. This chapter looks at the economy campaign of the LFRA and the budget policies of Benjamin Disraeli and William Gladstone in 1852 and 1853, respectively.Less
In late 1847, Britain was in the throes of a commercial depression; many banks failed, among them the Royal Bank of Liverpool, which closed its doors in October. In that same month, the government temporarily suspended the Bank Charter Act. This commercial distress reawakened the militancy of the class-conscious urban Radicals, while the agricultural depression stimulated a pronounced Protectionist revival. To appease restless MPs, the Whig government proposed a revised budget, which renewed income tax for three (rather than five) years and left the existing rates unchanged. This triggered a renewal of the bourgeois revolt, and leagues sprang up all over the place. The middle class launched a series of protests, channeling their anger by forming provincial pressure groups. One such group was the Liverpool Financial Reform Association, which criticized the monarchy and the armed services. This chapter looks at the economy campaign of the LFRA and the budget policies of Benjamin Disraeli and William Gladstone in 1852 and 1853, respectively.
G. R. Searle
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203575
- eISBN:
- 9780191675874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203575.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
When businessmen in Britain sought to carry out the reforms they believed to be necessary if commerce and industry were to flourish, they often came up against the hostility of an aristocratic ...
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When businessmen in Britain sought to carry out the reforms they believed to be necessary if commerce and industry were to flourish, they often came up against the hostility of an aristocratic legislature unsympathetic to their endeavours. Inevitably, therefore, many urban Radicals were driven to wonder whether limited reforms were worth pursuing at all until such time as the basis of representation had itself been changed. The majority of the middle-class reformers, however, drew back from initiating a campaign for parliamentary reform because they doubted whether so ambitious an objective was at that moment attainable. Some sceptics argued that the success of the Anti-Corn Law League had demonstrated that even an aristocratic-dominated Parliament and government could be successfully pressured when ‘opinion out of doors’ had been mobilized on an issue possessing popular appeal. This chapter examines the debate over parliamentary reform and the events surrounding the Reform Act controversy of 1865–1867.Less
When businessmen in Britain sought to carry out the reforms they believed to be necessary if commerce and industry were to flourish, they often came up against the hostility of an aristocratic legislature unsympathetic to their endeavours. Inevitably, therefore, many urban Radicals were driven to wonder whether limited reforms were worth pursuing at all until such time as the basis of representation had itself been changed. The majority of the middle-class reformers, however, drew back from initiating a campaign for parliamentary reform because they doubted whether so ambitious an objective was at that moment attainable. Some sceptics argued that the success of the Anti-Corn Law League had demonstrated that even an aristocratic-dominated Parliament and government could be successfully pressured when ‘opinion out of doors’ had been mobilized on an issue possessing popular appeal. This chapter examines the debate over parliamentary reform and the events surrounding the Reform Act controversy of 1865–1867.
G. R. Searle
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203575
- eISBN:
- 9780191675874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203575.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
According to Harold Perkin, the 1870 Education Act (along with the 1862 Revised Code) in Britain provided the ideal entrepreneurial education for a docile and permanent labour force. The author of ...
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According to Harold Perkin, the 1870 Education Act (along with the 1862 Revised Code) in Britain provided the ideal entrepreneurial education for a docile and permanent labour force. The author of that Act, W. E. Forster, was a businessman Radical who had recently been highly active in the Chambers of Commerce movement. However, educational historians now generally agree that the main catalyst for the 1870 Act was not economic pressure. More important was the discovery, from a survey of Manchester, that the country was probably less well provided with elementary schools than the ‘experts’ had previously supposed. This chapter explores whether the principles of the entrepreneurial Radicals were capable of being applied to educational problems, voluntaryism and the creation of an educational market, secularism and education, public subsidy for church schools, capitalism as a goal of education, and entrepreneurial Radicals' views on higher education.Less
According to Harold Perkin, the 1870 Education Act (along with the 1862 Revised Code) in Britain provided the ideal entrepreneurial education for a docile and permanent labour force. The author of that Act, W. E. Forster, was a businessman Radical who had recently been highly active in the Chambers of Commerce movement. However, educational historians now generally agree that the main catalyst for the 1870 Act was not economic pressure. More important was the discovery, from a survey of Manchester, that the country was probably less well provided with elementary schools than the ‘experts’ had previously supposed. This chapter explores whether the principles of the entrepreneurial Radicals were capable of being applied to educational problems, voluntaryism and the creation of an educational market, secularism and education, public subsidy for church schools, capitalism as a goal of education, and entrepreneurial Radicals' views on higher education.
G. R. Searle
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203575
- eISBN:
- 9780191675874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203575.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In Britain, all businessmen were necessarily involved, in their day-to-day lives, in handling their work-force, and all would have had strong opinions on trade unionism and factory legislation. ...
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In Britain, all businessmen were necessarily involved, in their day-to-day lives, in handling their work-force, and all would have had strong opinions on trade unionism and factory legislation. During the 1840s and early 1850s at least, most of the entrepreneurial Radicals took an entirely negative stance on both issues. Whereas in nearly all other areas of public life, Radical businessmen were dissatisfied with the status quo and advocated changes, industrial matters most simply wanted to be left alone. Trade unionism and legislative restrictions on the working hours and conditions of factory operatives were seen as unwarranted interference with their rights as employers, to be resisted accordingly. In fending off all external encroachments on their business practices, employers were motivated in varying proportions by self-interest, class pride, and a theoretical commitment to the ‘laws’ of political economy. Yet, despite the obduracy of many employers, others became more relaxed in their attitudes towards both trade unionism and factory legislation.Less
In Britain, all businessmen were necessarily involved, in their day-to-day lives, in handling their work-force, and all would have had strong opinions on trade unionism and factory legislation. During the 1840s and early 1850s at least, most of the entrepreneurial Radicals took an entirely negative stance on both issues. Whereas in nearly all other areas of public life, Radical businessmen were dissatisfied with the status quo and advocated changes, industrial matters most simply wanted to be left alone. Trade unionism and legislative restrictions on the working hours and conditions of factory operatives were seen as unwarranted interference with their rights as employers, to be resisted accordingly. In fending off all external encroachments on their business practices, employers were motivated in varying proportions by self-interest, class pride, and a theoretical commitment to the ‘laws’ of political economy. Yet, despite the obduracy of many employers, others became more relaxed in their attitudes towards both trade unionism and factory legislation.
Dave Beck and Rod Purcell
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781847429773
- eISBN:
- 9781447310884
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847429773.003.0001
- Subject:
- Social Work, Communities and Organizations
This chapter explores and analyses the roots of community organising. It discusses the contribution of Saul Alinsky and the development of the Industrial Areas Foundation. Reference is made to the ...
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This chapter explores and analyses the roots of community organising. It discusses the contribution of Saul Alinsky and the development of the Industrial Areas Foundation. Reference is made to the key early community organising texts: Rules for Radicals and Reveille for Radicals.Less
This chapter explores and analyses the roots of community organising. It discusses the contribution of Saul Alinsky and the development of the Industrial Areas Foundation. Reference is made to the key early community organising texts: Rules for Radicals and Reveille for Radicals.
Frank M. Turner
Richard A. Lofthouse (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780300207293
- eISBN:
- 9780300212914
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300207293.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy
This chapter begins with a brief discussion of James Mill, a major political radical of early nineteenth-century British politics and a pioneer of Philosophic Radicalism which was, unlike many other ...
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This chapter begins with a brief discussion of James Mill, a major political radical of early nineteenth-century British politics and a pioneer of Philosophic Radicalism which was, unlike many other forms of British radicalism, formally informed by a more or less coherent set of ideas, including the philosophy of Bentham, the psychology of David Hartley, the economics of David Ricardo, and the population theory of Thomas Malthus. However, it was in the third generation that Philosophic Radicalism may be said to have gained entry into English public life. This generation included James's son John Stuart Mill. The chapter goes on to describe J. S. Mill's education and depression, and the clash between his ideas and those of fellow liberal Tocqueville.Less
This chapter begins with a brief discussion of James Mill, a major political radical of early nineteenth-century British politics and a pioneer of Philosophic Radicalism which was, unlike many other forms of British radicalism, formally informed by a more or less coherent set of ideas, including the philosophy of Bentham, the psychology of David Hartley, the economics of David Ricardo, and the population theory of Thomas Malthus. However, it was in the third generation that Philosophic Radicalism may be said to have gained entry into English public life. This generation included James's son John Stuart Mill. The chapter goes on to describe J. S. Mill's education and depression, and the clash between his ideas and those of fellow liberal Tocqueville.
Nikki M. Taylor
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780813140773
- eISBN:
- 9780813141428
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813140773.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
America’s First Black Socialist: The Radical Life of Peter H. Clark is a political and intellectual biography of one of the foremost activists, intellectuals, orators, and politicians in 19th century ...
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America’s First Black Socialist: The Radical Life of Peter H. Clark is a political and intellectual biography of one of the foremost activists, intellectuals, orators, and politicians in 19th century African-American history whose life is a testament to the black radical intellectual and political traditions. As a black radical intellectual, Peter H. Clark (1829-1925) used education, oratory, and editorials to confront the American conscience, critique the hypocrisies in the national discourse, and articulate a radical, more inclusive, democratic, and egalitarian vision of America. As a pioneer of the black radical political tradition, he used radical political ideas to forge a path to full and equal citizenship for his people. He embraced everything from radical abolitionism to revolutionary armed violence to socialism. As the first known black socialist, Clark was just one of a few native-born American leaders in a movement dominated by German immigrants. He became one of the most influential of the American socialists and his socialist lectures between 1876 and 1879 stand as the foundation of early black socialist thought. Although he never held a formal political position, Clark proved to be an astute politician who used both parties as tools to get what he wanted for African Americans and himself: political power. He exerted great influence on legislators, Ohio governors, Presidents, and Supreme Court Justices-- all of whom knew him personally and sought his help in courting the African-American vote. In his quest for power, he employed every strategy imaginable, including critiquing his party from within, joining factional and third parties, playing machine politics, advocating political realignment and political independence, and bribery. This book ultimately chronicles the rise and fall of a man who became corrupted by an unrelenting quest for political power.Less
America’s First Black Socialist: The Radical Life of Peter H. Clark is a political and intellectual biography of one of the foremost activists, intellectuals, orators, and politicians in 19th century African-American history whose life is a testament to the black radical intellectual and political traditions. As a black radical intellectual, Peter H. Clark (1829-1925) used education, oratory, and editorials to confront the American conscience, critique the hypocrisies in the national discourse, and articulate a radical, more inclusive, democratic, and egalitarian vision of America. As a pioneer of the black radical political tradition, he used radical political ideas to forge a path to full and equal citizenship for his people. He embraced everything from radical abolitionism to revolutionary armed violence to socialism. As the first known black socialist, Clark was just one of a few native-born American leaders in a movement dominated by German immigrants. He became one of the most influential of the American socialists and his socialist lectures between 1876 and 1879 stand as the foundation of early black socialist thought. Although he never held a formal political position, Clark proved to be an astute politician who used both parties as tools to get what he wanted for African Americans and himself: political power. He exerted great influence on legislators, Ohio governors, Presidents, and Supreme Court Justices-- all of whom knew him personally and sought his help in courting the African-American vote. In his quest for power, he employed every strategy imaginable, including critiquing his party from within, joining factional and third parties, playing machine politics, advocating political realignment and political independence, and bribery. This book ultimately chronicles the rise and fall of a man who became corrupted by an unrelenting quest for political power.
Ryu Susato
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780748699803
- eISBN:
- 9781474416207
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748699803.003.0008
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy
This chapter deals with the reception of Hume in the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century. The subject of the contemporary and early nineteenth century receptions of Hume’s writings has ...
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This chapter deals with the reception of Hume in the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century. The subject of the contemporary and early nineteenth century receptions of Hume’s writings has already been addressed by James Fieser’s series of Early Responses to Hume. The problematic issue of the relationship between Hume as a philosopher and historian, however, is insufficiently addressed. The lack of a sustained analysis of the relationship between Hume’s philosophy and politics might be the result of the continued influence exerted by John Stuart Mill’s evaluation that Hume’s philosophical scepticism leads him to political conservatism. Through detailed analysis of British pamphlets and periodicals (such as The Edinburgh Review, The Quarterly Review, and The Annual Register) published at the turn of the eighteenth century, this chapter argues that Mill’s evaluation was not widely accepted among the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century writers and reviewers. Some radicals (Mary Wollstonecraft, Jeremy Bentham, the young James Mackintosh) left positive comments regarding Hume’s supposed liberal and anti-religious attitude in his History. Interestingly, some Romantics such as Coleridge suspected that Hume, as ‘infidel’ writer, was responsible for the French Revolution along with the philosophes.Less
This chapter deals with the reception of Hume in the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century. The subject of the contemporary and early nineteenth century receptions of Hume’s writings has already been addressed by James Fieser’s series of Early Responses to Hume. The problematic issue of the relationship between Hume as a philosopher and historian, however, is insufficiently addressed. The lack of a sustained analysis of the relationship between Hume’s philosophy and politics might be the result of the continued influence exerted by John Stuart Mill’s evaluation that Hume’s philosophical scepticism leads him to political conservatism. Through detailed analysis of British pamphlets and periodicals (such as The Edinburgh Review, The Quarterly Review, and The Annual Register) published at the turn of the eighteenth century, this chapter argues that Mill’s evaluation was not widely accepted among the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century writers and reviewers. Some radicals (Mary Wollstonecraft, Jeremy Bentham, the young James Mackintosh) left positive comments regarding Hume’s supposed liberal and anti-religious attitude in his History. Interestingly, some Romantics such as Coleridge suspected that Hume, as ‘infidel’ writer, was responsible for the French Revolution along with the philosophes.
Atle L. Wold
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781474403313
- eISBN:
- 9781474415965
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9781474403313.003.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Scottish Studies
This book aims to cover two main gaps in the research on Scotland in the 1790s: While much work has been done on radicalism, comparatively less work has been carried out on loyalism, and no work has ...
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This book aims to cover two main gaps in the research on Scotland in the 1790s: While much work has been done on radicalism, comparatively less work has been carried out on loyalism, and no work has been published focusing specifically on the government’s supporters in Scotland – the loyalists. This book does that. Second, while considerable work has been carried out on individual issues such as popular disturbances, military recruitment or the prosecution of radicals before the law courts, a publication taking a more comprehensive approach has so far been missing. Again, this book aims to address the question of Scotland’s role in the 1790s in a broader sense, looking at, precisely, political trials, military recruitment, financial contributions, and loyalism.Less
This book aims to cover two main gaps in the research on Scotland in the 1790s: While much work has been done on radicalism, comparatively less work has been carried out on loyalism, and no work has been published focusing specifically on the government’s supporters in Scotland – the loyalists. This book does that. Second, while considerable work has been carried out on individual issues such as popular disturbances, military recruitment or the prosecution of radicals before the law courts, a publication taking a more comprehensive approach has so far been missing. Again, this book aims to address the question of Scotland’s role in the 1790s in a broader sense, looking at, precisely, political trials, military recruitment, financial contributions, and loyalism.
William Marvel
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469622491
- eISBN:
- 9781469623313
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469622491.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter examines the problems that beset the Lincoln administration at the height of the Civil War. Edwin M. Stanton chose the man who would help him smash the coterie of Major General George B. ...
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This chapter examines the problems that beset the Lincoln administration at the height of the Civil War. Edwin M. Stanton chose the man who would help him smash the coterie of Major General George B. McClellan: Joseph Holt, who would assume the post of judge advocate general. Because of their close association during the rest of the war, it bears noting that Holt could be just as duplicitous as Stanton. The rest of this chapter discusses McClellan's battle with Robert E. Lee's rear guard at South Mountain, Maryland; Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation; the losses suffered by Northerners in the war against the South; speculations about the relations between Lincoln and Stanton; the conflict between Radicals and conservatives; the desertion and mutiny within the ranks of the Army of the Potomac; and Stanton's lobbying for a more comprehensive draft law to compensate for the attrition in the Northern armies.Less
This chapter examines the problems that beset the Lincoln administration at the height of the Civil War. Edwin M. Stanton chose the man who would help him smash the coterie of Major General George B. McClellan: Joseph Holt, who would assume the post of judge advocate general. Because of their close association during the rest of the war, it bears noting that Holt could be just as duplicitous as Stanton. The rest of this chapter discusses McClellan's battle with Robert E. Lee's rear guard at South Mountain, Maryland; Abraham Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation; the losses suffered by Northerners in the war against the South; speculations about the relations between Lincoln and Stanton; the conflict between Radicals and conservatives; the desertion and mutiny within the ranks of the Army of the Potomac; and Stanton's lobbying for a more comprehensive draft law to compensate for the attrition in the Northern armies.
William Marvel
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781469622491
- eISBN:
- 9781469623313
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469622491.003.0016
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter examines Edwin M. Stanton's efforts to implicate Confederate officials—and to demonize the entire South—in the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln in 1865. The military trial ...
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This chapter examines Edwin M. Stanton's efforts to implicate Confederate officials—and to demonize the entire South—in the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln in 1865. The military trial resumed immediately after the grand review. When each of the witnesses had testified satisfactorily, Stanton or Joseph Holt would recommend their release and pardon. All eight of the defendants were convicted. The rest of this chapter discusses the clemency petition for the accused; Stanton's order to have the homes of prominent Confederates searched for evidence against the officials he and Holt were trying to implicate in the Lincoln assassination; the trial of Henry Wirz; the Radicals' dispute with President Andrew Johnson over black suffrage; and Johnson's veto of the Freedmen's Bureau bill.Less
This chapter examines Edwin M. Stanton's efforts to implicate Confederate officials—and to demonize the entire South—in the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln in 1865. The military trial resumed immediately after the grand review. When each of the witnesses had testified satisfactorily, Stanton or Joseph Holt would recommend their release and pardon. All eight of the defendants were convicted. The rest of this chapter discusses the clemency petition for the accused; Stanton's order to have the homes of prominent Confederates searched for evidence against the officials he and Holt were trying to implicate in the Lincoln assassination; the trial of Henry Wirz; the Radicals' dispute with President Andrew Johnson over black suffrage; and Johnson's veto of the Freedmen's Bureau bill.
